UNIVERSITY    OF    NORTH    CAROLINA 


Pleose  keep  this  cc 
book  pocket 


11 


38 

is  A 

r:i? 
r  i.« 


Li      i 


CJ  S 
c»  ^ 

CC  S 

ij ::  s 


THE  LIBRARY  OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY  OF 

NORTH  CAROLINA 


ENDOWED  BY  THE 

DIALECTIC  AND  PHILANTHROPIC 

SOCIETIES 


J321 
.W87 


UNIVERSITY  OF  N.C.  AT  CHAPEL  HILL 

IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIHII 


00018424224 


This  book  is  due  at  the  LOUIS  R.  WILSON  LIBRARY  on  the 
last  date  stamped  under  "Date  Due."  If  not  on  hold  it  may  be 
renewed  by  bringing  it  to  the  Hbrary. 

DATE                    ppT^ 
DUE                       **^^ 

DATE 

DUE                       **^* 

1 

1 

form  No.  513 

\ 


Digitized  by  tine  Internet  Arciiive 

in  2011  witii  funding  from 

University  of  Nortii  Carolina  at  Chapel  Hil 


http://www.archive.org/details/suppressedhistorwood 


THE 

SUPPRESSED  HISTORY 
ADMINISTIUTION  OF  JOHN  ADAMS, 

(FROM  1797  TO  1801,) 
AS  PRINTED  AND  SUPPRESSED  IN  1802. 

BY  JOHN  WOOD, 

Author  of  "  The  History  of  Switzerland,"  &c. 
NOW    REPUBLISHED    WITH 

NOTES,  AND  AN  APPENDIX, 

BY  JOHN  HENRY  SHERBURNE, 

Author  of  "  The  Life  and  Character  of  Paul  Jones,"  "  Naval  Sketches,"  "  Etiquette," 
"  Pencillings  Abroad,"  &c.  &c. 


PHILADELPHIA: 

PUBLISHED   FOR   THE   EDITOR. 

1846. 


Entered,  according  to  the  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1845,  by 

JOHN  HENRY  SHERBURNE, 

In  the  office  of  the  Clerk  of  the  District  Court  of  the  United  States  in  and 
for  the  Eastern  District  of  Pennsylvania. 


B.   M.    DUSENBERY,   STEREOTYPER. 


CONTENTS. 


Introduction  by  the  Editor 


CHAPTER  I. 

Introductory  Remarks — Biography  of  President  John  Adams 
— Review  of  his  Political  Tenets — Causes  of  his  election      25 


CHAPTER  n. 

Speech  of  President  Adams — Speech  of  Thomas  Jefferson — 
Remarks — British  Piracy — Mr.  Monroe's  Embassy  -     33 

CHAPTER  HI. 

Speech  of  President  Adams — Answer  from  the  House  of 
Representatives — Proceedings  of  Congress  -        -         61 

CHAPTER  IV. 

Remarks  on  the  Meeting  of  Congress — History  of  the  Al- 
gerine  Treaty — Blount's  Conspiracy  Investigated — British 
Piracy  _-----_-         81 

CHAPTER  V. 

Speech  of  President  Adams — Address  from  the  Senate — 
Blount's  Conspiracy — Quarrel  between  Mr.  Lyon  and 
Mr.  Griswold — Instances  of  a  similar  nature  in  the  Par- 

(3) 


IV  CONTENTS. 


Page 


liament  of  Scotland — The  House  of  Commons  in  Eng- 
land, and  the  Senate  of  Lucerne  in  Switzerland — Com- 
munication of  President  Adams  relative  to  the  negotiation 
with  France — Acts  passed  by  Congress         -        -        -     97 

CHAPTER  VI. 

Reflections  on  the  Conduct  of  President  Adams — Dismissal 
of  Mr.  Gardner  of  New  Hampshire — Spies  encouraged — 
Anecdote  of  the  spy  Oram — Treatment  of  General  Sump- 
ter  of  South  Carolina,  at  the  New  Circus,  Philadelphia — 
Federal  mob  on  the  9th  of  May,  1798 — Dismission  of  Dr. 
James  Reynolds  from  the  Dispensary  at  Philadelphia — 
Persecution  by  the  Dunkards — Federal  Addresses — Vanity 
of  President  Adams — Remarks  of  Mr.  Callender  on  the 
President's  answer  to  the  New  Jersey  Militia — Procession 
of  President  Adams  from  Quincy  to  Boston — Bostonian 
Honours — Reception  given  to  President  Adams  at  Faneuil 
Hall — Characters  of  the  Senators  and  Members  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  -         -        -         -        -       124 

CHAPTER  Vn. 

Observations  upon  the  Alien  and  Sedition  Bills — Arrest  of 
Dr.  Smith  and  Mr.  Burk — Origin  of  Dr.  Smith's  acquaint- 
ance with  President  Adams — Trial  of  Colonel  Matthew 
Lyon — Barbarous  Treatment  towards  French  Prisoners — 
Case  of  Joseph  Ball  and  others  -         -         -         -       160 

CHAPTER  Vin. 

Meeting  of  Congress — Speech  of  President  Adams — Re- 
marks— Impeachment  of  Blount — Gerry's  Despatches — 
Story  of  the  Female  Spy  and  her  tubs  of  Seditious  Papers 
— Acts  passed  by  Congress  -         -        -         -        -    171 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  IX. 


Page 


Dr.  Logan — Capture  of  L'Insurgente — Murder  of  Neale 
Harvey — Trial  of  Dr.  Reynolds — William  Duane  and 
others — Attack  upon  the  Aurora  office — Case  of  Ebenezer 
Giles 191 


CHAPTER  X. 

Trial  of  John  Fries  for  Hig-h  Treason  -         -        -  199 


CHAPTER  XI. 

Trials  of  Jonathan  Robbins,  Isaac  Williams,  and  William 
Frothingham.         -         -        -         -         -        -         -212 

CHAPTER  XII. 

Remarks  upon  an  Aristocratical  Form  of  Government — The 
administration  of  President  Adams  compared  to  an  Aris- 
tocracy— Quarrel  at  Trenton  between  Mr.  Adams  and  his 
Cabinet — Alexander  Hamilton's  Letter  respecting  their 
difference — Appointment  of  an  embassy  to  France — Cha- 
racters of  the  Envoys — Anecdotes  of  President  Adams  and 
Dr.  Franklin — President  Adams'  jealousy  and  dislike  to 
Dr.  Franklin — President  Adams  endeavours  to  calumniate 
Dr.  Franklin — Memoirs  of  Alexander  Hamilton  -       222 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

Meeting  of  the  Sixth  Congress — President  Adams's  Speech 
— Death  of  General  Washington — Proceedings  of  Con- 
gress— John  Randolph  insulted  at  the  Theatre,  Philadel- 
phia— Acts  passed  by  Congress  _         -         _         _       238 
1* 


fl  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

Page 

Remarks  on  the  Constitution  of  Connecticut — Trials  of 
Cooper,  Fries,  Callender,  and  Holt — General  Observa- 
tions ________         254 

CHAPTER  XV. 

Lives  and  Characters  of  Thomas  Jefferson,  Aaron  Burr,  and 
Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney  -         _         _         _         287 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

Meeting  of  Congress — President  Adams's  Speech — French 
Treaty — Proceedings  of  the  House  of  Representatives — 
Anecdote  of  Mr.  Adams — ^Election  of  the  President  and 
Vice-President — Observations  on  the  Dismission  of  Timo- 
thy Pickering  and  McHenry — Conclusion         -         -         311 

Appendix         _______  _       337 


INTRODUCTION. 


As  it  is  in  the  revolution  of  empires  when  truly 
great  men  make  themselves  known,  so  it  may  be 
amid  the  turbulent  strife  that  at  times  agitates  the 
political,  world — when  a  people  tired,  and  borne 
away  by  a  ruthless  intriguing  faction,  to  save  them- 
selves from  ruin,  make  a  bold,  determined  stand  in 
vindication  of  their  sacred  rights,  and  in  defence  of 
their  liberties — it  is  when  such  powerful  sentiments 
animate  the  hearts  of  a  people  born  to  be  free,  and 
truly  enlightened  vicAvs  direct  them  to  the  easy  at- 
tainment of  benefits  calculated  to  secure  their  free- 
dom, happiness,  and  future  prosperity,  that  their 
inmost  souls  expand,  their  mental  faculties  assume 
their  natural  proportion  and  energy,  and,  in  defiance, 
come  forth  determined  to  assert  those  rights  so  im- 
portant and  essential  to  their  welfare,  and  call  to 
their  aid  those  whom  they  are  convinced  will  save 
them  and  their  devoted  country  from  anarchy,  dis- 
solution, and  lasting  disgrace. 

(7) 


8  INTRODUCTION. 

The  Constitution  was,  in  the  early  period  of  this 
Republic  (as  it  now  is)  the  pole-star  on  which  all 
eyes  were  intently  fixed,  the  majority  of  the  people 
believing  that  as  a  Washington  in  the  days  that 
tried  men's  souls,  through  the  aid  of  Divine  Provi- 
dence made  them  free  and  independent,  a  Jefferson 
through  the  assistance  of  the  same  All-Wise  Being 
should  again  be  the  means  of  more  closely  uniting 
the  bonds  of  the  Union  by  a  link  still  stronger — irre- 
sistible to  a  faction,  who,  for  their  own  aggrandize- 
ment, were  willing  to  see  the  Constitution  trampled 
under  foot,  and  hurled  from  the  Legislative  halls. 

At  this  momentous  period,  a  still  small  voice  was 
heard  from  the  silent  tomb  of  the  father  of  his 
country,  which  was  loudly  responded  to,  and  aroused 
the  people  to  adhere  to  those  principles  which 
inspired  their  patriotic  sires  in  1776,  and  with  a 
spirit  and  power  as  irresistible  as  governed  them, 
and  bid  them  onward,  did  they  once  more  triumph, 
and  place  a  true  patriot  son  of  Virginia,  a  Jefiferson, 
to  preside  over  the  destinies  of  the  Republic,  which 
an  aristocratical  faction  had  endeavoured  to  over- 
throw by  tyranny,  oppression,  and  the  restriction  of 
opinion.  Virginia  spoke — her  voice  was  echoed 
and  re-echoed  by  the  hills  of  New  England,  the  an- 
swering shores  of  Georgia,  and  the  reverberating 
cliffs  of  the  Alleghanies,  until  every  freeman  awoke 


INTRODUCTION.  9 

at  the  summons,  and  came  forth  with  shield  and 
spear,  and  the  stirring  war-cry  of  "  A  Jefferson  to 
the  rescue — Liberty  and  Unions 

It  must  be  admitted  by  every  impartial  and  un- 
prejudiced mind,  whether  one  of  the  old  federal 
school  of  1798,  a  federal  whig  of  1841,  or  a  repub- 
lican of  the  Jeffersonian  school,  that  the  letter  pub- 
lished in  the  work  from  the  late  Governor  John 
Langdon  of  New  Hampshire,  (uncle  of  the  editor,) 
who  was  called  the  Washington  of  the  Granite  state, 
to  Senator  Samuel  Ringgold  of  Maryland,  must  have 
had  the  effect  of  hnking  together,  with  hooks  of 
steel,  the  Republican  party  from  1801  until  1825, 
when  by  bargain  and  deep  intrigue  in  the  halls  of 
Congress,  General  Jackson  was  excluded  from  the 
high  office  to  which  the  wishes  of  the  people  had 
destined  him.  This  had  the  effect  of  again  rousing 
the  Republican  party  to  action;  and,  in  1829,  Gene- 
ral Jackson  was  inaugurated  President  of  the  United 
States,  and,  full  of  zeal  for  the  welfare  of  the  people, 
planned  a  crusade  against  bank  monopoly — over- 
throwing the  monster  as  his  prowess  overthrew  the 
invading  British  army  at  New  Orleans. 

The  reader  will  doubtless  be  curious  to  know  in 
what  manner,  after  a  lapse  of  nearly  half  a  century, 
a  copy  of  the  suppressed  work,  now  re-printed,  came 
into  the  possession  of  the  editor,  who  has  no  hesi- 


10 


INTRODUCTION. 


tation  in  briefly  explaining  the  source  whence  he 
obtained  it,  and  other  matters  relating  to  its  publi- 
cation and  suppression  in  1802,  and  the  cause  of 
his  reprinting  it  at  the  present  calm  period  after  the 
great  pohtical  storm  which  so  recently  passed  over 
our  happy  and  growing  republic. 

The  suppressed  copy  of  "  Adamses  Administra- 
tion^'''' now  in  the  possession  of  the  editor,  was  pre- 
sented to  his  father,  (the  late  Judge  Sherburne  of 
the  United  States  District  Court  for  the  District  of 
New  Hampshire,)  by  his  old  friend  and  correspon- 
dent, the  late  Thomas  Jefferson,  then  President  of 
the  United  States.  The  editor  in  arranging  the  ex- 
tensive library  of  his  late  father,  found  the  work, 
and  after  an  attentive  perusal,  while  on  a  visit  to 
New  York  in  1840,  submitted  it  to  a  literary  friend 
asking  his  advice  with  respect  to  printing  it  anew. 
This  friend  although  averse  to  what  is  called  repub- 
lican principles,  advised  its  republication,  and  intro- 
duced the  editor  to  one  of  the  most  extensive  pub- 
lishing houses  in  New  York.  The  publishers,  who 
were  of  the  same  politics  as  the  literary  gentleman 
above  referred  to,  after  three  days  consideration, 
and  consulting  the  editor  of  a  leading  political 
paper,  also  of  the  same  creed  in  politics,  agreed  to 
republish  it  on  certain  terms,  provided  the  consent 


INTRODUCTION.  11 

of  Ex-President  John  Quincy  Adams  could  be  ob- 
tained. 

The  editor  soon  after  was  compelled  to  relinquish 
his  project  by  unexpectedly  having  business  which 
took  him  to  Europe.  Subsequent  duties  undertaken 
for  the  government  in  relation  to  the  removal  of 
some  of  the  Indian  tribes,  have  occasioned  the  re- 
printing and  editing  of  the  work  to  be  deferred  till 
the  present  day. 

It  was  during  the  editor's  visit  at  New  York  in 
the  fall  of  1840,  that  he  was  informed  why  and 
wherefore  this  book  was  ever  suppressed  j  while  the 
work  was  in  press,  but  one  individual,  a  renowned 
political  star  of  that  day,  had  access  to  the  office  ; 
and  the  room  having  but  one  door  of  entrance,  was 
so  closely  watched  as  to  prevent  any  one  from  en- 
tering or  departing  without  being  observed.  This 
political  star^  with  others,  was  in  the  habit  of  visit- 
ing a  certain  lady  conspicuous  at  that  period  for 
her  deep  political  intrigue,  with  a  mind,  however, 
far  more  exalted,  and  possessing  far  more  acute- 
ness,  in  finding  out  what  was  in  agitation  among 
the  intriguing  politicians.  This  political  star  was 
in  the  habit  also  of  imparting  to  this  lady  all  that 
transpired  from  day  to  day  not  only  in  the  pohtical 
but  the  fashionable  world. — One  evening  this  gen- 
tleman on  a  visit  to  the  lady's  house  appeared  buried 


12  INTRODUCTION. 

more  deeply  in  thought  than  usual,  as  if  something 
weighed  heavily  on  his  great  mind,  which  the  lady 
observing,  with  all  her  usual  tact,  ordered  the  tray, 
with  a  variety  of  choice  wines,  &;c.,  which  she  in- 
variably found  had  the  desired  effect  of  gaining  the 
secrets,  plots,  and  counterplots  from  high  function- 
aries. She  was  not  disappointed  in  her  scheme ;  the 
mind  of  the  great  man  was  relieved,  and  the  import- 
ant secret  disclosed  in  strict  confidence^  with  a  promise 
of  the  perusal  of  the  printed  sheets  as  they  came 
from  the  press.  The  lady  not  only  perused^  but  sub- 
mitted them  from  time  to  time  in  confidence  to  the 
lynx  eye  oi another  political  luminary,  whose  name  ap- 
pearing in  no  enviable  point  of  view  at  that  juncture, 
caused  the  mighty  genius  some  alarm  at  the  part  lie 
was  to  play  in  ihePolitical  Drama^  and  he  at  once  re- 
solved the  work  should  not  be  made  pubhc  if  money, 
could  prevent  it,  with  the  good  will  of  the  author.  Ac- 
cordingly, consulting  with  two  of  his  confiding  po- 
litical friends  residing  in  New  York,  one  now  no 
more,  the  other  still  living  in  the  same  city  in  good 
health,  (and  as  deep  in  the  affairs  of  the  nation  as 
in  days  of  yore,)  he  privately  commissioned  them 
to  endeavour  to  purchase  the  whole  edition.  Over- 
tures were  made  for  that  purpose  in  private  to  the 
author,  and  after  several  secret  meetings  the  pur- 


INTRODUCTION.  '  13 

chase  was  completed  for  a  certain  sum,  the  copies 
to  be  counted,  and  immediately  consumed. 

Although  the  two  friends  of  the  gentleman,  and 
the  publisher,  were  oni}^  present  at  the  time  of  the 
great  conflagration.,  some  few  copies  escaped  the 
flames,  and  it  is  said,  were  privately  sold  to  certain 
individuals,  and  by  them  sent  to  their  political 
friends  at  a  distance. 

It  was  supposed  at  the  time,  that  it  was  through 
the  influence  of  a  certain  lady  known  to  Colonel 
Burr  and  General  Hamilton,  that  the  few  copies 
were  saved  and  distributed  ;  and  that  she  received 
a  certain  sum  for  her  agency  in  the  matter ;  and 
this  was  the  commencement  of  hostilities  between 
those  two  political  aspirants,  which  resulted  in  the 
fatal  duel  at  Hoboken,  the  particulars  of  which  are 
well  known  in  the  history  of  those  times. 

This  work  will,  in  a  measure,  prove  that  federal- 
ism in  1798,  and  modern  whiggery,  are  one  and  the 
same  family ;  that  the  principles  which  governed 
the  party  in  1798,  and  were  carried  out  at  that  mo- 
mentous period,  were  attempted  by  the  party  in 
1841.  For  being  elated  at  their  unexpected  success, 
plans  were  matured  for  an  unmerciful  crusade 
against  their  opponents,  and  would  have  been  car- 
ried fully  into  effect,  if  the  wishes  of  the  leaders  of 
2  •  .    •     • 


14  INTRODUCTION. 

the  party,  and  of  President  Harrison's  cabinet,  had 
prevailed.  The  President  himself  was,  to  the 
knowledge  of  the  editor,  positively  opposed  to  this 
general  proscription.  Whether  he  would  have 
finally  yielded  to  the  pressure  which  he  painfully 
sustained  for  a  month,  cannot  now  be  known ;  for 
the  hand  of  an  All- Wise  Being  relieved  him  from 
his  great  anxiety,  by  calling  him  to  another  and  a 
-  better  world,  which  destroyed  the  nefarious  mea- 
sures of  his  cabinet,  and  their  friends.  This  alone 
saved  the  mandate  from  being  carried  out  to  its  full 
and  contemplated  extent,  of  thrusting  instanter  from 
office  all  who  were  denounced  as  having  in  their 
veins  a  sprinkling  of  democratic  blood ;  thus  carry- 
ing out  a  principle  laid  down  by  Mr.  Adams,  never 
to  trust  a  vulgar  democrat  to  any  office  of  responsi- 
bility or  patronage ;  for  the  reason,  as  he  once 
wrote,  that  "  if  a  family  which  has  been  high  in 
office  and  splendid  in  wealth,  falls  into  decay  from 
profligacy,  folly,  vice,  or  misfortune,  they  generally 
turn  democrats,  and  court  the  lowest  of  the  people 
with  an  ardour,  an  art,  a  skill,  and  consequently 
with  a  success,  which  no  vulgar  democrat  can  at- 
tain." (See  Appendix.)  Mr.  Adams  in  carrying  out 
this  principle,  that  no  democrat  should  be  trusted 
with  office,  thrust  from  an  exalted  and  important 
station,  a  near  connexion  of  the  editor,  whose  only 
fault  was  in  being  an  honest,  upright  republican  of 


INTRODUCTION.  ■ '  15 

the  Jeffersonian  school.  Mr.  Jefferson,  on  coming 
into  power,  caused  him  to  be  reinstated. 

It  appears,  throughout  Mr.  Adams's  administra- 
tion, that  his  imagination  was  disturbed  by  the 
gohl'in  of  Democracy.  The  same  uneasy  ambition 
which  characterized  him  in  pubhc,  pursued  him  even 
to  his  retreat.  Envy  and  jealousy  seemed  to  have 
burned  in  his  bosom,  and  he  conceived  the  Hercu- 
lean project  of  prostrating  the  reputation  of  Mr.  Jef- 
ferson, and  of  raising  himself  and  his  family  on  the 
ruins  of  democracy.  Yet,  amid  all  this  confusion 
and  war  of  elements,  Mr.  Jefferson  stood,  hke  At- 
las, upon  a  broad  and  immoveable  basis,  with  his 
head  in  clear  sunshine,  above  the  lowering  clouds. 
The  principles  of  the  Constitution  went  into  com- 
plete and  harmonious  operation,  and  the  resources 
of  the  country  were  developed,  to  the  credit  of  this 
country,  and  to  the  admiration  of  the  whole  Christian 
world. 

The  people  flocked  to  the  republican  standard, 
and  the  result  of  the  second  election  of  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son demonstrated,  that  pure  republican  principles 
had  taken  deep  root  in  their  affection.  They  could 
not  be  overthrown. 

By  retirement  after  the  revolution  Mr.  Adams 
might  have  preserved  a  rank  in  that  luminous  galaxy 
of  heroes  and  statesmen  who  so  gallantly  achieved 
our  independence;  but  his  ambitious  mind   sought 


16  INTRODUCTION. 

eagerly  for  power — he  obtained  it ;  his  abuse  of  it, 
under  the  advice  of  intriguing  pohtical  aspirants, 
caused  his  downfall,  like  other  ambitious  leaders  who 
have  risen,  flourished,  and  fallen — proving  that  this 
inordinate  and  unprincipled  thirst  for  power  in  a  re- 
public on  the  part  of  a  "  few  at  the  expense  of  the 
many,"  has  always  been  the  inveterate  bane  of  li- 
berty— the  semen  dissolutionis  of  political  communi- 
ties. That  although  men  are,  by  nature,  free  and 
equal,  yet,  there  is  among  them,  a  perpetual  ten- 
dency to  inequality.  Society  is  constantly  diverging 
into  the  extremes  of  affluence  and  power  on  the  one 
hand,  and  penury  and  weakness  on  the  other.  The 
history  of  nations  is  little  else  than  the  history  of 
individuals,  the  existence  and  prosperity  of  the  one 
depending  in  a  measure  upon  the  purity,  patriotism, 
and  public  spirit  of  the  other. 

By  a  constant  recurrence  to  first  principles,  and  an 
unceasing  inspection  and  scrutiny  into  the  conduct 
and  characters  of  our  distinguished  men,  we  may 
hope  still  to  preserve  our  rights,  and  perpetuate 
them  to  all  future  generations.  However  elevated 
his  rank,  powerful  his  connexions,  or  unlimited  his 
hold  upon  the  estimation  and  confidence  of  his  coun- 
trymen, we  shall  not  shrink  from  summoning  the  de> 
linquent  to  that  tribunal,  from  which  there  is  no 
appeal — to  the  tribunal  of  Public  Opinion. 

The  Editor. 


HISTORY 

OF 

THE   ADMINISTRATION 

OF 

JOHN  ADAMS. 

CHAPTER  I. 

hitrodudory  Remarks — Biography  of  Mr.  Adams — Review 
of  his  Political  Tends — Causes  of  his  Eledion. 

The  United  States  of  America  enjoyed,  under  the  admi- 
nistration of  the  ilhistrious  Washington,  all  those  advantages 
which  result  from  the  prudent  policy  of  a  virtuous  magistrate. 
The  peaceful  system  which  he  pursued,  repaired,  in  a  great 
measure,  the  injuries  sustained  by  a  long  and  expensive  civil 
war.  His  interests  and  passions  were  the  same  as  those  of  the 
people,  and  a  constant  communication  of  good  offices  kept 
alive  their  attachments.  During  the  first  four  years  of  the 
present  confederacy,  the  second  station  of  executive  public 
employment,  and  all  of  the  third  grade,  remained  in  the  same 
hands ;  nor  did  any  changes  take  place  in  the  more  subordinate, 
but  from  voluntary  resignation  and  death.  The  public  debt 
decreased  in  a  much  greater  proportion  than  ever  was  known 
to  take  place  in  the  same  period  in  any  nation  of  the  world 
— the  expenses  of  government  were  also  much  less,  in  propor- 
tion to  wealth  and  numbers,  than  those  of  any  kingdom  in 
Europe.  Affairs  remained  in  this  prosperous  state  until  the 
conclusion  of  Jay's  treaty,  which  the  growing  propensity  for 
commerce  and  interest  had  effected.  Then,  for  the  first  time, 
those  generous  maxims  of  liberty  which  had  established  our 

^3  ^  (25) 


26  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

independence,  were  observed  to  suffer — our  towns  and  villages 
were  immediately  stocked  with  British  agents,  Nova  Scotian 
tories,  and  French  royalists — the  epithet  of  royalist  became  a 
distinction  more  powerful  than  merit,  and  the  name  of  repub- 
lican the  most  odious  of  titles.  The  voluntary  resignation  of 
Washington,  who  probably  perceived  the  disorders  which  were 
to  follow,  and  the  election  of  a  monarchical  president,  gave  a 
four  years  triumph  to  this  hydra  of  despotism.  Before  I 
relate  the  tyranny  and  corruption  which  disfigured  this  period, 
it  may  not  be  improper  to  give  a  short  account  of  the  life 
of  Mr.  Adams,  his  political  tenets,  and  the  incidents  attending 
his  election.  This  will  form  the  design  of  the  present  chapter. 
John  Adams  was  born  at  Braintree,  in  Massachusetts,  the 
19th  day  of  October,  1735.  General  report  states  his  father 
to  have  been  a  shoemaker,  and  the  descendant  of  a  Scottish 
family,  who  emigrated  to  Massachusetts  Bay  about  1650. 
Young  Adams  is  also  said  to  have  prosecuted,  for  several 
years,  the  same  business  ;  until,  by  the  advice  of  his  uncle, 
who  was  a  village  schoolmaster,  he  applied  himself  to  the 
study  of  letters,  and  relinquished  the  occupation  of  Crispin. 
In  the  year  1755,  he  taught  a  school  near  Braintree,  and  con- 
tinued in  this  sphere  of  life  for  several  years.  At  W"hat  pe- 
riod he  commenced  the  study  of  law  is  uncertain — we  only 
know  that  on  the  5th  of  March,  1770,  he  advocated  the  cause 
of  monarchy  at  Boston,  in  the  case  of  Captain  Preston,  who 
barbarously  put  to  death  several  citizens  of  that  town.  Doc- 
tor Morse,  in  a  short  biography  which  he  has  given  of  Mr. 
Adams,  has  the  following  particulars  respecting  this  trial. 
"  The  cause  of  Captain  Preston  was  most  unpopular.  The 
whole  town  had  been  in  a  state  of  irritation  on  account  of  the 
conduct  of  Governor  Hutchinson  and  the  troops  w-hich  were 
stationed  in  it — their  resentment  now  burst  into  a  flame — but 
he  felt  the  cause  to  be  a  just  one  ;  and  the  danger  of  incurring 
the  displeasure  of  his  countrymen  could  not  deter  him  from 
undertaking  it.  He  conducted  the  cause  with  great  address, 
by  keeping  off  the  trial  till  the  passions  of  the  people  had  time 
to  subside.  The  trial  at  length  commenced,  and  lasted  several 
days,  during  which,  he  displayed  the  most  extensive  know- 
ledge of  the  laws  of  his  country  and  of  humanity  ;  and,  at 
the  conclusion,  he  had  the  satisfaction  of  proving  to  Great 
Britain  herself,  that  the  citizens  of  Massachusetts  would  be 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  27 

just  and  humane  to  their  enemies,  amidst  the  grossest  insults 
and  provocations."     Captain  Preston  was  acquitted. 

Mr.  Adams  was  afterwards  elected  a  member  of  the  first 
Congress,  in  1774,  and  certainly  assisted  at  bringing  about  the 
memorable  resolution  of  the  4th  of  July,  1776,  which  de- 
clared the  American  colonies  free,  sovereign,  and  independent 
states. 

Having  been  for  a  considerable  length  of  time  one  of  the 
commissioners  of  the  war  department,  and  a  principal  suggestor 
of  the  terms  to  be  offered  to  France  for  forming  a  treaty  of 
alliance  and  commerce,  he  was  sent  to  the  court  of  Versailles, 
along  with  Franklin  and  Lee,  as  ministers  plenipotentiary  of 
the  United  States,  to  consummate  that  important  business. 
On  his  return  from  France,  he  was  called  upon  by  Massachu- 
setts to  assist  in  forming  a  plan  of  government ;  and  this  state 
is,  without  doubt,  indebted  to  Mr.  Adams,  both  for  the  ex- 
cellencies as  well  as  imperfections  of  its  present  constitution. 

When  this  business  was  completed  he  returned  to  Europe, 
vested  with  full  powers  from  Congress  to  assist  at  any  con- 
ference wdiich  might  be  opened  for  the  establishment  of  peace; 
and  he  soon  after  received  other  powers  to  negotiate  a  loan  of 
money  for  the  use  of  the  United  States ;  and  to  represent  them 
as  their  minister  plenipotentiary  to  their  High  Mightinesses 
the  States  General  of  the  United  Provinces. 

While  in  Europe,  Mr.  Adams  published  his  defence  of  the 
constitutions  of  government  of  the  United  States  of  America. 
To  ascertain  the  political  creed  of  Mr.  Adams,  it  is  only  ne- 
cessary to  consider  a  few  passages  in  the  preface  to  this  ela- 
borate compilation.  According  to  Mr.  Adams,  a  monarchy, 
hmited  by  an  aristocratical  and  a  democratical  power  in  the 
constitution,  is  the  most  perfect  government  of  any.  "  The 
English,"  he  says,  "  by  blending  together  the  feudal  institu- 
tions with  those  of  Greece  and  Rome,  have  made  that  noble 
composition  which  avoids  the  inconveniences  and  retains  the 
advantages  of  both;  and  it  would  be  the  height  of  folly 
to  go  back  to  the  institutions  of  Woden  and  Thor,  and  of  the 
ancient  Germans,  after  knowing  the  history  of  England." 
Hume  and  Robertson,  he  a.sserts,  have  given  such  admirable 
accounts  of  the  feudal  institutions,  and  their  consequences, 
that  it  would  have  been,  perhaps,  more  discreet  in  him  to  have 
referred  to  them,  without  saying  anything  upon  the  subject. 

As  the  principles  of  Mr.  Adams,  respecting  government, 


28  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

are  erected  upon  the  feudal  system,  and  as  the  theory  which 
he  has  adopted  concerning  that  system,  appears,  by  his  own 
confession,  to  be  drawn  from  Hume  and  Robertson,  it  is  only 
necessary,  in  order  to  expose  the  fallacy  of  the  political  struc- 
ture which  Mr.  Adams  has  raised,  to  detect  a  few  of  the  lead- 
ing errors  of  these  writers. 

Hume  and  Robertson,  it  is  well  known,  were  the  slaves  of 
a  faction,  and  that  they  meanly  prostituted  their  talents  to 
vindicate  tyranny,  and  destroy  the  rights  of  their  nation — 
they  dwell  on  what  they  term  the  aristocratical  genius  of  an- 
cient times — they  take  a  pleasure  in  painting  the  power  of  the 
Saxon  nobles,  and  in  displaying  the  abjectness  of  the  people 
of  ancient  Britain.  From  a  view  of  paying  a  compliment  to 
royalty,  they  aiiect  to  consider  the  Norman  invasion  as  the 
proper  era  of  the  British  constitution ;  and  William  the  Rob- 
ber, as  the  founder  of  English  liberty.  Mr.  Hume  says,  "  none 
of  the  feudal  governments  in  Europe  had  such  institutions  as 
the  county  courts,  which  the  great  authority  of  the  Conqueror 
still  retained  from  the  Saxon  customs — all  the  freeholders  of 
the  county,  even  the  greatest  barons,  were  obliged  to  attend 
the  sheriffs  in  these  courts,  and  to  assist  them  in  the  adminis- 
tration of  justice." 

In  every  feudal  kingdom,  however,  notwithstanding  this 
strong  affirmation,  the  comes  was  known  and  the  comitatus. 
"  The  comitatus,  or  county,  was  the  territory  or  estate  of  the 
comes  ;  and  the  court  he  held,  and  in  which  he  presided,  was 
the  county  court,  to  which  the  freeholders  and  feudators  were 
called,  and  acted  as  assessors  or  judges."* 

Mr.  Hume  says  in  another  place,  "  that  the  great  authority 
of  the  Conqueror  retained  the  county  courts  from  the  Saxon 
customs."  He  thus  infers  that  these  courts  were  favourable 
to  the  royal  authority.  The  fact,  however,  is  exactly  the  re- 
verse. The  greater  jurisdiction  there  is  in  the  nobles  and  the 
people,  the  more  limited  is  the  prerogative  of  princes.  The 
county  courts  were  eminent  and  formidable  supports  of  the 
liberty  of  the  subject ;  and  instead  of  giving  them  encourage- 
ment, it  was  the.  interest  of  the  Conqueror  to  employ  his  great 
authority  in  their  suppression. 

Mr.  Hume,  notwithstanding  a  variety  of  authorities  which 
oppose  his  assertions,  expresses  himself  to  the  following  pur- 

^  *  Doctor  Gilbert  Stuart's  View  of  Society  in  Europe. 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  29 

pose.  (Appendix  2cl,  to  the  History  of  England.)  "The 
great  similarity  among  all  the  feudal  governments  of  Europe 
is  well  known  to  every  man  that  has  any  acquaintance  with 
ancient  history  ;  and  the  antiquaries  of  all  foreign  countries, 
where  the  question  was  never  embarrassed  by  party  disputes, 
have  allowed,  that  the  commons  were  very  late  in  being  ad- 
mitted to  a  share  in  the  legislative  power." 

The  learned  work  of  Archbishop  Hincmar,  De  Ordine  Pa- 
latii,  places  this  matter  in  a  very  different  light ;  and  the  Abbe 
Mably,  who  copies  and  comments  upon  it,  acknowledo-es  the 
supreme  power  of  the  assemblies  of  the  ancient  Germans  and 
Saxons,  selects  examples  of  it,  and  of  the  interference  and 
consideration  of  the  people.  In  fact,  nothing  of  any  moment 
or  value,  in  peace  or  in  war,  could  be  done  without  their  ap- 
probation. Their  assemblies,  however,  were  very  different 
fi'om  the  Etats  Generaux  of  after  times,  when  the  rights  of 
the  people  were  insulted,  and  the  legislative  power  came  to 
reside  in  the  sovereign — yet  it  is  not  uncommon  to  confound 
them ;  and  on  the  foundation  of  this  error,  improper  conclu- 
sions have  been  inferred  against  the  commons  of  England. 

While  liberty  and  the  deputies  of  the  people  made  a  figure, 
and  while  the  prerogative  of  the  sovereign  was  restrained  and 
directed  by  national  councils  and  assemblies,  in  the  other 
countries  of  Europe,  it  appears  the  height  of  wildness  to  con- 
clude, as  Hume  has  done  in  his  History  of  England,  and  Ro- 
bertson in  his  plausible  introduction  to  the  History  of  Charles 
v.,  that  in  Britain,  the  inhabitants  were  in  a  state  of  slavery  ; 
and  that  the  mandate  of  the  prince  w^as  law.  His  condition, 
so  far  from  being  despotic,  was  every  moment  exposed  to  dan- 
ger and  insult.  He  might  be  deposed  for  a  slight  offence — 
he  was  elected  to  his  office — and  his  coronation  oath  expressed 
his  subjection  to  the  community,  and  bound  him  to  protect  the 
rights  of  his  subjects. 

The  Anglo-Saxon  laws  are  proofs,  that  instead  of  govern- 
ing by  his  will  or  caprice,  he  was  under  the  control  of  the 
national  assembly.  In  the  preambles  to  them,  we  find  that 
the  wites  or  sapientes,  were  a  constituent  branch  of  the  go- 
vernment. The  expression,  seniores  sapie7ifes  populi  met,  is 
a  part  of  the  prologue  to  the  ordinations  of  King  Ina,  anno 
712.  And  these  sapientes  populi,  or  deputies  of  the  people, 
appear  in  the  laws  of  other  princes  of  the  Anglo-Saxons. 

By  a  curious  testimony,  it  is  even  obvious  that  the  word 
3* 


30  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

sapiejitcs  must  have  meant  the  commons.  In  the  supplication 
del  covnly  de  Devonshire  to  Edward  III.  there  are  these  ex- 
pressions :  "  Que  luy  please  par  Vavys  des  prelats,  countees, 
harojis,  el  autres  sages  in  test  present  parliament  ordeiner, 
S)T.  The  bishops,  the  earls,  barons,  and  other  sages,  in  this 
present  parliament,  ordain."  This  supplication  is  printed  in 
the  4  Inst.  p.  232,  in  the  reign  of  the  third  Edward  ;  from 
the  autres  sages  expressing  the  commons,  it  may  surely  be 
decisively  inferred  that  sapientes  had  the  same  meaning  in 
older  times. 

In  fiict,  the  expressions  that  denote  the  Anglo-Saxon  assem- 
blies, allude  to  their  nationality.  "  Commune  concilium,  con- 
ventus  omnium,  concilium  cleri  et  populi,  omnium  principiwm 
et  omnium  sapientum  conventus,  &c.  The  common  council, 
the  general  assembly,  the  assembly  of  the»clergy  and  people, 
the  convention  of  all  the  chiefs  and  all  the  wise  men,"  are  ap- 
pellations which  mark  forcibly  the  interference  and  assistance 
of  the  commons. 

Dr.  Robertson  has,  with  more  art,  although  not  with  equal 
force  of  thought  and  reasoning,  inculcated  the  same  opinions 
as  Mr.  Hume.  The  former  was  better  versed  in  Jesuitical  in- 
trigue, the  latter  deeper  founded  in  metaphysical  argument. 
They  both  employed  themselves  in  the  cause  of  monarchy, 
and  their  works,  from  beginning  to  concfusion,  can  only  be 
regarded  as  plausible  defences  of  prerogative.  Mr.  Adams, 
trusting  to  the  undue  weight  of  what  are  called  great  autho- 
rities, has  put  implicit  confidence  in  their  assertions,  and  in 
a  theory  which  was  framed  by  them,  for  the  express  purpose 
of  complimenting  royalty  at  the  expense  of  their  nation. 

From  the  same  cause  have  sprung  the  senates  of  the  United 
States.  In  England,  and  every  other  country  where  the  feu- 
dal system  has  been  established,  an  order  of  men  superior  to 
the  commons  necessarily  exist,  and  must  remain  until  a  total 
revolution  in  property  as  well  as  government  takes  place ;  but 
in  America,  where  the  distinction  of  superior  and  vassal  is  un- 
known, and  where  men  hold  their  property  by  an  equal 
tenure,  the  erection  of  a  senate,  or  house  of  chieftains,  is  a 
direct  violation  of  the  rights  of  citizens,  and  can  serve  no  other 
purpose  than  to  clog  the  wheels  of  government,  and  add  to 
the  national  expense. 

Mr.  Adams  urges  as  an  argument  in  favour  of  the  establish- 
ment of  a  senate,  "  that  the  rich,  the  well-born,  and  the  able 


OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  31 

acquire  an  influence  among  the  people  that  would  soon  be  too 
much  for  simple  honesty  and  plain  sense  in  a  house  of  repre- 
sentatives. The  most  illustrious  of  them  should,  therefore,  be 
separated  from  the  mass,  and  placed  by  themselves  in  a  senate  ; 
this  is,  to  all  honest  and  useful  intents,  an  ostracism.  A  mem- 
ber of  a  senate  of  immense  wealth,  the  most  respected  birth 
and  transcendant  abilities,  has  no  influence  in  the  nation,  in 
comparison  of  what  he  would  have  in  a  single  representative 
assenibly.  When  a  senate  exists,  the  most  powerful  men  in 
the  state  may  safely  be  admitted  into  the  house  of  representa- 
tives, because  the  people  have  it  in  their  power  to  remove  him 
into  the  senate  as  soon  as  his  influence  becomes  dangerous." 
A  w^eaker  argument  than  this,  could  scarcely  have  been  con- 
ceived ;  since  it  is  obvious,  that  if  the  people  have  it  in  their 
power  to  remove  a  member  from  the  house  of  representatives 
into  the  senate,  when  his  power  becomes  dangerous,  that  they 
have  it  also  in  their  power  to  elect  another  representative ; 
which  would  answer  a  much  better  purpose ;  for,  if  a  man's 
principles  are  such  as  to  be  dangerous  in  one  house,  they  will 
be  equally  so  in  another. 

"  The  Teutonic  institutions  described  by  Ceesar,  and  Ta- 
citus," says  Mr.  Adams,  "  are  the  most  memorable  experi- 
ment, merely  political,  ever  yet  made  in  human  aff"airs  :  they 
have  spread  all  over  Europe,  and  have  lasted  eighteen  hundred 
years.  Nothing,  therefore,  ought  to  have  more  weight  with 
America,  to  determine  her  judgment  against  mixing  the  autho- 
rity of  the  one,  the  few  and  the  many,  assuredly  in  one  assem- 
bly, than  the  wide-spread  miseries  and  final  slavery  of  almost 
all  mankind,  in  consequence  of  such  an  ignorant  policy  in  the 
ancient  Germans."  Mr.  Adams  could  not  possibly  have  ex- 
pressed sentiments  more  hostile  to  the  pure  principles  of  re- 
publicanism than  these.  It  is  well  known,  that  while  the 
superior  and  the  vassal,  the  chief  and  the  retainer,  were  inti- 
mately connected,  appeared  in  the  same  assembly,  and  were 
only  distinguished  by  virtue  and  talents,  the  feudal  associa- 
tion was  a  state  of  the  greatest  happiness: — violence  and 
corruption  did  not  disfigure  society,  until  the  original  manners 
which  the  Germans  brought  from  their  woods  began  to  decay. 
The  separation  of  the  interests  of  the  lord  and  the  vassal,  oy 
the  two  houses  of  assembly,  first  altered  the  condition  of  so- 
ciety. Sufferance  soon  succeeded  to  enjoyment,  oppression  to 
freedom,  and  contentions  arose,  which  terminated  in  the  de- 


32  THE  ADMINISTRATION 

struction  of  the  independence  of  the  European  nations.  Yet 
this  latter  state  is  that  which  Mr.  Adams  labours  to  impose 
upon  Americans ;  and  to  divide  their  society,  by  erecting  a 
house  of  noble  senators  in  the  midst  of  republicans. 

These  having  been  the  acknowledged  sentiments  of  Mr. 
Adams,  it  may  appear  strange  how  he  became  the  president 
of  a  free  people,  and  the  successor  of  the  virtuous  Washington. 
The  services  which  he  performed  towards  the  establishment 
of  American  independence,  by  means  of  his  intrigues  at  the 
court  of  Versailles,  and  the  profuse  distribution  of  British  gold 
in  the  United  States,  can  only  account  for  this  extraordinary 
election.  But  notwithstanding,  upon  strict  inquiry,  he  does 
not  appear  to  have  been  the  choice  of  the  real  majority.  The 
following  facts  related  by  Mr.  Callender,  though  they  may 
be  denied  by  the  friends  of  Mr.  Adams,  are  certainly  correct : 
the  truth  of  them  has  been  fully  ascertained. 

In  Pennsylvania  Mr.  Adams  gained  a  vote  by  the  trick  of  ? 
postmaster,  who  stopped  the  mail  from  Greene  county  till  the 
poll  was  closed  at  Philadelphia.  In  Maryland,  he  gained  a 
second,  by  the  folly  of  one  Plater,  who  balloted  both  for  him 
and  Mr.  Jefferson,  from  an  anxiety  that  Mr.  Adams  should  be 
vice  president.  In  Maryland,  he  gained  a  third  suffrage  in 
the  western  district  of  that  state,  by  a  majority  of  four  voices, 
owing  to  negligence  on  one  side,  and  knavery  on  the  other. 
The  district  consists  of  two  counties,  Alleghany  and  Wash- 
ington. A  separate  poll  was  held  in  each  of  them.  Wash- 
ington is,  of  the  two,  by  far  the  most  populous — the  census 
of  1790  gives  it  fifteen  thousand  eight  hundred  and  twenty-two 
inhabitants,  and  Alleghany  no  more  than  four  thousand  eight 
hundred  and  nine.  Washington  is  full  of  republicans,  and 
Alleghany  of  their  opponents — the  republicans  put  an  end  to 
their  poll  as  soon  as  they  had  a  considerable  superiority  of  the 
whole  number  of  genuine  voters  that  they  knew  to  reside  in 
the  two  counties  which  form  the  district.  The  six  per  cent, 
agitators  of  Alleghany  did  not  stop  theirs — they  brought 
over  a  crowd  from  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia,  and  by  this 
means  made  up  a  majority  of  four.  Neither  the  constitution 
nor  Congress  itself,  had  provided  any  check  for  the  investiga- 
tion of  false  votes,  and  the  majority  of  four  trampled  on  the 
rights  of  real  citizens. 

Putting  these  facts  together,  it  will  appear  that  M^-.  Jeffer- 
son, and  not  Mr.  Adams,  was  the  choice  of  America.     The 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  33 

total  number  of  electors  was  one  hundred  and  thirty-eight — 
each  of  these  voted  either  for  Mr.  Jefferson  or  Mr.  Aflams. 
But  Plater  voted  for  both.  Hence,  instead  of  one  hundred 
and  thirty-eight,  the  suffrages  came  to  one  more — thus  they 
mounted  up  to  one  hundred  and  thirty-nine.  Of  these,  Mr. 
Adams  had  seventy  one,  and  Mr.  Jefferson  sixty-eight.  Lay- 
ing aside  the  Maryland  vote  of  Plater,  Mr.  Adams  will  then 
have  seventy,  and  Mr.  Jefferson  sixty-seven  —  returning  to 
Mr.  Jefferson  the  Green  county  vote  in  Pennsylvania,  and 
striking  out  the  spurious  vote  in  the  western  district  of  Mary- 
land, will  make  an  odds  of  two  votes — abstract  these  two 
from  the  majority  of  seventy,  and  then  Mr.  Adams  has  only 
sixty-eight.  Then  add  these  two  to  the  sixty-seven  for  Mr. 
Jefferson,  and  he  is  president  by  a  majority  of  one. 


CHAPTER  II. 

Speech  of  Mr.  Adams — Speech  of  Mr.  Jefferson — Remarks 
— British  Piracy — Mr.  Monroe  s  Embassy. 

On  Saturday,  the  6th  of  March,  1797,  Mr.  Adams,  as 
president  of  the  United  States,  attended  iti  the  chamber  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  to  take  his  oath  of  ofHce,  according 
to  the  direction  of  the  constitution.  On  his  entrance,  as  well 
as  on  the  entrance  of  General  Washington  and  Mr.  Jefferson, 
loud  and  reiterated  applause  burst  from  the  audience.  Having 
taken  his  seat  on  the  elevated  chair  of  the  speaker  of  the 
House  of  Representatives,  the  vice-president.  General  Wash- 
ington, and  the  secretary  of  the  Senate,  on  his  right,  the 
speaker  and  clerk  of  the  House  of  Representatives  on  his  left, 
and  the  chief  justice  of  the  United  States,  and  associate 
judges,  at  a  table  in  the  centre,  he  proceeded  to  deliver  the 
following  speech : 

"When  it  was  first  perceived,  in  early  times,  that  no  middle 
course  for  America  remained  between  unlimited  submission  to 
a  foreign  legislature,  and  a  total  independence  of  its  claims, 
men  of  reflection  were  less  apprehensive  of  danger  from  the 
formidable  power  of  fleets  and  armies  they  must  determine  to 


34  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

resist,  than  from  those  contests  and  dissensions  which  would 
certainly  arise  concerning  the  forms  of  government  to  be  insti- 
tuted over  the  whole,  and  over  the  parts  of  this  extensive 
country.  Relying,  however,  on  the  purity  of  their  intentions, 
the  justice  of  their  cause,  and  the  integrity  and  intelligence  of 
the  people,  under  an  overruling  Providence,  which  had  so 
signally  protected  this  country  from  the  first,  the  representa- 
tives of  this  nation,  then  consisting  of  little  more  than  half  its 
present  numbers,  not  only  broke  to  pieces  the  chains  which 
were  forging,  and  the  rod  of  iron  that  was  lifted  up,  but 
frankly  cut  asunder  the  ties  which  had  bound  them,  and 
launched  into  an  ocean  of  uncertainty. 

"  The  zeal  and  ardour  of  the  people  during  the  revolution- 
ary war,  supplying  the  place  of  government,  commanded  a 
degree  of  order  sufficient  at  least  for  the  temporary  preserva- 
tion of  society.  The  confederation,  which  was  early  felt  to 
be  necessary,  was  prepared  from  the  models  of  the  Batavian 
and  Helvetic  confederacies,  the  only  examples  which  remain 
with  anytletail  and  precision  in  history  ;  and  certainly  the 
only  ones  which  the  people  at  large  had  ever  considered.  But 
reflecting  on  the  striking  difference  in  so  many  particulars, 
between  this  country  and  those  where  a  courier  may  go  from 
the  seat  of  government  to  the  frontier  in  a  single  day,  it  was 
then  certainly  foreseen  by  some,  w'ho  assisted  in  Congress  at 
the  formation  of  it,  that  it  could  not  be  durable. 

"  Negligence  of  its  regulations,  inattention  to  its  recommen- 
dations, if  not  disobedience  to  its  authority,  not  only  in  in- 
dividuals, but  in  states,  soon  appeared  w^th  their  melancholy 
consequences — universal  languor,  jealousies  and  rivalries  of 
states,  decline  of  navigation  and  commerce,  discouragement  of 
necessary  manufactures,  universal  fall  in  the  value  of  lands  and 
their  produce,  contempt  of  public  and  private  faith,  loss  of 
consideration  and  credit  with  foreign  nations,  and,  at  length, 
in  discontents,  animosities,  combinations,  partial  conventions, 
and  insurrection,  threatening  some  great  national  calamity. 

"  In  this  dangerous  crisis,  the  people  of  America  were  not 
abandoned  by  their  usual  good  sense,  presence  of  mind,  reso- 
lution, or  integrity — measures  were  pursued  to  concert  a  plan 
to  form  a  more  perfect  imion,  establish  justice,  insure  domestic 
tranquillity,  provide  for  the  common  defence,  promote  the 
general  w^elfare,  and   secure  the  blessings  of  liberty  —  the 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  35 

public  disquisitions,  discussions,  and  deliberations,  issued  in 
the  present  happy  constitution  of  government. 

"Employed  in  the  service  of  my  country  abroad,  during 
the  whole  course  of  these  transactions,  I  first  saw  the  consti- 
tution of  the  United  States  in  a  foreign  country.  Irritated  by 
no  literary  altercation,  animated  by  no  public  debate,  heated 
by  no  party  animosity,  I  read  it  with  great  satisfaction,  as  a 
result  of  good  heads,  prompted  by  good  hearts ;  as  an  experi- 
ment, better  adapted  to  the  genius,  character,  situation,  and 
relations  of  this  nation  and  country,  than  any  which  had  ever 
been  proposed  or  suggested.  In  its  general  principles  and 
great  outlines,  it  was  conformable  to  such  a  system  of  govern- 
ment, as  I  had  ever  most  esteemed — and  in  some  states,  ray 
own  state  in  particular,  had  contributed  to  establish.  Claim- 
ing a  right  of  suffrage,  in  common  with  my  fellow-citizens,  in 
the  adoption  or  rejection  of  a  constitution  which  was  to  rule 
me  and  my  posterity,  as  well  as  them  and  theirs,  I  did  not 
hesitate  to  express  my  approbation  of  it  on  all  occasions,  in 
public  and  private.  It  was  not  then,  nor  has  been  since,  any 
objection  to  it  in  my  mind,  that  the  executive  and  senate  were 
not  more  permanent,  nor  have  I  ever  entertained  a  thought 
of  promoting  any  alteration  in  it,  but  such  as  the  people  them- 
selves, in  the  course  of  their  experience,  should  see  or  feel  to 
be  necessary  or  expedient,  and  by  their  representatives  in 
Congress  and  the  state  legislatures,  according  to  the  constitu- 
tion itself,  adopt  and  ordain. 

"  Returning  to  the  bosom  of  my  country,  after  a  painful 
separation  from  it  for  ten  years,  I  had  the  honour  to  be  elect- 
ed to  a  station  under  the  new  order  of  things,  and  I  have  re- 
peatedly laid  myself  under  the  most  serious  obligations  to  sup- 
port the  constitution.  The  operation  of  it  has  equalled  the 
most  sanguine  expectations  of  its  friends ;  and  from  an  habi- 
tual attention  to  it,  satisfaction  in  its  administration,  and  de- 
light in  its  effects,  upon  the  peace,  order,  prosperity,  and 
happiness  of  the  nation,  I  have  acquired  an  habitual  attach- 
ment to  it,  and  veneration  for  it. 

"  What  other  form  of  government,  indeed,  can  so  well  de- 
serve our  esteem  and  love  ? 

"  There  may  be  Uttle  solidity  in  an  ancient  idea,  that  con- 
gregations of  men  into  cities  and  nations  are  the  most  pleasing 
objects  in  the  sight  of  superior  intelligences.  But  this  is  very 
certain,  that  to  a  benevolent  human  mind,  there  can  be  no 


3G  THE    ADMINISTRATION' 

spectacle  presented  by  any  nation,  more  pleasing,  more  noble, 
majestic,  or  august,  than  an  assembly,  like  that  which  has  so 
often  been  seen  in  this  and  the  other  chamber  of  Congress — 
of  a  government,  in  which  the  executive  authority,  as  well  as 
that  of  all  the  branches  of  the  legislature,  are  exercised  by 
citizens,  selected  at  regular  periods  by  their  neighbours,  to 
make  and  execute  laws  for  the  general  good.  Can  anything 
essential,  anything  more  than  mere  ornament  and  decoration, 
be  added  to  this,  by  robes  or  diamonds?  Can  authority  be 
more  amiable  or  respectable,  when  it  descends  from  accident, 
or  institutions  established  in  remote  antiquity,  than  when  it 
springs  fresh  from  the  hearts  and  judgments  of  an  honest  and 
enHghtened  people  ?  for  it  is  the  people  only  that  are  repre- 
sented ;  it  is  their  power  and  majesty  that  is  reflected ;  and 
only  for  their  good,  in  every  legitimate  government,  under 
whatever  form  it  may  appear.  The  existence  of  such  a  go- 
vernment as  ours,  for  any  length  of  time,  is  a  full  proof  of  a 
general  dissemination  of  knowledge  and  virtue  throughout  the 
whole  body  of  the  people.  And  what  object  or  consideration, 
more  pleasing  than  this,  can  be  presented  to  the  human  mind? 
If  national  pride  is  ever  justifiable  or  excusable,  it  is  when  it 
springs  not  from  power  or  riches,  grandeur  or  glory,  but  from 
conviction  of  national  innocence,  information,  and  benevolence. 

"In  the  midst  of  these  pleasing  ideas,  we  should  be  un- 
faithful to  ourselves,  if  we  should  ever  lose  sight  of  the  dan- 
ger to  our  liberties — if  anything  partial  or  extraneous  should 
infect  the  purity  of  our  free,  fair,  virtuous,  and  independent 
elections. 

"  If  an  election  is  to  be  determined  by  the  majority  of  a 
single  vote,  and  that  can  be  procured  by  a  party,  through  ar- 
tifice or  corruption,  the  government  may  be  the  choice  of  a 
party  for  its  own  ends;  not  of  the  nation,  for  the  national 
good.  If  that  solitary  suffrage  can  be  obtained  by  foreign 
nations,  by  flattery  or  menaces,  by  fraud  or  violence,  by  ter- 
ror, intrigue,  or  venality,  the  government  mav  not  be  the  choice 
of  American  people,  but  of  foreign  nations.  It  may  be  for- 
eign nations  who  govern  us,  and  not  we,  the  people,  who 
govern  ourselves  :  and  candid  men  will  acknowledo-e,  that  in 
such  cases,  choice  would  have  little  advantage  to  boast  of  over 
lot  or  chance. 

"  Such  is  the  amiable  and  interesting  system  of  government 
(and  such  are  some  of  the  abuses  to  which  it  may  be  exposed) 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  87 

which  the  people  of  America  have  exhibited  to  the  admiration 
and  anxiety  of  the  wise  and  virtuous  of  all  nations,  for  eight 
years,  under  the  administration  of  a  citizen,  who,  by  a  long 
course  of  great  actions,  regulated  by  prudence,  justice,  tempe- 
rance, and  fortitude,  conducting  a  people  inspired  with  the 
same  virtues,  and  animated  with  the  same  ardent  patriotism 
and  love  of  liberty,  to  independence  and  peace,  to  increasing 
wealth  and  unexampled  prosperity,  has  merited  the  gratitude 
of  his  fellow-citizens,  commanded  the  highest  praise  of  foreign 
nations,  and  secured  immortal  glory  with  posterity. 

"  In  that  retirement  which  is  his  voluntary  choice,  may  he 
long  live  to  enjoy  the  delicious  recollection  of  his  services,  the 
gratitude  of  mankind,  the  happy  fruits  of  them  to  himself  and 
the  world,  which  are  daily  increasing,  and  that  splended  pros- 
pect of  the  future  fortunes  of  his  country,  which  is  opening 
from  year  to  year.  His  name  may  be  still  a  rampart,  and  the 
knowledge  that  he  lives,  a  bulwark  against  all  open  or  secret 
enemies  of  his  country's  peace. 

"  This  example  has  been  recommended  to  the  imitation  of 
his  successors,  by  both  houses  of  Congress  and  by  the  voice  of 
the  legislatures  and  the  people  throughout  the  nation. 

"  On  this  subject  it  might  become  me  better  to  be  silent,  or 
to  speak  with  diffidence.  But  as  something  may  be  expected, 
the  occasion,  I  hope,  will  be  admitted  as  an  apology  if  I  ven- 
ture to  say,  that  if  a  preference  upon  principles  of  a  free,  re- 
publican government,  formed  upon  long  and  serious  reflection, 
after  a  diligent  and  impartial  inquiry  after  truth  ;  if  an  at- 
tachment to  the  constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  a  con- 
scientious determination  to  support  it  until  it  shall  be  altered 
by  the  judgment  and  wishes  of  the  people,  expressed  in  the 
mode  prescribed  in  it ;  if  a  respectful  attention  to  the  consti- 
tutions of  the  individual  states,  and  a  constant  caution  and 
delicacy  towards  the  state  governments ;  if  an  equal  and  im- 
partial regard  to  the  rights,  interests,  honour,  and  happiness 
of  all  the  states  in  the  union,  without  preference  or  regard  to 
a  northern  or  southern,  an  eastern  or  western  position,  their 
various  political  opinions  on  unessential  points,  or  rather  their 
personal  attachments  ;  if  a  love  of  virtuous  men  of  all  parties 
and  denominations ;  if  a  love  of  science  and  letters,  and  a  wish 
to  patronize  every  rational  effort  to  encourage  schools,  col- 
leges, universities,  academies,  and  every  institution  for  propa- 
gating knowledge,  virtue,  and  religion  among  all  classes  of  the 
4 


88  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

people,  not  only  for  their  benign  influence  in  the  happiness  of 
life  in  all  its  stages  and  classes,  and  of  society  in  all  its  forms, 
but  as  the  only  means  of  preserving  our  constitution  from  its 
natural  enemies,  the  spirit  of  sophistry,  the  spirit  of  party,  the 
spirit  of  intrigue,  the  profligacy  of  corruption,  and  the  pesti- 
lence of  foreign  influence,  which  is  the  angel  of  destruction  to 
elective  governments ;  if  a  love  of  equal  laws,  of  justice  and 
humanity  in  the  interior  administration ;  if  an  incflnation  to 
improve  agriculture,  commerce,  and  manufactures,  for  neces- 
sity, convenience,  and  defence ;  if  a  spirit  of  equity  and  hu- 
manity towards  the  aboriginal  nations  of  America,  and  a  dis- 
position to  meliorate  their  condition,  by  inclining  them  to  be 
more  friendly  to  us,  and  our  citizens  more  friendly  to  them ; 
if  an  inflexible  determination  to  maintain  peace  and  inviolable 
faith  with  all  nations,  and  that  system  of  neutrality  and  im- 
partiality among  the  belligerent  powers  of  Europe,  which  has 
been  adopted  b)'  this  government,  and  so  solemnly  sanctioned 
by  both  houses  of  Congress,  and  applauded  by  the  legislatures 
of  the  states,  and  the  public  opinion,  until  it  shall  be  other- 
wise ordained  by  Congress  ;  if  a  personal  esteem  for  the 
French  nation,  formed  in  a  residence  of  seven  years,  chiefly 
among  them,  and  a  sincere  desire  to  preserve  the  friendship 
which  has  been  so  much  for  the  honour  and  interest  of  both 
nations ;  if,  while  the  conscious  honour  and  integrity  of  the 
people  of  America,  and  the  internal  sentiment  of  their  own 
power  and  energies  must  be  preserved,  an  earnest  endeavour 
to  investigate  every  just  cause,  and  remove  every  colourable 
pretence  of  complaint ;  if  an  intention  to  pursue,  by  amicable 
negotiation,  a  reparation  for  the  injuries  that  have  been 
committed  on  the  commerce  of  our  fellow-citizens,  by  what- 
ever nation — and,  if  success  cannot  be  obtained,  to  lay  the 
facts  before  the  legislature,  that  they  may  consider  w^hat  fur- 
ther measures,  the  honour  and  interest  of  the  government  and 
its  constituents  demand  ;  if  a  resolution  to  do  justice,  as  far  as 
may  depend  upon  me,  at  all  times,  and  to  all  nations,  and 
maintain  peace,  friendship,  and  benevolence  with  all  the  world ; 
if  an  unshaken  confidence  in  the  honour,  spirit,  and  resources 
of  the  American  people,  on  which  I  have  so  often  hazarded 
my  all,  and  never  been  deceived  ;  if  elevated  ideas  of  the  high 
destinies  of  this  country,  and  of  my  own  duties  towards  it, 
founded  on  a  knowledge  of  the  moral  principles  and  intellec- 
tual improvements  of  the  people,  deeply  engraven  on  my  mind 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  39 

in  early  life,  and  not  obscured  but  exalted  by  experience  and 
age — and  as,  with  humble  reverence,  I  feel  it  to  be  my  duty 
to  add,  if  a  veneration  for  the  religion  of  a  people  who  pro- 
fess and  call  themselves  Christians,  and  a  fixed  resolution  to 
consider  a  decent  respect  for  Christianity  among  the  best  re- 
commendations for  the  public  service,  can  enable  me,  in  any 
degree,  to  comply  with  your  wishes,  it  shall  be  my  strenuous 
endeavour,  that  this  sagacious  injunction  of  the  two  houses 
shall  not  be  without  effect. 

"  With  this  great  example  before  me,  with  the  sense  and 
spirit,  the  faith  and  honour,  the  duty  and  interest  of  the  same 
American  people  pledged  to  support  the  constitution  of  the 
United  States,  I  entertain  no  doubt  of  its  continuance  in  all  its 
energy  ;  and  ray  mind  is  prepared,  without  hesitation,  to  lay 
myself  under  the  most  solemn  obligations  to  support  it,  to  the 
utmost  of  my  power. 

"  And  may  that  Being,  who  is  supreme  over  all,  the  patron 
of  order,  the  fountain  of  justice,  and  the  protector,  in  all  ages 
of  the  world,  of  virtuous  hberty,  continue  his  blessing  upon 
this  nation,  and  its  government,  and  give  it  all  possible  suc- 
cess and  duration,  consistent  with  the  ends  of  his  providence." 

After  concluding  his  speech,  Mr.  Adams  descended  from  his 
seat,  to  receive  the  oath  of  office  from  the  chief  justice.  Hav- 
ing taken  the  oath,  which  was  administered  with  great  solem- 
nity, he  resumed  his  chair,  paused  a  few  moments,  then  rose 
and  retired. 

Mr.  Jefferson  addressed  the  Senate,  which  was  convened  in 
their  chamber,  by  the  call  of  the  late  President ;  in  the  follow- 
ing extempore  speech  : 

"  Genthmeii  of  the  Senate, 

"  Entering  on  the  duties  of  the  office  to  which  I  am  called, 
I  feel  it  incumbent  on  me  to  apologize  to  this  honourable  house, 
for  the  insufficient  manner  in  which  I  fear  they  may  be  dis- 
charged. At  an  earlier  period  of  my  life,  and  through  some 
considerable  portion  of  it,  I  have  been  a  member  of  legislative 
bodies,  and  not  altogether  inattentive  to  the  forms  of  their 
proceedings — but  much  time  has  elapsed  ;  since  that  other 
duties  have  occupied  my  mind  ;  in  a  great  degree  it  has  lost 
its  familiarity  with  this  subject.  I  fear  that  the  house  will 
have  but  too  frequent  occasion  to  perceive  the  truth  of  this 
acknowledgment.     If  a  diligent  attention,  however,  will  en- 


40  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

able  me  to  fulfil  the  functions  now  assigned  me,  I  may  pro- 
mise that  diligence  and  attention  shall  be  sedulously  employed. 
For  one  portion  of  my  duty,  I  shall  engage  with  more  confi- 
dence, because  it  will  depend  on  my  will  and  not  on  ray  capa- 
city. 

"  The  rules  which  are  to  govern  the  proceedings  of  this 
house,  so  far  as  they  shall  depend  on  me  for  their  application, 
shall  be  applied  with  the  most  rigorous  and  inflexible  impar- 
tiality, regarding  neither  persons,  their  views  or  principles, 
and  seeing  only  the  abstract  proposition  subject  to  my  deci- 
sion. If,  in  forming  that  opinion,  I  concur  with  some  and 
differ  from  others,  as  must  of  necessity  happen,  I  shall  rely  on 
the  hberahty  and  candour  of  those  from  whom  I  differ,  to  be- 
lieve that  I  do  it  on  pure  motives.  I  might  here  proceed,  and 
with  the  greatest  truth,  to  declare  my  zealous  attachment  to 
the  constitution  of  the  United  States ;  that  I  consider  the 
union  of  these  states  as  the  first  of  blessings  ;  and,  as  the  first 
of  duties,  the  preservation  of  that  constitution  which  secures 
it.  But  I  suppose  these  declarations  not  pertinent  to  the  oc- 
casion of  entering  into  an  office  whose  primary  business  is 
merely  to  preside  over  the  form  of  this  house.  And  no  one  more 
sincerely  prays,  that  no  accident  may  call  me  to  the  higher 
and  more  important  functions  which  the  constitution  even- 
tually devolves  on  this  office.  These  have  been  justly  con- 
fided to  the  eminent  character  who  has  preceded  me  here, 
whose  talents  and  integrity  have  been  known  and  revered  by 
me  through  a  long  course  of  years,  have  been  the  foundation 
of  a  cordial  and  uninterrupted  friendship  between  us ;  and  I 
devoutly  pray  he  may  be  long  preserved  for  the  government, 
the  happiness  and  prosperity  of  our  common  country." 

The  apparently  liberal  and  patriotic  sentiments  displayed  in 
the  President's  speech,  had  the  immeiHate  effect  of  conciliating 
the  friendship  of  many  who  had  been  his  most  violent  op- 
posers  ;  the  sound  of  words  was  to  supply  for  a  few  days,  the 
place  of  virtuous  deeds,  and  the  services  of  Washington  were 
to  be  eclipsed  by  the  laboured  periods  of  a  studied  oration. 
A  writer  in  the  Argus  breaks  forth  in  the  following  strain  of 
unthinking  panegyric:  "Who  can  peruse  this  address  without 
giving  it  his  most  unreserved  approbation  ?  It  is  so  long 
since  the  citizens  of  America  heard  an  acknowledgment,  on 
the  part  of  their  executive,  that  all  power  was  derived  from 
the  people,  that  they  had  almost  forgot  their  government  was 


OP    JOHN    ADAMS.  *  41 

a  representative  one :  not  less  pleasing  must  it  be,  to  hear  him 
place  in  a  light  bordering  on  ridicule,  the  diamonds,  robes, 
and  other  ornaments  and  decorations  of  royalty :  a  striking 
contrast  this,  to  the  example  of  his  predecessor  in  office.  May 
he  persevere  in  it,  uninfluenced  by  the  menaces  or  machina- 
tions of  artful  and  designing  men."  One  might  have  sup- 
posed this  to  be  the  language  of  ridicule  and  not  sincerity, 
had  not  the  author  been  a  clergyman,  who  has  since  figured 
as  one  of  the  warmest  espousers  of  the  Harailtonian  faction. 

As  the  most  distinguishing  features  in  Mr.  Adams's  admin- 
istration have  been  his  predilection  for  the  English  govern- 
ment, and  his  avowed  hatred  to  the  French,  it  may  not  be 
improper  to  give  a  fair  statement  of  the  conduct  of  both  these 
nations,  to  this  country,  previous  to  the  election  of  1797. 
This  will  assist  to  develope  the  secret  bonds  which  were  so 
firmly  to  unite  the  president  of  a  free  country  with  a  British 
king.  The  most  striking  mark  of  regard  which  the  English 
paid  to  Americans,  was  the  respect  shown  to  our  commerce, 
by  insulting  indiscriminately,  during  the  year  1796,  almost 
every  vessel  which  displayed  the  flag  of  the  United  States. 
To  enumerate  all  the  deeds  of  this  nature  would  occupy  se- 
veral volumes — a  few  of  the  most  glaring  instances  will  be 
sufficient  for  the  purpose. 

The  schooner  John,  of  Salem,  Captain  Philip  Saunders, 
had  been  on  a  voyage  to  Jamaica  ;  while  he  lay  there,  an 
English  officer,  and  five  men,  from  a  sloop-of-war,  came  on 
board  to  impress  his  crew.  Only  one  of  them  happened  to 
be  on  board  besides  the  mate  and  a  boy.  The  rest  were  on 
shore  on  business.  The  gang  took  the  sailor.  On  beuig  told 
that  he  was  an  American,  they  replied  that  they  knew  this, 
but  wanted  men,  and  would  have  them  whatever  might  be  the 
consequences.  Captain  Saunders  went  on  board  the  sloop-of- 
war  to  reclaim  his  seaman.  The  commander,  in  an  insolent 
manner,  ordered  him  back  to  his  own  vessel,  desired  an  ac- 
count of  the  wages  due  to  the  hand,  and  to  send  them  and  his 
clothes  to  the  sloop — in  case  of  non-compliance  he  was  threat- 
ened with  a  flogging.  The  rest  of  the  crew  were  secreted 
on  shore,  by  the  captain,  for  ten  days,  till  the  sloop-of-war 
sailed,  as  her  declared  design  w^as  to  impress  the  whole.  Du- 
ring this  period  the  schooner  lay  exposed  to  the  weather,  as 
well  as  the  insults  of  the  sloop-of-war,  without  any  person  to 
take  care  of  her  except  the  captain,  his  mate,  and  the  boy — 
4* 


42  THE   ADMINISTRATION 

the  sloop's  crew  consisted  of  eighty-seven  men ;  of  these 
thirty- tive  were  said  to  be  Americans,  who  had  been  impressed 
in  the  West  Indies.  This  story  is  related  in  the  Salem  news- 
papers of  the  8th  of  March,  as  also  by  Mr.  Callender,  who 
concludes  his  account  of  it  by  observing,  that  such,  at  the  dis- 
tance of  twenty  months,  was  the  success  of  Jay's  appeal  to 
the  magnanimity  of  George  Guelph,  and  of  his  kissing  the 
hand  of  "the  meat,  drink,  snufF,  and  diamond-loving  Dame." 

In  the  spring  of  1796,  Captain  Samuel  Green  made  a  voy- 
age from  Norfolk,  in  Virginia,  to  Martinico.  He  commanded 
a  fast-sailing  schooner,  of  three  hundred  barrels  burthen  ;  and 
carried  a  cargo  for  the  British  at  that  island.  On  his  arrival, 
the  consignee  showed  him  a  bill  of  sale  of  the  vessel,  and  told 
him  he  was  no  longer  master,  because  the  schooner  was 
bought  for  the  British  government,  and  to  be  fitted  out  as  a 
privateer.  If  Captain  Green  chose  to  remain  on  board,  he 
was  told  he  might  have  employment ;  this  offer  he  refused. 
Several  of  the  sailors  were  impressed  by  the  British — others 
were  enticed  to  enter  as  volunteers  in  the  different  ships. 

Jacob  Peterson,  master  of  the  sloop  Polly,  of  Philadelphia, 
on  the  29th  of  January,  1796,  arrived  at  Cape  Nichola  Mole, 
where  he  had  scarcely  cast  anchor,  when  the  Syren,  a  British 
sixty-four,  pressed  one  of  his  best  seamen.  On  the  31st,  he 
sailed  for  Jeremie.  While  he  remained  in  that  port,  about 
nine  o'clock  in  the  evening  of  the  9th  of  February,  Captain 
Reynolds,  of  the  Harriot,  a  British  armed  ship  in  government 
service,  manned  his  boat  and  pressed  several  American  seamen 
from  different  ships  in  the  harbour.  He  began  with  the  ship 
Carolina  of  Baltimore,  Captain  Luther. 

Next  day  Reynolds  went  on  shore,  swearing  that  he  would 
that  night  make  a  sweep  among  the  Americans.  The  latter, 
hearing  of  this  threat,  assembled  themselves  into  two  vessels 
that  lay  in  the  harbour,  one  of  them  the  brig  Richard  and 
James,  of  Philadelphia,  and  the  other  the  schooner  Eliza,  of 
Baltimore.  About  nine  o'clock  in  the  evening,  a  boat  full  of 
armed  men  was  observed  coming  from  the  Harriot  towards  the 
Eliza.  She  was  hailed,  and  enjoined  to  keep  her  distance. 
Reynolds  caused  his  men  to  fire.  This  was  returned,  and 
after  some  time  the  boat  went  off — she  came  back  with  a 
fresh  supply  of  men,  and  again  found  it  prudent  to  retire. 
The  people  in  the  Eliza  then  went  on  board  of  the  Richard 
and   James.       Reynolds   went   on    shore,    procured    a   rein- 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  43 

forcement,  and  came  back  to  a  third  assault.  Finding  the 
Eliza  deserted,  he  gave  up  the  attempt.  In  this  contest,  the 
British  said  that  they  had  seventeen  killed  or  wounded.  The 
Americans  had  one  killed,  and  one  wounded. 

On  the  28th  of  March,  1796,  the  ship  Bacchus,  Captain 
George,  arrived  at  Philadelphia.  On  the  20th,  he  was  boarded 
by  the  Thetis,  a  British  frigate.  She  pressed  his  mate  and 
cabin-boy,  on  a  suspicion  of  their  being  British  subjects.  The 
mate  attempted  to  effect  an  escape,  but  was  retaken,  and 
nearly  flogged  to  death. 

The  schooner  Voluptas,  Jonathan  Hall,  master,  of  Baltimore, 
was  sent  into  Kingston  by  the  Severn,  of  forty-four  guns. 
She  had  on  board  a  valuable  cargo  of  coffee  and  cotton,  and 
part  of  an  outward  bound  freight  of  provisions,  with  a  large 
sum  of  money.  The  supercargo,  Mr.  Duncan,  was  going 
from  Gonaives  to  the  Platform,  to  purchase  coffee  to  load  the 
schooner  for  Baltimore.  The  pretence  for  seizing  the  Volup- 
tas was,  that  she  carried  provisions  for  an  enemy's  port.  At 
this  time,  the  captain  of  the  Severn  had  detained  Mr.  Duncan 
a  prisoner  for  fifty-two  days,  and  threatened  to  try  him  as  a 
British  subject  for  high  treason,  although  he  showed  a  certifi- 
cate of  his  being  an  American  citizen. 

Captain  Hall  and  Mr.  Duncan  were  sent  in  irons  from  Cape 
Nichola  Mole  to  Port  Royal,  on  board  of  the  Lark  man-of- 
war.  On  their  passage,  they  were  put  upon  two-thirds  of  the 
British  seamen's  allowance  of  salt  beef  and  bread.  The  cap- 
tain, one  night  while  asleep,  had  his  watch  and  money  stolen 
out  of  his  pocket.  It  was  their  opinion  that  the  Severn  had 
designed  to  send  the  schooner  to  the  bottom,  for  she  ran  so 
near  as  to  carry  away  her  bowsprit. 

The  ship  Lydia,  Robert  Blount,  master,  from  Portsmouth, 
in  New  Hampshire,  had  arrived  at  Kingston.  About  four 
leagues  to  the  windward  of  Port  Royal,  he  was  boarded  by 
the  Regulus.  She  took  away  his  mate  and  four  men.  They 
were  all  natives  of  Portsmouth,  married,  and  had  regular  pro- 
tections. Before  taking  them  on  board,  the  British  captain 
sent  his  surgeon  into  the  Lydia  to  examine  the  men,  and  see 
if  they  were  in  good  health.  The  Regulus  had  pressed  above 
fifty  American  seamen,  went  afterwards  to  Port-au-Pri.ice, 
and  from  thence  to  England. 

The  ship  Hannah,  Captain  Hoare,  from  Philadelphia  to 
France,  was,  on  the  24th  of  February,  taken  by  the  Lynx 


44  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

sloop-of-war — she  stripped  the  Hannah  of  her  whole  crevv, 
excepting  the  mate,  the  cook,  and  the  cabin-boy,  and  sent  her 
into  Bermuda.  Most  of  the  hands  impressed  had  protections. 
The  captain  of  the  Lynx  had  spoke  on  the  day  before  with 
the  Roebuck,  of  Philadelphia,  and  said  that  he  was  only  pre- 
vented from  taking  her  by  a  violent  gale  of  wind. 

On  the  29th  of  March,  the  ship  Fiiendship,  Captain  Atkins, 
arrived  at  Norfolk — when  within  the  Capes  of  Chesapeake, 
he  was  boarded  by  a  boat  from  the  Thetis,  Captain  Cochran, 
who  pressed  a  man  who  had  been  naturalized  for  ten  years 
before.  As  the  Chesapeake  is  within  the  territory  of  the 
United  States,  he  might  as  well  have  kidnapped  him  in  the 
streets  of  Philadelphia  or  New  York. 

The  Ocean,  Captain  Vredenburgh,  was  taken  on  the  31st 
of  March,  only  one  league  from  the  Highlands,  and  sent  into 
Halifax,  by  La  Prevoyance,  a  British  frigate.  The  whole 
crew,  excepting  the  master  and  mate,  were  impressed  into  the 
British  service — two  of  them  were  native  Americans,  and  the 
rest  Swedes  and  Danes.  When  Captain  Vredenburgh  re- 
monstrated, the  British  captain  told  him  to  look  to  Jay's 
treaty. 

Captain  Paulding,  of  the  brig  Polly,  of  New  York,  from 
Curacoa,  on  the  3d  of  March,  was  sent  into  Grenada  by  the 
Favourite  sloop-of-war — his  hands  were  impressed,  his  sailing- 
orders,  letters,  invoices,  and  bills  of  lading,  destroyed.  The 
captain,  mate,  and  two  passengers,  were  stripped  of  their 
baggage  and  wearing  apparel,  thrown  into  prison,  where  they 
were  detained  for  three  weeks,  before  a  passport  for  their  de- 
parture was  granted. 

The  Maryland  Journal  of  the  13th  of  April,  1797,  has  an 
extract  of  a  letter  from  an  American  seaman,  dated  Spithead, 
December  26th,  1795,  on  board  the  ship  Assistance,  in  which 
he  had  been  detained  from  the  20th  of  October  preceding — 
the  man  belonged  to  the  Hannah  of  Baltimore,  Captain 
Wescott.  This  vessel,  with  four  other  Americans,  were 
carried  into  Saint  John's,  Newfoundland — the  sailors  were 
either  turned  ashore  to  starve,  or  pressed  into  the  British 
service. 

The  Norfolk  paper  of  the  4ih  of  April  has  the  following 
paragraph:  "The  ship  Diana,  of  New  York,  David  Chade- 
ayne,  master,  on  her  passage  from  the  East  Indies  to  New" 
York,  was  boarded  by  his  Britannic  Majesty's  brig  Pelican, 


OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  45 

Captain  J.  C.  Searle,  who  sent  an  officer  and  crew  on  board, 
and  took  out  the  mate,  six  people,  and  carried  her  into  Port 
Royal,  where,  on  the  6th  of  March,  while  in  their  possession, 
she  caught  fire  and  was  burnt  to  the  water's  edge,  with  all 
her  cargo  of  immense  value." 

The  Boston  Newspaper  of  the  7th  of  April,  1796,  has  the 
following  letter: 

"  Captain  Elkanah  Mayo,  who  arrived  in  town  this  week 
from  New  York,  has  favoured  us  with  the  following  account 
of  the  cruel  treatment  he  and  his  men  received  from  the  officers 
and  men  of  the  British  frigate  La  Pique,  at  Barbadoes,  in  De- 
cember last,  viz.  Captain  Mayo,  in  the  ship  Polly,  of  Cape 
Ann,  homeward  bound  from  a  whaling  voyage,  was  drove  in 
by  stress  of  weather  to  Barbadoes,  where  he  lay  near  three 
weeks  for  the  arrival  of  some  Americans  to  freight  his  oil 
home,  during  which  time  the  British  frigate  La  Pique  arrived 
there  from  a  cruise,  and,  in  two  days  after,  pressed  two  of  his 
hands.  Captain  Mayo  applied  to  the  governor  for  protection, 
who  caused  the  men  to  be  released.  Three  days  after.  Cap- 
tain Mayo's  boat  being  ashore  with  three  men,  waiting  for 
him,  the  frigate's  barge  hauled  in  close  to  his  boat,  and  board- 
ed him  with  cutlasses,  to  press  the  men  by  force.  The  men 
called  on  Captain  Mayo  from  the  shore,  who  ran  to  the  boat 
for  their  relief,  where  he  found  the  crew  of  the  British  frigate, 
with  the  tiller  of  their  barge,  beating  his  men  over  their  heads 
with  said  tiller,  till  the  blood  gushed  from  their  mouths  and 
noses,  and  otherwise  mangling  them  in  a  barbarous  and  shock- 
ing manner.  Captain  Mayo  sprung  into  the  boat  and  cleared 
it  of  the  British  crew.  The  commanding  officer,  who  was 
then  on  the  wharf,  said  he  would  have  every  man  on  board 
the  ship.  Mr.  Woodruff,  with  whom  Captain  Mayo  did  busi- 
ness, being  on  the  wharf,  offered  his  bonds  to  the  captain  of 
the  frigate  that  he  would  bring  his  protections  on  shore.  Cap- 
tain Mayo  then  went  on  board  his  ship  to  bring  his  protec- 
tions— while  he  was  on  board,  the  commanding  officer  of  the 
frigate,  and  all  the  rest  of  the  officers,  got  into  their  barge, 
waiting  for  Captain  Mayo,  who  was  returning  with  all  his 
protections — they  boarded  him — the  commanding  officer  jump- 
ed into  Captain  Mayo's  boat  with  his  drawn  cutlass,  and 
dragged  by  force  all  his  men  into  their  barge,  and  then  pre- 
sented his  cutlass  to  Captain  Mayo's  breast,  and  ordered  him 
into  the  barge,  which  he  refused ;  after  which  he  pricked  him 


46 


THE  ADMINISTRATION 


several  times  in  the  breast,  and  then  towed  him  on  board  the 
frigate — he  put  Captain  Mayo's  men  into  the  hold,  among  his 
men  who  were  sick  with  the  yellow  fever — he  then  ordered 
a  pair  of  irons  to  be  fixed  on  Captain  Mayo,  which  were  not, 
however,  fixed — he  kept  him  on  the  quarter-deck  until  even- 
ing, then  ordered  Captain  Mayo's  boat  to  be  hauled  up,  and 
ordered  him  on  board  alone.  Captain  Mayo  requested  him  to 
let  him  have  a  man  to  go  with  him, .which  the  captain  of  the 
frigate  refused ;  then  said  he  would  cast  him  off  and  set  him 
adrift — he  told  him  he  might  perish  at  sea,  to  which  he  re- 
plied he  hoped  he  would.  Captain  Mayo  told  him  he  would 
not  go  unless  he  cast  him  off — he  then  took  his  barge  and 
towed  Captain  Mayo  on  board  his  own  ship.  The  next  morn- 
ing Captain  Mayo  went  to  the  governor  and  complained  of 
the  officers'  conduct — the  governor  ordered  his  men  to  be  im- 
mediately released,  who  were  accordingly  sent  on  shore.  Four 
days  after,  three  of  his  men  w'ere  taken  with  the  yellow^  fever, 
which  they  took  while  on  board  the  frigate,  and  which  spread 
through  Captain  Mayo's  ship's  company — four  of  his  men  died 
of  the  fever ;  the  rest  were  obliged  to  leave  the  ship,  and  he 
hired  negroes  to  pump  her.  Captain  Mayo  then  chartered 
vessels  as  he  could  find  them,  to  take  his  men  and  cargo  to 
the  United  States.  This  base  conduct  of  our  new  treaty- 
allies  occasioned  the  loss  of  eight  thousand  dollars  to  his 
owners." 

I,  the  subscriber,  do  testify  to  the  above  account. 
(Signed)  Elkanah  Mayo. 

The  Musquito,  Captain  Harsher,  arrived  on  the  17th  of 
January  at  Baltimore,  from  Eourdeaux.  On  the  voyage  he 
was  met  by  the  Hussar,  a  British  frigate — his  keys  were 
taken,  his  chests  broke  open,  and  everything  stolen  that  the 
British  could  lay  their  hands  on.  They  also  drank  a  case  of 
wine,  pressed  the  Musquito's  mate,  and  one  of  the  hands,  who 
was  an  American. 

A  letter  from  Fredericksburgh,  dated  April  1,  1796,  has 
the  following  intelhgence :  The  schooner  WilHam,  Captain 
John  Scott,  from  Basseterre,  St.  Kitt's,  having  arrived  in  the 
river,  on  the  23d  of  February,  between  nine  and  ten  o'clock 
in  the  evening  in  Basseterre-road,  he  was  boarded  by  a  boat 
with  five  men  with  cutlasses — they  belonged  to  a  British 
armed  sloop  lying  there.     They  ordered  William  M'Coy,  a 


OP    JOHN    ADAMS.  47 

native  of  Fredericksburgh,  into  the  boat ;  but  being  prevented 
from  taking  him,  they  went  back  to  the  sloop ;  immediately 
after,  they  returned  with  their  commander,  one  Williams,  and 
an  additional  number  of  men,  armed  with  pistols  and  cutlasses 
— they  took  away  from  the  schooner,  John  Mansfield,  Wil- 
liam M'Coy,  and  two  blacks.  Next  morning  Captain  Scott 
went  on  shore,  and  proved  these  people  to  be  citizens  of  the 
United  States — he  could  recover  only  the  two  blacks.  Every 
American  at  the  port  shared  a  similar  fate — a  Baltimore 
schooner  was  stript  of  all  her  hands  excepting  the  mate  and 
a  boy. 

A  letter  from  Captain  Thorndike  Deland,  dated  Kingston, 
1st  of  April,  1796,  to  a  merchant  in  Philadelphia,  contained 
for  publication  a  list  of  twelve  American  vessels  taken  and 
carried  into  that  port.  Captain  Deland  farther  says,  that  he 
had  heard  of  twenty-seven  other  ships  at  Tortola  w^hich  were 
in  jeopardy — that  all  Americans  when  carried  into  Kingston 
were,  after  examination,  turned  ashore  without  provision  for 
their  support.  Any  one  having  a  concern  in  a  house,  or  hav- 
ing even  a  factor  in  St.  Domingo,  or  any  French  port,  was 
deemed  a  Frenchman,  and  his  property  was  on  that  account 
condemned.  On  the  21st  of  April,  1796,  the  schooner  Wil- 
liam and  Mary,  Captain  Shaw,  arrived  at  Portsmouth,  New 
Hampshire,  in  thirty-eight  days  from  Kingston — when  he  left 
that  place,  the  impressment  of  American  seamen  had  not  sub- 
sided. On  the  5th  of  May  the  schooner  Mermaid,  Captain 
Tabet,  arrived  from  the  Mole  at  New  York — his  mate,  a  na- 
tive American,  was  pressed  by  the  Regulus.  Several  other 
Americans  were,  at  the  same  time,  pressed  from  different 
vessels. 

A  Charleston  newspaper  of  the  8th  of  April,  1796,  contains 
the  copy  of  a  sentence  passed  by  Judge  Green,  of  Bermuda. 
It  is  dated  the  6th  of  January  preceding,  and  respected  the 
brig  Fame.  In  summer,  1795,  the  Fame  sailed  from  Charles- 
ton for  Bordeaux.  On  her  return  she  was  captured  and  taken 
into  Bermuda.  The  vessel  and  cargo  were  both  American 
property,  but  one  of  the  owners,  who  went  along  with  her, 
had  stayed  behind  in  France  to  dispose  of  the  remaining  part  of 
the  cargo.  This  accident  transformed  him,  in  the  eyes  of 
Green,  into  a  French  citizen,  and  on  that  pretence  both  ship 
and  loading  were  confiscated.  Thus  the  British  went  on  in 
the  West  Indies,  while  Mr.  Bayard  was  transmitting  to  Phi- 


48  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

ladelphia  his  important  assurances  about  indemnification,  and 
the  resentment  of  the  London  Court  of  Admiralty  at  the  de- 
crees of  Green. 

About  the  23d  of  April,  Captain  Mercer,  of  the  sloop  Am- 
buscade, arrived  at  Philadelphia  from  Bermuda.  He  brought 
a  list  of  eight  American  vessels,  with  their  cargoes,  which 
were  condemned  at  that  place,  and  of  seven  others  which 
were  libelled.  One  of  the  latter  w^as  a  brig  from  Boston. 
Captain  Mercer  had  heard  that  her  captain  had  died  of  abuse 
which  he  received  from  the  prize-master.  A  paragraph  of  the 
same  date  says,  that  at  Nevis,  the  schooner  Andrew,  Captain 
Montayne,  of  Philadelphia,  had  her  mate  and  seamen  pressed 
by  a  British  schooner.  They  were  all  Americans,  and  had 
protections.  The  particulars  are  related  in  the  captain's  pro- 
test as  transmitted  to  his  owner. 

Joshua  Whiting  was  a  seaman  on  board  of  the  American 
brig  Samuel.  At  Port-au-Prince  he  and  four  others  of  the 
crew  were  pressed  by  a  British  frigate.  Three  of  them,  after 
eleven  days,  escaped  by  swimming,  in  the  course  of  which  one 
man  had  the  calf  of  his  leg  bitten  off  by  a  shark  ;  another  of 
them  was  retaken  and  almost  flogged  to  death.  Whiting  and 
the  cripple  escaped,  after  losing  their  whole  adventure,  besides 
being  cruelly  treated. 

The  brig  Columbia,  and  the  schooner  Unity,  both  of  New- 
buryport,  sailed  from  Port  Lewis  on  the  7th  of  March,  1796. 
Next  day  they  were  brought  to  by  the  Ganges,  a  British 
seventy-four,  and  a  schooner  attendant  on  the  ship,  and  sent 
into  Montserrat,  examined,  and  on  the  14th  dismissed,  upon 
paying  forty-four  pounds,  four  shillings  and  ten  pence,  as  the 
expense  of  their  examination. 

The  sloop  Dove,  of  New  Haven,  in  Connecticut,  had  gone 
on  a  voyage  to  the  West  Indies.  While  lying  at  Antigua  she 
was  boarded  by  a  boat's  crew  from  the  Narcissus,  who  took 
away  Benjamin  Eastman.  He  was  a  native  American,  and  as 
such  had  a  protection.  On  the  3d  of  April,  1796,  the  master 
and  mate  of  the  Dove  made  oath  to  this  fact  at  New  Haven. 

In  April,  1796,  the  American  ship  Ehza  sailed  from  New 
York,  for  St.  Thomas,  and  had  orders  to  touch  at  St.  Bartho- 
lomew ;  she  was  taken  by  Captain  Cochran,  of  the  Thetis 
frigate.  The  supercargo,  a  Danish  subject,  was  stripped  to 
the  skin  ;  the  ship  was  libelled  before  the  Vice  Admiralty 
Court  at  Bermuda,  under  pretence  of  being  French  property. 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  49 

The  trunks  of  the  supercargo  were  sealed  up,  and  he  was 
thrown  penniless  out  of  the  ship,  without  clothes  or  a  second 
shirt  to  his  back.  The  captain  and  crew  were  put  on  shore 
destitute  of  subsistence.  Six  or  seven  days  after  the  ship  and 
cargo  had  been  libelled,  the  cattle  were  sold  at  half  their 
prime  cost,  bought  in  by  the  agents  who  sold  them,  and  sold 
a  second  time  next  day,  at  a  considerable  profit. 

A  Boston  newspaper  of  the  26th  of  May,  contains  a  depo- 
sition dated  at  St.  George,  the  27th  of  April  preceding.  It 
was  emitted  by  the  second  mate  of  the  brigantine  Polly,  John 
Bosson,  late  master.  The  vessel  was  on  her  way  from  De- 
marara  to  Boston,  when  the  Cleopatra,  a  British  privateer, 
took  her.  Soon  after,  the  prize-master  quarrelled  with  Cap- 
tain Bosson,  and  wantonly  beat  him  in  a  most  shocking  man- 
ner. Within  six  days  after.  Captain  Bosson  died  of  his 
bruises,  in  the  twenty-fifth  year  of  his  age. 

Such  were  the  effects  of  Jay's  treaty  to  American  com- 
merce. Not  more  than  a  twelvemonth  after  this  treaty  was 
signed,  and  not  six  months  after  it  had  been  fully  ratified,  up- 
wards of  three  hundred  American  ships  were  captured  by 
British  frigates  and  British  pirates  ;  and,  upon  the  most  mo- 
derate calculation,  a  thousand  American  citizens  were  doomed 
to  fight  in  the  cause  of  a  tyrant  against  the  rights  of  their 
nation.  Much  noise  has  been  made  about  the  injuries  com- 
mitted against  American  commerce  by  the  French  republic  ; 
but  in  this  year,  when  every  newspaper  was  suffocated  with 
British  robberies,  we  only  find  three  or  four  instances  of  French 
depredation.  The  following  is  the  only  one,  of  which  a  cor- 
rect statement  is  given  :  the  paragraph  is  from  a  Boston  paper, 
of  the  16th  of  April,  1796. 

By  an  arrival  on  Saturday,  of  a  vessel  from  Curacoa,  we 
received  the  following  protest  of  Hugh  Wilson,  master  of  the 
American  brig  called  the  Jay,  belonging  to  Baltimore,  who 
being  duly  sworn  before  the  notary  royal  and  public,  of  Saint 
Bartholomew,  declareth  :  "  That  having  got  his  vessel  cap- 
tured and  condemned,  as  hereafter  will  appear,  and  having  had 
his  log-book,  and  all  the  papers  belonging  to  the  vessel  and  to 
himself,  taken  from  him,  all  to  the  shipping  articles,  and  a 
small  memorandum  book  of  his  private  disbursements,  he  is 
obliged  to  give  his  declaration  from  memory,  and  to  the  best 
of  his  recollection,  viz.,  That,  on  the  10th  of  April  last,  1795, 
he  sailed  in  said  brig  from  Saint  Pierre,  in  the  island  of  Mar- 
5 


50  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

tinico,  bound  to  Antigua ;  that  on  the  12th  of  said  month,  in 
the  morning,  he  was  boarded  by  the  French  armed  schooner  (as 
near  as  he  could  recollect)  the  Athenienne,  commanded  by  one 
Paschal,  from  Guadaloupe,  under  the  lee  of  which  island  the 
brig  then  was,  and  in  the  evening  was  carried  into  Basseterre- 
road,  in  last  said  island ;  that  the  same  deponent,  and  all  his 
crew,  were  immediately  put  on  board  a  French  sloop-of-war, 
where  they  were  detained  about  eight  or  ten  days,  without 
knowing  what  was  the  intention  of  the  French  to  do  with  the 
said  brig,  and  without  ever  having  been  heard  or  examined  ; 
that  the  deponent  and  supercargo,  Mr.  John  Starck,  were  sent 
on  shore,  and  conducted  to  the  interpreter  or  linguist,  who 
told  them  the  brig  Jay,  and  her  remaining  cargo,  consisting 
in  corn  and  slaves,  had  already  been  condemned,  and  who  fur- 
nished Mr.  Starck  with  a  copy  of  the  condemnation  ;  that  Mr. 
Starck  was  put  at  liberty,  but  the  deponenf  was,  the  next 
day,  thrown  into  Basseterre  gaol,  where  he  remained  about 
ten  days,  after  which  he  was  drove  out  of  the  said  gaol,  and 
put  in  chains  on  board  a  small  French  schooner,  bound  to 
Point-a-Petre,  the  deponent  lying  all  the  passage  (about  sixty 
hours),  with  eight  prisoners  more,  chained  to  the  same  bar, 
in  the  hold  of  said  schooner,  upon  the  stone  ballast,  with  a 
very  scanty  and  indifferent  food  ;  that  having  arrived  in  such 
a  situation  at  Point-a-Petre,  the  deponent  was  immediately 
put  on  board  one  of  the  prison-ships  in  the  harbour,  where  he 
was  detained  for  near  eight  months ;  that  is  to  say,  until  the 
1st  instant  (January,  1796),  when  Captain  Wheeler,  of  the 
brig  Peggy,  of  New  York,  having  obtained  permission  to 
pick  out  American  sailors,  that  might  be  found  on  board  of 
different  prison-ships,  came  alongside  the  ship  where  the  de- 
ponent was  detained ;  that  having  made  his  case  known  to 
him,  he,  the  said  Captain  Wheeler,  took  the  deponent  along 
with  him,  and  put  him  on  board  the  said  brig  Peggy  ;  that  on 
the  11th  instant  or  thereabout,  the  deponent  went  in  said  brig 
from  Point-a-Petre,  and  arrived  in  this  harbour  of  Gustavia, 
yesterday,  the  13th  instant,  without  yet  knowing  what  has 
become  of  his  vessel,  the  brig  Jay,  her  cargo,  or  anything 
belonging  to  her,  and  without  ever  having  been  heard,  either 
in  behalf  of  said  property  or  of  himself,  during  all  the  time  of 
near  nine  months  he  was  detained  in  Guadaloupe,  plundered 
of  everything  belonging  to  him,  and  not  left  a  second  shirt  to 
put  on  ;  that  during  his  detention  in  Point-a-Petre,  Captain 


OF    JOHN   ADAMS.  51 

Lyie,  of  Baltimore,  as  he  passed  by  said  prison-ship,  having 
seen  and  recollected  the  deponent,  had  applied  to  the  com- 
missaire  de  guerre  in  his  behalf,  but  in  vain,  as  said  Captain 
Lyle  afterwards  told  the  deponent." 

Having  related  the  principal  depredations  committed  upon 
the  commerce  of  the  United  States,  by  the  respective  pov^ers 
of  Great  Britain  and  France,  during  the  year  1796,  I  shall 
now  give  a  general  view  of  Mr.  Monroe's  embassy,  and  of 
those  circumstances  which  led  to  the  unfortunate  misunder- 
standing which  existed  between  x\.merica  and  France,  during 
the  administration  of  Mr.  Adams. 

For  some  time  previous  to  1794,  the  conduct  of  the  execu- 
tive of  this  country  had  been  extremely  distant  and  ceremoni- 
ous towards  the  republic  of  France ;  nor  did  the  recall  of  Mr. 
Genet,  the  French  ambassador,  whose  personal  altercations 
with  the  President  had  led  the  French  government  to  make 
this  act  of  solemn  reparation,  effect  any  change  in  its  favour. 
The  French  justly  supposed,  that  national  honour,  if  not  na- 
tional gratitude,  would  have  prevented  the  American  govern- 
ment from  seizing  the  opportunity  when  they  were  struggling 
for  their  political  existence,  against  the  power  of  despots,  to 
throw  herself  into  the  arms  of  their  most  potent  enemy.  It 
was,  therefore,  with  equal  surprise  and  indignation  that  they 
heard  of  the  negotiation  which  Mr.  Jay  was  carrying  on  be- 
tween America  and  England,  the  tenor  of  which  was  so  evi- 
dently in  opposition  to  treaties  already  existing  between  them 
and  us. 

An  intercepted  letter  from  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  addressed  to  Mr.  Morris,  who  officiated  as  secret  agent 
of  the  American  government,  in  London,  had  discovered  to 
the  directory  the  hostile  views  of  the  government  of  the  United 
States,  and  the  intrigues  they  were  carrying  on  with  England. 
This  letter,  which  was  dated  at  Philadelphia,  the  22d  of  De- 
cember, 1794,  was  saved  from  the  wreck  of  the  Boston  packet, 
that  had  foundered  on  the  coast  of  France.  It  was  a  detailed 
answer  to  various  letters  of  Mr.  Morris,  respecting  the  pend- 
ing negotiation.  The  President  complained  highly  of  the 
haughty  conduct  of  the  English  administration,  and  of  the  ar- 
bitrary measures  which  they  had  pursued,  and  which  they 
were  continuing  to  pursue,  with  respect  to  American  naviga- 
tion. He  requested  Mr.  Morris  to  represent  to  the  minister, 
not  only  the  injustice,  but  the  impolicy  of  this  conduct,  par- 


52  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

ticularly  at  the  moment  when  it  was  so  much  the  interest  of 
England  to  conciliate  the  minds  of  the  inhahitants  of  the 
United  States  to  the  acceptance  of  the  treaty.  He  detailed 
the  efforts  he  had  made,  and  the  difficulties  he  had  undeigone, 
to  overcome  the  wayward  disposition  of  his  countrymen 
towards  French  politics  ;  the  abettors  of  which  were  the  chief 
opponents  of  the  treaty  in  question,  which,  however,  he  said, 
had  the  approbation  of  the  greater  and  more  respectable  part 
of  the  community.  His  main  object,  he  observed,  the  only 
object,  indeed,  which  ought  to  be  continually  kept  in  view, 
was  peace,  which  he  was  most  anxious  to  preserve  ;  and  if 
America  was  happy  enough  to  keep  herself  out  of  European 
quarrels,  she  might,  from  the  increase  of  her  trade,  from  secu- 
ring the  monopoly  of  being  the  carrier  of  the  world,  vie,  in 
twenty  years,  with  the  most  formidable  power  in  Europe. 

Such  sentiments  from  the  President  of  the  United  States, 
naturally  awakened  in  the  French  those  feelings  of  resent- 
ment which  arise  from  a  sense  of  injury,  heightened  by  ingra- 
titude ;  and  excited  also  in  them  a  desire  of  displaying  that 
resentment. 

On  the  2d  of  August,  1794,  when  Mr.  James  Monroe,  who 
had  been  appointed  our  minister-plenipotentiary  to  the  French 
republic,  arrived  in  Paris,  he  perceived  an  apparent  coolness 
and  distrust  in  the  proceedings  of  the  French  Convention,  and 
affairs  appeared  to  him  to  be  in  a  train  for  an  entire  separa- 
tion of  the  two  countries.  More  than  a  w-eek  elapsed  after 
he  presented  his  credentials  to  the  commissary  of  foreign  af- 
fairs, without  obtaining  an  answer  when  he  should  be  re- 
ceived. The  state  of  things  occasioned  by  the  fall  of  Robes- 
pierre, which  took  place  before  his  arrival,  he  imagined  might 
be  the  reason  of  this  delay  ;  but  he  soon  understood  that  it 
proceeded  from  a  very  different  cause.  It  was  intimated  to 
him,  that  the  committee  of  public  safety  had  imbibed  an  opin- 
ion, that  Mr.  Jay  was  sent  to  England  with  views  unfriendly 
to  France,  and  that  his  mission  was  adopted  for  the  purpose 
of  covering  and  supporting  Mr.  Jay's  to  England  ;  that  M' 
Jay's  was  a  measure  of  substantial  import,  contemplating  on 
the  part  of  America  a  clo<e  union  with  England,  and  that 
Mr.  Monroe's  was  an  act  of  policy,  intended  to  amuse  and 
deceive.  It  was  added,  tli  it  this  impression  not  only  caused 
the  delay  of  his  receptioti,  but  that  the  committee,  being  un- 


OF    JOHN   ADAMS.  53 

willing  to  become  the  dupes  of  this  policy,  was  devising  how 
to  defeat  it. 

Upon  consideration  of  these  circumstances,  Mr.  Monroe 
addressed  a  letter  to  the  Convention  on  the  14th  of  August, 
notifying  his  arrival,  and  asking  to  what  department  of  the 
government  he  should  present  himself  for  recognition.  This 
expedient  procured  the  desired  effect,  and  he  was  received 
by  the  Convention  itself,  on  the  day  following.  When  he  de- 
livered his  address  to  the  Convention,  he  laid  likewise  before 
it,  the  resolutions  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives, 
as  communicated  by  the  administration,  in  respect  to  France 
and  the  French  Revolution. 

After  being  recognised,  the  first  object  Mr.  Monroe  turned 
his  attention  to,  was  the  derangexl  state  of  American  com- 
merce ;  and,  for  that  purpose,  he  applied  to  the  Committee  of 
Public  Safety,  for  a  restoration  of  the  ancient  and  legitimate 
order  of  things,  with  reparation  for  the  injuries  America  had 
sustained.  His  first  note  to  the  committee  on  this  subject 
was  dated  the  3d  of  September,  1794 — six  weeks,  however, 
elapsed  without  receiving  any  satisfactory  answer.  On  the 
18th  of  October,  he  sent  in  a  second  note  in  support  of  the 
former,  but  with  little  effect.  He  at  last  obtained  an  inter- 
view with  the  diplomatic  members  of  the  committee ;  com- 
mencing a  conversation  with  a  design  to  lead  them  to  that 
point,  that  he  might  explain  in  a  suitable  manner  the  objects 
of  Mr.  Jay's  mission  to  England.  The  gazettes  of  Paris,  at 
that  time,  were  filled  with  reports  that  Mr.  Jay  was  to  pass 
over  to  France,  to  propose  a  mediation  of  peace,  on  the  part 
of  America,  at  the  instance  of  England — which  reports  in- 
creased, in  a  considerable  degree,  the  suspicions  of  the  com- 
mittee. Mr.  Monroe,  therefore,  with  a  view  of  doing  away 
those  ideas,  proposed  an  offer  of  our  services,  to  promote 
peace  by  way  of  mediation,  according  to  an  article  in  his  in- 
structions ;  but  in  a  manner  to  create  belief  that  we  neither 
wished,  nor  would  undertake  that  office,  unless  by  solicitation; 
nor  then,  except  at  the  instance  of  our  ally ;  adding  that  he 
wanted  no  immediate  answer  to  this  communication,  having 
made  it  only  to  inform  them  of  the  amicable  views  of  our  ad- 
ministration towards  France.  So  far  Mr.  Monroe's  object 
Wv?nt  to  discredit  the  report  without  noticing  it.  The  mem- 
bers, however,  adverted  directly  to  it,  asking  Mr.  Monroe 
whether  it  was  true ;   to  which  he  replied   that  it  could  not 


54  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

be  true,  since  Mr.  Jay  was  sent  to  England  on  special  busi- 
ness, only  "  to  demand  compensation  for  the  depredations  on 
our  trade,  and  the  surrender  of  the  western  posts,"  to  which 
his  authority  was  strictly  limited.  The  members  acknow- 
ledged in  terms  sufficiently  polite,  the  attention  which  was 
shown  on  that  occasion,  by  the  administration,  to  the  interests 
of  France,  as  well  in  the  offer  of  service  to  the  French  re- 
public by  the  United  States,  as  in  the  confidential  communica- 
tion Mr.  Monroe  made  upon  the  subject  of  our  own  affairs. 
Thus  the  conference  ended. 

About  this  time,  Mr.  Monroe  was  applied  to  by  M.  Gar- 
doqui,  minister  of  finance  in  Spain,  to  obtain  for  him,  of  the 
French  government,  permission  to  enter  France,  ostensibly  to 
attend  certain  baths  on  account  of  ill-health,  but  more  proba- 
bly to  open  a  negotiation  for  peace  with  the  French  republic. 
At  first  Mr,  Monroe  was  averse  to  comply  with  his  demand  ; 
but  it  having  been  reiterated,  and  passing  by  trumpet  through 
the  Spanish  and  French  armies,  he  could  not  avoid  presenting 
it  to  the  view  of  the  French  government. 

After  this  incident,  he  was  asked  by  the  diplomatic  mem- 
bers of  the  Committee  of  Public  Safety,  whether  he  thought 
they  could  obtain  by  loan,  of  the  United  States,  or  within  the 
United  States,  some  money  to  aid  the  French  government  in 
its  operation.  Mr.  Monroe  understood,  about  four  or  five 
millions  of  dollars  were  wanted  to  be  laid  out  in  the  purchase 
of  provisions  and  other  supplies  in  the  United  States.  Shortly 
after,  he  was  informed  by  the  diplomatic  members  of  the  Com- 
mittee of  Public  Safety,  that  their  minister,  then  about  to  de- 
part for  the  United  States,  would  be  instructed  to  propose  an 
arrangement,  whereby  France  should  engage  to  secure  the 
attainment  of  all  our  claims  upon  foreign  powers,  when  she 
made  her  own  treaties  with  them,  as  likewise  to  protect  our 
commerce  from  the  Algerines. 

By  these  several  communications  and  explanations  on  Mr. 
Monroe's  part,  which  were  much  aided  by  the  movements  of 
General  Wayne  on  the  frontiers,  showing,  that  if  America 
was  not  in  a  state  of  actual  war  with  Great  Britain,  so  neither 
was  she  in  a  state  of  actual  peace,  the  doubts  which  the  com- 
mittee had  entertained  began  to  wear  away. 

On  the  18th  of  Novem^ber,  3794,  the  Committee  of  Public 
safety  passed  an  arret,  by  which  the  commissary  of  marine 
was  ordered  to  adjust  the  amount  due  to  our  citizens  on  ac- 


OF    JOHN   ADAMS.  55 

count  of  the  Bordeaux  embargo,  as  likewise  for  supplies  ren- 
dered to  the  government  of  St.  Domingo.  By  it,  too,  the 
embarrassments  which  impeded  our  direct  commerce  with 
France,  as  also  those  which  impeded  it  with  other  countries, 
by  the  arbitrary  rule  of  contraband,  in  respect  to  provisions 
destined  for  those  countries,  were  done  away.  Free  passage 
in  American  vessels  was  likewise  allowed  to  the  subjects  of 
the  powers  at  war  with  France,  other  than  soldiers  and  sailors 
in  the  actual  service  of  such  powers.  In  short,  all  the  objects 
to  which  Mr.  Monroe's  note  of  the  3d  of  September  extended, 
were  yielded,  except  that  of  allowing  our  vessels  to  protect 
enemies'  goods;  which  point  was  declared  to  be  withheld  until 
such  powers  should  agree  that  the  merchandise  of  French  citi- 
zens, in  neutral  vessels,  should  likewise  be  free. 

Thus  the  business  of  reform,  respecting  our  affairs  with 
France,  was  commenced  :  but  it  did  not  end  here  ;  for,  not 
long  after,  it  was  proposed  by  the  above-named  committee, 
united  with  that  of  legislation,  in  a  report  to  the  Convention, 
as  the  part  of  a  general  system,  to  put  in  execution  likewise 
that  article  of  our  treaty  which  stipulates  that  free  ships  shall 
make  free  goods ;  which  proposition  was  adopted  and  an- 
nounced to  Mr.  Monroe,  on  the  3d  of  January,  1795. 

Our  affairs  with  France  were  now  in  a  prosperous  state. 
By  the  repeal  of  the  decrees  under  which  our  trade  was  ha- 
rassed, there  was  an  end  put  to  complaints  from  that  cause ; 
and,  as  orders  were  issued  for  the  adjustment  of  the  accounts 
of  such  of  our  citizens  as  had  claims  upon  the  French  repub- 
lic, with  a  view  to  their  payment,  the  prospect  of  retribution 
for  past  losses  was  likewise  a  good  one.  Our  commerce,  also, 
flourished  beyond  what  was  ever  known  before ;  for,  by  virtue 
of  our  treaty  with  France  of  1778,  America  was  becoming 
the  carrier  of  her  own  commodities  to  England  and  her  allies. 
Such,  too,  was  the  friendly  bias  of  the  people  of  France  to- 
wards us,  that  notwithstanding  our  vessels  gave  no  protec- 
tion to  French  property  against  English  cruisers,  nor  in  cer- 
tain cases  to  the  productions  of  the  French  islands  turned 
into  American  property,  yet  we  were  become  likewise  the 
principal  carriers  of  France.  Even  the  privilege  of  American 
citizenship  w^ts  an  object  of  great  value  to  the  owner,  for  an 
American  citizen  could  neutralize  vessels,  funds,  &c.,  and 
thus  profit  in  many  ways  by  the  condition  of  his  country.  In 
ijhort,  such  was  our  situation  with  the  French  repubhc,  and 


56  THE   ADMINISTRATION 

with  other  powers,  so  far  as  depended  on  France,  that  there 
was  but  one  point  upon  which  we  had  cause  to  feel  or  express 
any  solicitude  ;  which  was,  that  it  might  not  vary. 

But,  unhappily,  this  state  of  things,  so  correspondent  with 
the  ancient  relations  of  America  with  France,  so  congenial 
with  the  public  sentiments,  and  necessary  to  the  public  welfare, 
was  not  doomed  to  be  a  permanent  one ;  for  even  whilst  the 
proposition  last  above-mentioned,  was  depending  before  the 
Convention,  accounts  were  received  from  England  that  Mr. 
Jay  had  concluded  a  treaty  with  that  power  of  a  very  different 
import  from  his  instructions,  or  what  the  French  government 
had  a  right  to  expect. 

As  soon  as  this  report  reached  Paris,  it  produced  in  the 
committee  a  very  disagreeable  sensation  in  regard  to  America; 
for  immediately  afterwards,  Mr.  Monroe  was  applied  to  by 
that  body  in  a  letter,  which  stated,  that  they  had  heard  of  the 
contents  of  that  treaty,  and  asking  in  what  light  they  were  to 
consider  it.  It  happened  that  Mr.  Monroe  had  received  on 
the  same  day  a  letter  from  Mr.  Jay,  of  the  25th  of  November, 
informing  him  that  he  had  concluded,  on  the  19th  of  the  same 
month,  a  treaty  with  Great  Britain,  which  contained  a  decla- 
ration that  it  should  not  be  construed  or  operate  contrary  to 
our  existing  treaties,  "  but  as  it  was  not  ratified,  it  would  be 
improper  to  publish  it."  Mr.  Monroe,  therefore,  made  Mr. 
Jay's  letter  the  basis  of  his  reply  to  the  committee,  adding, 
that  although  he  was  ignorant  of  the  particular  stipulations 
of  the  treaty,  yet  he  took  it  for  granted  the  report  was 
altogether  without  foundation. 

On  the  16th  of  January,  1795,  Mr.  Monroe  received 
another  letter  from  Mr.  Jay,  informing  him,  that  he  proposed 
to  communicate  to  him  in  ciphers  the  principal  heads  of  the 
treaty,  confidentially.  Mr.  Monroe  being  urprised  at  this 
intelligence,  and  not  wishing  to  possess  a  copy  of  the  treaty, 
if  clogged  with  any  condition  whatever,  wrote  to  Mr.  Jay  by 
a  Mr.  Purviance,  to  that  purpose.  He  received  an  answer, 
refusing  to  send  him  a  copy  of  the  treaty,  urging  as  a  motive 
for  his  refusal,  that  America  was  an  independent  nation. 

Soon  after  this  extraordinary  answer,  Mr.  Monroe  received 
another  letter  from  Mr.  Jay  by  Colonel  Trumbull,  informing 
him  that  he  had  authorized  that  gentleman  to  communicate  to 
him  the  contents  of  the  treaty,  but  this  proposition  Mr.  Mon- 
roe very  properly  rejected. 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  57 

Colonel  Trumbull,  however,  made  a  communication  upon 
the  subject  of  the  treaty  to  Mr.  Hidsborn,  of  Boston,  with  a 
design  that  he  should  communicate  the  same  to  Mr.  Monroe 
— in  consequence  of  which,  Mr.  Monroe  received  it,  and  made 
of  it,  afterwards,  all  the  use  which  a  paper  so  informal  would 
admit  of. 

About  the  beginning  of  February,  1795,  Mr.  Monroe  re- 
ceived a  letter  from  the  Secretary  of  State,  dated  the  2d  of 
December,  1794.  In  this  letter,  the  secretary  takes  notice  of 
Mr.  Monroe's  address  to  the  Convention,  as  also  of  his  letter 
to  the  Committee  of  Public  Safety.  In  the  first,  he  charges 
him  with  having  expressed  a  solicitude  for  the  welfare  of  the 
French  republic,  in  a  style  too  warm  and  affectionate — much 
more  so  than  his  instructions  warranted.  For  the  future,  he 
instructs  him  to  cultivate  the  French  republic  with  zeal,  but 
without  any  unnecessary  eclat.  In  Mr.  Monroe's  letter  to 
the  committee,  demanding  an  indemnity  for  spoliations,  and  a 
repeal  of  the  decrees  suspending  the  execution  of  certain  ar- 
ticles of  our  treaty  of  commerce  with  France,  the  secretary 
censures  Mr.  Monroe  for  having  yielded  an  interest  it  was  his 
duty  to  secure. 

About  the  beginning  of  July,  1795,  Colonel  Humphreys, 
then  resident  minister  of  the  United  States  at  Lisbon,  arrived 
at  Paris,  with  the  view  to  obtain  of  the  French  government 
its  aid  in  support  of  our  negotiations  with  the  Barbary  powers. 
He  brouoht  no  letter  from  the  administration  to  the  French 
government,  to  authorize  his  treatuig  with  it  in  person,  and, 
of  course,  it  became  the  duty  of  Mr.  Monroe  to  apply  in  his 
behalf  for  the  aid  that  was  desired.  Accordingly,  he  ad- 
dressed a  letter  to  the  Committee  of  Public  Safety,  on  the  5th 
of  July,  1795,  opening  the  subject  to  its  view  generally,  and 
requesting  its  aid  in  such  mode  as  should  be  agreed  between 
them.  Mr.  Monroe  had  several  conferences  with  the  mem- 
bers of  the  diplomatic  section  of  the  Committee  of  Public 
Safety  upon  the  subject,  as  also  with  the  Commissary  of 
Foreign  Atfairs,  by  whom  he  was  assured  that  the  aid  he  de- 
sired shouhl  be  given  in  the  most  efficacious  manner  that  it 
could  be.  Arrangements  were,  therefore,  taken  for  pursuing 
those  negotiations,  under  the  care  of  Joel  Barlow,  and  with 
the  full  aid  of  France;  when,  unfortunately,  as  Mr.  Bai'low 
was  upon  the  point  of  embarking  witli  our  presents,  intelli- 
gence was  received,  that  a  Mr.  Donaldson,  whom  Colonel 


58  THE   ADMINISTRATION 

Humphreys  had  left  at  Alicante  with  a  conditional  power,  but 
in  the  expectation  that  he  would  not  proceed  in  the  business 
until  he  heard  further  from  him,  had  passed  over  to  Algiers, 
and  concluded  a  treaty  with  that  regency,  and,  of  course, 
without  the  aid  of  France  ;  which,  therefore,  ended  our  a])- 
plication  to  the  French  government  for  its  aid  in  support  of 
our  negotiations  with  those  powers. 

Early  in  June,  1795,  accounts  were  received  in  Paris,  that 
the  British  government  had  revived  its  order  for  the  seizure 
of  provision  vessels  destined  for  France,  At  that  period, 
Paris,  and  many  other  parts  of  France,  were  in  the  greatest 
distress  for  provisions  ;  in  consequence  whereof,  the  attention 
of  the  government  was  directed  with  great  solicitude  to  those 
quarters  whence  supplies  were  expected,  particularly  to  the 
United  States,  where  great  sums  had  been  expended  in  the 
purchase  of  them.  Unfortunately,  however,  but  few  of  those 
vessels  reached  their  destination,  as  they  were,  in  general, 
taken  by  the  British  cruisers.  It  being  obvious,  that  the 
aggression  of  Great  Britain  upon  the  rights  of  neutral  nations 
was  made  with  the  intention  of  increasing  the  distress  that 
was  then  raging  at  Paris,  it  tended  to  excite  a  ferment  in  the 
French  councils,  which  was  not  pointed  at  Great  Britain 
alone.  The  United  States  w^ere  particularly  animadverted 
upon,  owing  to  a  report  from  one  of  its  secret  agents  in  Eng- 
land, w^ho  stated,  he  was  advised,  through  a  channel  to  be 
relied  upon,  that  the  English  government  had  intimated  the 
measure  would  not  be  offensive  to  the  United  States,  since  it 
was  a  case  provided  for  betv/een  Great  Britain  and  them. 

About  the  middle  of  August,  1795,  American  gazettes 
were  received  at  Paris,  containing  copies  of  the  English  treaty, 
whereby  its  contents  were  made  known  to  the  Committee  of 
Public  Safety.  From  this  period,  therefore,  all  mystery  was 
at  an  end — the  possession  of  the  treaty  enabled  the  French 
government  to  judge  for  itself  upon  all  the  points  which  it 
involved.  Nor  was  the  effect  which  it  produced  an  equivocal 
one ;  for,  according  to  Mr.  Monroe's  report,  there  was  not 
a  description  of  persons,  not  in  the  interest  of  the  coalesced 
powers,  who  did  not  openly  and  severely  censure  it. 

In  the  beginning  of  December,  1795,  Mr.  Monroe  received 
two  letters  from  Mr.  Pickering,  by  w^hich  he  was  informed 
officially,  and  for  the  first  time,  that  the  treaty  was  ratified. 

From  this  period  to  the  25th  of  June,  1796,  Mr.  Monroe 


OF    JOHN   ADAMS.  59 

had  frequent  conferences  with  several  of  the  members  of  the 
Directory,  from  whom  he  received  the  flattering  assurance  of 
the  friendship  of  France  towards  the  United  States.  But  this 
prospect  was  soon  changed,  by  a  letter  which  he  received 
from  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  requesting  information 
whether  the  intelligence  which  the  gazettes  announced,  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  having  agreed  to  carry  the  treaty 
into  effect,  was  to  be  relied  on?  and,  in  case  it  was,  asking 
further,  in  what  light  they  were  to  view  that  event,  before 
he  called  the  attention  of  the  Directory  to  those  consequences 
resulting  from  it,  which  specially  interested  the  French  re- 
pubUc  ?  Mr.  Monroe  replied  to  the  minister,  that  with  respect 
to  his  first  interrogatory,  whether  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives had  passed  a  law  to  carry  the  treaty  into  effect?  he 
could  give  him  no  authentic  information — and  with  respect  to 
the  second,  as  he  had  already  answered  his  several  objections 
to  that  treaty,  to  which  he  had  received  no  jeply,  it  was  im- 
possible for  him  to  enter  again,  under  such  circumstances,  into 
that  subject. 

In  th?  beginning  of  August,  1796,  the  Directory  recalled 
Mr.  Adet,  and  appointed  another  to  take  his  place,  with  the 
grade  of  charge  des  affaires.  Mr.  Monroe  apprehending, 
from  certain  circumstances,  that  he  would  not  be  well  received 
by  the  government  of  the  United  States,  remonstrated  against 
his  appointment  with  the  French  government,  and  with  suc- 
cess ;  for  it  was  revoked. 

In  the  beginning  of  August,  Mr.  Monroe  saw  in  the  Ga- 
zette, a  communication  from  the  minister  of  foreign  affairs  to 
Mr.  Barthelemy,  the  ambassador  of  France  to  the  Swiss  Can- 
tons, announcing  an  arret  of  the  Directory,  by  which  it  was 
determined  to  act  towards  the  commerce  of  neutral  powers, 
in  the  same  manner  as  those  powers  permitted  the  English  go- 
vernment to  act  towards  them.  In  consequence  whernof,  he 
applied  to  the  minister  for  information  relative  to  that  arrrt, 
from  whom  he  received  a  general  answer,  corresponding  only 
in  sentiment  with  the  letter  above-mentioned,  to  the  ambassa- 
dor of  the  republic,  at  Basle. 

About  the  end  of  August,  Mr.  Monroe  heard  that  Mr. 
Adet  was  recalled,  and  no  successor  appointed  in  his  room. 
He  was  informed,  at  the  same  time,  that  any  further  applica- 
tion from  him  to  the  French  government  would  be  improper ; 
since  it  would  not  only  prove  fruitless,  but,  most  probably, 
produce  an  ill  effect. 


60  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

Near  seven  months  had  elapsed  since  the  minister  of  foreign 
affairs  communicated  to  Mr.  Monroe  the  discontent  of  the 
Directory,  on  account  of  Jay's  treaty,  and  its  decision  to  make 
the  same  known  to  our  government  by  an  envoy  extraordi- 
nary, to  be  despatched  to  the  United  States ;  in  the  course  of 
which  time,  he  had  not  received  a  single  line  from  the  depart- 
ment of  state,  although  he  had  regularly  informed  it  of  every 
incident  that  occurred,  and  notwithstanding  the  crisis  was  a 
very  important  one,  requiring  the  profound  attention  of  the 
administration.  In  the  course  of  this  time,  Mr.  Monroe  was 
left  alone  by  the  administration,  to  oppose  the  discontent  of 
France,  not  only  unaided,  but  likewise  under  circumstances 
the  most  unfavourable.  At  this  period,  also,  he  received  a 
letter  from  the  secretary  of  state,  of  the  13th  of  June,  com- 
municating to  him  the  high  dissatisfaction  of  the  President,  on 
account  of  his  conduct  respecting  the  British  treaty.  On  the 
12th  of  October,  he  received  a  letter  from  the  minister  of  fo- 
reign affairs,  announcing  the  recall  of  Mr.  Adet,  and  in  the 
beginning  of  November,  he  received  a  letter  from  the  secre- 
tary of  state,  announcing  his  own  recall  by  the  President  of 
the  United  States. 

The  Directory,  when  Mr.  Monroe  took  leave,  observed,  as 
they  had  done  on  a  former  occasion  with  respect  to  Sweden, 
that  the  people  of  America  not  being  implicated  in  the  acts 
of  their  government,  were  still  objects  of  their  esteem  ;  and 
expressed  also  their  personal  regard  for  the  interest  which  Mr. 
Monroe,  during  his  residence  at  Paris,  had  shown  for  the  wel- 
fare of  the  republic. 

The  news  of  the  intended  resignation  of  the  President  of 
the  United  States,  had  preceded  the  arrival  of  the  new  am- 
bassador, Mr.  Pinckney.  This  event,  which  was  expected 
by  the  French  government,  had,  in  some  measure,  allayed  its 
warmth ;  and  it  was  hoped  that  an  amicable  arrangement 
would  speedily  have  taken  place,  as  it  was  supposed  that  the 
choice  of  the  United  States  would  fall  on  a  person  less  hostile 
to  their  interests;  but  as  the  exchange  of  ambassadors  under 
the  present  circumstances  afforded  so  favourable  an  opportu- 
nity of  expressing  their  feelings,  they  not  only  refused  to 
permit  the  new  ambassador  to  remain  officially  at  Paris,  but 
intimated  to  him,  that  his  residence  as  a  private  citizen  was 
inexpedient. 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  61 


CHAPTER  III. 

Speech  of  the  President — Answer  of  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives— Proceedings  of  Congress. 

No  event  had  occurred  since  the  confederation  of  the  states 
which  excited  such  general  consternation  and  anxiety  among 
all  classes  of  people,  as  the  proclamation  for  the  meeting  of 
Congress  on  the  15th  of  May.  The  recall  of  Mr.  Adet,  and 
the  dismission  of  Mr.  Pinckney,  by  the  Directory  of  France, 
sufficiently  evinced  the  opinion  which  that  republic  entertained 
of  our  administration.  From  the  well  known  principles  of 
Mr,  Adams,  it  was  not  to  be  expected  that  proper  persons 
would  be  appointed  to  effect  a  reconciliation  between  the  two 
countries.  Yet,  great  hopes  were  entertained  by  the  repubU- 
can  party,  that  whatever  might  be  the  views  of  the  executive, 
the  virtue  and  patriotism  of  the  House  of  Representatives 
were  such,  as  never  to  allow^  them  to  abandon  our  natural  ally, 
and  embrace  again  the  arras  of  Britain,  against  the  cause  of 
universal  freedom. 

The  first  business  which  the  House  of  Representatives  en- 
tered upon  after  having  met,  was  the  choice  of  a  speaker. 
Mr.  Dayton,  Mr.  Dent,  and  Mr.  Baldwin,  were  the  three  can- 
didates ;  but  Mr.  Dayton  was  elected,  there  being  seventy-six 
votes  in  his  favour.  Mr.  Dent  and  Mr.  Baldwin  had  only 
one  each. 

Upon  Tuesday,  the  16th  of  May,  the  President  addressed 
to  both  houses  of  Congress  assembled,  the  following  speech : 

"  Gentlemen  of  the  House  of  Representatives : — 

"  The  personal  inconveniences  to  the  members  of  the  Senate 
and  House  of  Representatives,  in  leaving  their  families  and 
private  affairs  at  this  season  of  the  year,  are  so  obvious,  that 
I  the  more  regret  the  extraordinary  occasion  which  has  ren- 
dered the  convention  of  Congress  indispensable. 

"  It  would  have  afforded  me  the  highest  satisfaction,  to 

have  been  able  to  congratulate  you  on  a  restoration  of  peace 

to  the  nations  of  Europe,  whose  animosities  have  endangered 

our  tranquillity.     But  we  have  still  abundant  cause  of  grati- 

6 


62  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

tude  to  the  Supreme  Dispenser  of  national  blessings,  for  gene- 
ral health  and  promising  seasons ;  for  domestic  and  social  hap- 
piness ;  for  the  rapid  progress  and  ample  acquisitions  of  indus- 
try, through  extensive  territories ;  for  civil,  political,  and  re- 
ligious liberty.  While  other  states  are  desolated  with  foreign 
war  or  convulsed  with  intestine  divisions,  the  United  States 
present  the  pleasing  prospect  of  a  nation,  governed  by  mild 
and  equal  laws,  generally  satisfied  with  the  possession  of  their 
rights,  neither  envying  the  advantages  nor  fearing  the  power 
of  other  nations;  solicitous  only  for  the  maintenance  of  order 
and  justice,  and  the  preservation  of  liberty  ;  increasing  daily 
in  their  attachment  to  a  system  of  government,  in  proportion 
to  their  experience  of  its  utility ;  yielding  a  ready  and  general 
obedience  to  laws,  flowing  from  the  reason  and  resting  on  the 
only  solid  foundation,  the  affections  of  the  people. 

"  It  is  with  extreme  regret  I  shall  be  obliged  to  turn  your 
thoughts  to  other  circumstances,  which  admonish  us,  that  some 
of  these  felicities  may  not  be  lasting  ;  but  if  the  tide  of  our 
prosperity  is  full,  and  a  reflux  commencing,  a  vigilant  circum- 
spection becomes  us,  that  we  may  meet  our  reverses  with  for- 
titude, and  extricate  ourselves  from  their  consequences,  with 
all  the  skill  we  possess,  and  all  the  efforts  in  our  power. 

"  In  giving  to  Congress  information  of  the  state  of  the  union, 
and  recommending  to  their  consideration  such  measures  as 
appear  to  me  expedient  or  necessary,  according  to  my  con- 
stitutional duty,  the  causes  and  the  objects  of  the  present  ex- 
traordinary session  will  be  explained. 

"  After  the  President  of  the  United  States  received  inform- 
ation that  the  French  government  had  expressed  serious  dis- 
contents at  some  proceedings  of  the  government  of  these  states, 
said  to  affect  the  interests  of  France,  he  thought  it  expedient 
to  send  to  that  country  a  new  minister,  fully  instructed  to 
enter  on  such  amicable  discussions,  and  to  give  such  candid 
explanations,  as  might  happily  remove  the  discontent  and  sus- 
picions of  the  French  government,  and  vindicate  the  conduct 
of  the  United  States.  For  this  purpose,  he  selected  from 
among  his  fellow-citizens,  a  character,  whose  integrity, 
talents,  experience,  and  services,  had  placed  him  in  the 
rank  of  the  most  esteemed  and  respected  in  the  nation. 
The  direct  object  of  his  mission  w^as  expressed  in  his  letters 
of  credence  to  the  French  republic,  being,  to  "maintain  that 
good  understanding,  which,  from  the  commencement  of  the 


OF    JOHN   ADAMS.  63 

alliance,  had  subsisted  between  the  two  nations,  and  to  efface 
unfavourable  impressions,  banish  suspicions,  and  restore  that 
cordiality  which  was  at  once  the  evidence  and  pledge  of  a 
friendly  union.'  And  his  instructions  were  to  the  same  effect, 
'  faithfully  to  represent  the  disposition  of  the  government  and 
people  of  the  United  States,  their  disposition  being  one  ;  to 
remove  jealousies  and  obviate  complaints,  by  showing  that 
they  were  groundless  ;  to  restore  that  mutual  confidence  which 
had  been  so  unfortunately  and  injuriously  impaired,  and  to  ex- 
plain the  relative  interests  of  both  countries,  and  the  real  sen- 
timents of  his  own.' 

"A  minister  thus  specially  commissioned,  it  was  expected, 
would  have  proved  the  instrument  of  restoring  mutual  confi- 
dence between  the  two  republics — the  first  step  of  the  French 
government  corresponded  with  that  expectation.  A  few  days 
before  his  arrival  at  Paris,  the  French  minister  of  foreign 
relations  informed  the  American  minister  then  resident  at 
Paris,  of  the  formalities  to  be  observed  by  himself  in  taking 
leave,  and  by  his  successor,  preparatory  to  his  reception. 
These  formahties  they  observed  ;  and  on  the  ninth  of  Decem- 
ber, presented  officially  to  the  minister  of  foreign  relations, 
the  one  a  copy  of  his  letters  of  recall,  the  other  a  copy  of  his 
letters  of  credence.  These  were  laid  before  the  Executive 
Directory.  Two  days  afterwards,  the  minister  of  foreign 
relations  informed  the  recalled  American  minister,  that  the 
Executive  Directory  had  determined  not  to  receive  another 
minister  plenipotentiary  from  the  United  States,  until  after 
the  redress  of  grievances  demanded  of  the  American  govern- 
ment, and  which  the  French  republic  had  a  right  to  expect 
from  it.  The  American  minister  immediately  endeavoured 
to  ascertain,  whether,  by  refusing  to  receive  him,  it  was  in- 
tended that  he  should  retire  from  the  territories  of  the  French 
republic,  and  verbal  answers  were  given,  that  such  was  the 
intention  of  the  Directory.  For  his  own  justification,  he  de- 
sired a  written  answer ;  but  obtained  none  until  towards  the 
last  of  January  ;  when,  receiving  notice  in  writing  to  quit  the 
territories  of  the  republic,  he  proceeded  to  Amsterdam,  where 
he  proposed  to  wait  for  instruction  from  this  government. 
During  his  residence  at  Paris,  cards  of  hospitality  were  refused 
him,  and  he  was  threatened  with  being  subjected  to  the  juris- 
diction of  the  minister  of  police — but  with  becoming  firmness, 
he  insisted  on  the  protection  of  the  law  of  nations,  due  to  him 


64  THE   ADMINISTRATION 

as  the  known  minister  of  a  foreign  power.  You  will  derive 
further  information  from  his  despatches,  which  will  be  laid 
before  you. 

"  As  it  is  often  necessary  that  nations  should  treat  for  the 
mutual  advantage  of  their  affairs,  and  especially  to  accommo- 
date and  terminate  differences ;  as  they  can  treat  only  by 
ministers,  the  right  of  embassy  is  well  known,  and  established 
by  the  law  and  usage  of  nations ;  the  refusal  on  the  part  of 
France  to  receive  and  hear  our  minister,  is  then  the  denial  of 
a  right,  but  the  refusal  to  receive  him  until  we  have  acceded 
to  their  demands,  without  discussion  and  without  investigation, 
is  to  treat  us  neither  as  allies,  nor  as  friends,  nor  as  a  sovereign 
state. 

"  With  this  conduct  of  the  French  government,  it  will  be 
proper  to  take  into  view  the  public  audience  given  to  the  late 
minister  of  the  United  States,  on  his  taking  leave  of  the  Exe- 
cutive Directory.  The  speech  of  the  President  discloses  sen- 
timents more  alarming  than  the  refusal  of  a  minister,  because 
more  dangerous  to  our  independence  and  union  ;  and,  at  the 
same  time,  studiously  marked  with  indignities  towards  the 
government  of  the  United  States — it  evinces  a  disposition  to 
separate  the  people  of  the  United  States  from  the  govern- 
ment; to  persuade  them  that  they  have  different  affections, 
principles,  and  interests  from  those  of  their  fellow-citizens, 
whom  they  themselves  have  chosen  to  manage  their  common 
concerns,  and  thus  to  produce  divisions  fatal  to  our  peace. 
Such  attempts  ought  to  be  repelled,  with  a  decision  which 
shall  convince  France  and  the  w'orld,  that  we  are  not  a  de- 
graded people,  humiliated  under  a  colonial  spirit  of  fear  and 
sense  of  inferiority,  fitted  to  be  the  miserable  instruments  of 
foreign  influence,  and  regardless  of  national  honour,  character, 
and  interest. 

"  I  should  have  been  happy  to  have  thrown  a  veil  over 
these  transactions,  if  it  had  been  possible  to  conceal  them  ;  but 
they  have  passed  on  the  great  theatre  of  the  world,  in  the  face 
of  all  Europe  and  America,  and  with  such  circumstances  of 
publicity  and  solemnity,  that  they  cannot  be  disguised,  and 
will  not  soon  be  forgotten  ;  they  have  inflicted  a  wound  in  the 
American  breast — it  is  my  sincere  desire,  however,  that  it  may 
be  healed  ;  it  is  my  sincere  desire,  and  in  this,  I  presume,  I 
concur  with  you  and  with  our  constituents,  to  preserve  peace 
and  friendship  with  all  nations  ;  and  believing  that  neither  the 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  65 

honour  nor  the  interest  of  the  United  States  absokitely  forbid 
the  repetition  of  advances  for  securing  those  desirable  objects 
with  France,  I  shall  institute  a  fresh  attempt  at  negotiation, 
and  shall  not  fail  to  promote  and  accelerate  an  accommodation, 
on  terms  compatible  with  the  rights,  duties,  interests,  and 
honour  of  the  nation.  If  we  have  committed  errors,  and 
these  can  be  demonstrated,  we  shall  be  willing  to  correct  them; 
if  we  have  done  injuries,  we  shall  be  willing,  on  conviction,  to 
redress  them;  and  equal  measures  of  justice,  we  have  a  right 
to  expect  from  France,  and  every  other  nation.  The  diplo- 
matic intercourse  between  the  United  States  and  France  being: 
at  present  suspended,  the  government  has  no  means  of  obtain- 
ing official  information  from  that  country ;  nevertheless,  there 
is  reason  to  believe,  that  the  Executive  Directory  passed  a  de- 
cree on  the  2d  of  March  last,  contravening  in  part  the  treaty 
of  amity  and  commerce  of  1778,  injurious  to  our  lawful  com- 
merce, and  endangering  the  lives  of  our  citizens.  A  copy  of 
this  decree  will  be  laid  before  you. 

"While  we  are  endeavouring  to  adjust  all  our  differences 
with  France  by  amicable  negotiation,  the  progress  of  the  war  in 
Europe,  the  depredations  on  our  commerce,  the  personal  in- 
juries to  our  citizens,  and  the  general  complexion  of  affairs, 
render  it  my  indispensable  duty  to  recommend  to  your  con- 
■'ideration  effectual  measures  of  defence, 

"  The  commerce  of  the  United  States  has  become  an  in- 
teresting object  of  attention,  whether  we  consider  it  in  relation 
to  the  wealth  and  finances,  or  the  strength  and  resources  of 
the  nation.  With  a  sea-coast  of  near  two  thousand  miles  in 
extent,  opening  a  wide  field  for  fisheries,  navigation,  and  com- 
merce, a  great  portion  of  our  citizens  naturally  apply  their 
industry  and  enterprise  to  these  objects ;  any  serious  and  per- 
manent injury  to  commerce  would  not  fail  to  produce  the 
most  embarrassing  disorders  ;  to  prevent  it  from  being  under- 
mined and  destroyed,  it  is  essential  that  it  receive  an  adequate 
protection. 

"  The  naval  establishment  must  occur  to  every  man  who 
considers  the  injuries  committed  on  our  commerce,  the  insults 
offered  to  our  citizens,  and  the  description  of  the  vessels  by 
which  these  abuses  have  been  practised  ;  as  the  sufferings  of 
our  mercantile  and  seafaring  citizens  cannot  be  ascribed  to 
the  omission  of  duties  demandable,  considering  the  neutral 
situation  of  our  country,  they  are  to  be  attributed  to  the  hope 
6* 


66  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

of  impunity  arising  from  a  supposed  inability  on  our  part  to 
afford  protection — to  resist  the  consequence  of  such  impres- 
sions on  the  minds  of  foreign  nations,  and  to  guard  against 
the  degradation  and  servihty  which  they  must  finally  stamp  on 
the  American  character,  is  an  important  duty  of  government. 

"  A  naval  power,  next  to  the  militia,  is  the  natural  defence 
of  the  United  States.  The  experience  of  the  last  war  would 
be  sufficient  to  show  that  a  moderate  naval  force,  such  as 
would  be  easily  within  the  present  abilities  of  the  Union, 
would  have  been  sufficient  to  have  baffled  many  formidable 
transportations  of  troops  from  one  state  to  another,  which 
were  then  practised — our  sea-coasts,  from  their  great  extent, 
are  more  easily  annoyed,  and  more  easily  defended  by  a  naval 
force  than  any  other ;  with  all  the  materials  our  country 
abounds  ;  in  skill,  our  naval  architects  and  navigators  are  equal 
to  any ;  and  commanders  and  seamen  will  not  be  wanting. 

"  But,  although  the  establishment  of  a  permanent  system 
of  naval  defence  appears  to  be  requisite,  I  am  sensible  it  can- 
not be  formed  so  speedily  and  extensively  as  the  present  crisis 
demands.  Hitherto,  I  have  thought  proper  to  prevent  the 
sailing  of  armed  vessels,  except  on  voyages  to  the  East  In- 
dies, where  general  usage,  and  danger  from  pirates,  appeared 
to  render  the  permission  proper ;  yet  the  restriction  has  origi- 
nated solely  from  a  wish  to  prevent  collusions  with  the  powers 
at  war,  contravening  the  act  of  Congress,  of  June,  one 
thousand  seven  hundred  and  ninety-four,  and  not  from  any 
doubt  entertained  by  me  of  the  policy  and  propriety  of  per- 
mitting our  vessels  to  employ  means  of  defence,  while  engaged 
in  a  lawful  foreign  commerce.  It  remains  for  Congress  to 
prescribe  such  regulations  as  will  enable  our  seafaring  citizens 
to  defend  themselves  against  violations  of  the  law  of  nations, 
and  at  the  same  time  restrain  them  from  committing  acts  of 
hostility  against  the  powers  at  war.  In  addition  to  this  volun- 
tary provision  for  defence,  by  individual  citizens,  it  appears  to 
me  necessary  to  equip  the  frigates,  and  provide  other  vessels 
of  inferior  force,  to  take  under  convoy  such  merchant  vessels 
as  still  remain  unarmed. 

"The  greater  part  of  the  cruisers,  whose  depredations  have 
been  most  injurious,  have  been  built,  and  some  of  them  par- 
tially equipped  in  the  United  States.  Although  an  effectual 
remedy  may  be  attended  with  difficulty,  yet  I  have  thought 
it  my  duty  to  present  the  subject  generally  to  your  considera- 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  67 

tion.  If  a  mode  can  be  devised,  by  the  wisdom  of  Congress, 
to  prevent  the  resources  of  the  United  States  from  being  con- 
verted into  the  means  of  annoying  our  trade,  a  great  evil  will 
be  prevented.  With  the  same  view  I  think  it  proper  to  men- 
tion, that  some  of  our  citizens  resident  abroad  have  fitted  out 
privateers,  and  others  have  voluntarily  taken  the  command, 
or  entered  on  board  of  them,  and  committed  spoliations  on  the 
commerce  of  the  United  States.  Such  unnatural  and  iniqui- 
tous practices  can  be  restrained  only  by  severe  punishments. 

"But  besides  a  protection  of  our  commerce  on  the  seas,  I 
think  it  highly  necessary  to  protect  it  at  home,  where  it  is 
collected  in  our  most  important  ports.  The  distance  of  the 
United  States  from  Europe,  and  the  well-known  promptitude, 
ardour  and  courage  of  the  people  in  defence  of  their  country, 
happily  diminish  the  probability  of  invasion  :  nevertheless,  to 
guard  against  sudden  and  predatory  incursions,  the  situation 
of  some  of  our  principal  seaports  demands  your  consideration  ; 
and  as  our  country  is  vulnerable  in  other  interests  besides  those 
of  its  commerce,  you  will  seriously  deliberate,  whether  the 
means  of  general  defence  ought  not  to  be  increased,  by  an  ad- 
dition to  the  regular  artillery  and  cavalry,  and  by  arrange- 
ments for  forming  a  provisional  army. 

"  With  the  same  view,  and  as  a  measure  which  even  in  time 
of  vmiversal  peace  ought  not  to  be  neglected,  I  recommend  to 
your  consideration,  a  revision  of  the  laws  for  organizing,  arm- 
ing, and  disciplining  the  militia,  to  render  that  natural  and 
safe  defence  of  the  country  efficacious.  Although  it  is  very 
true  that  we  ought  not  to  involve  ourselves  in  the  political 
system  of  Europe,  but  to  keep  ourselves  always  distinct  and 
separate  from  it,  if  we  can  ;  yet  to  effect  this  separation,  early, 
punctual,  and  continual  information  of  the  current  chain  of 
events,  and  of  the  political  projects  in  contemplation,  is  no 
less  necessary  than  if  we  were  directly  concerned  in  them ;  it 
is  necessary,  in  order  to  the  discovery  of  the  efforts  made  to 
draw  us  into  the  vortex,  in  season  to  make  preparation  against 
them.  However  we  may  consider  ourselves,  the  maritime 
and  commercial  powers  of  the  world  will  consider  the  United 
States  of  America  as  forming;  a  weight  in  that  balance  of 
power  in  Europe,  which  never  can  be  forgotten  or  neglected. 
It  would  not  only  be  against  our  interest,  but  it  would.be  do- 
ing wrong  to  one  half  of  Europe  at  least,  if  we  should  volun- 
tarily throw  ourselves  into  either  scale.     It  is  a  natural  policy 


68  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

for  a  nation  that  studies  to  be  neutral,  to  consult  with  other 
nations  engaged  in  the  same  studies  and  pursuits ;  at  the  same 
time  that  measures  might  be  pursued  with  this  view,  our  trea- 
ties with  Prussia  and  Sweden,  one  of  which  is  expired,  and 
the  other  near  expiring,  might  be  renewed. 

"  Gentlemen  of  the  House  of  Representatives : — 

"  It  is  particularly  your  province  to  consider  the  state  of 
the  public  finances,  and  to  adopt  such  measures  respecting 
them,  as  exigencies  shall  be  found  to  require ;  the  preservation 
of  public  credit,  the  regular  extinguishment  of  the  public 
debt,  and  a  provision  of  funds  to  defray  any  extraordinary  ex- 
pense, will,  of  course,  call  for  your  serious  attention  ;  although 
the  imposition  of  new  burthens  cannot  be  in  itself  agreeable, 
yet  there  is  no  ground  to  doubt,  that  the  American  people 
will  expect  from  you  such  measures  as  their  actual  engage- 
ments, their  present  security,  and  future  interest  demand. 

"  Gentlemen  of  the  Senate,  and 

Gentlemen  of  the  House  of  Rejyresentatives : — 

*'  The  present  situation  of  our  country  imposes  an  obliga- 
tion on  all  the  departments  of  government,  to  adopt  an  expli- 
cit and  decided  conduct.  In  my  situation,  an  exposition  of 
the  principles  by  which  my  administration  will  be  governed, 
ought  not  to  be  omitted. 

"  It  is  impossible  to  conceal  from  ourselves  or  the  world, 
what  has  been  before  observed,  that  endeavours  have  been 
employed  to  foster  and  establish  a  division  betw-een  the  go- 
vernment and  people  of  the  United  States.  To  investigate 
the  causes  which  have  encouraged  this  attempt,  is  not  ne- 
cessary ;  but  to  repel,  by  decided  and  united  councils,  insinu- 
ations so  derogatory  to  the  honour,  and  aggressions  so  dan- 
gerous to  the  constitution,  union,  and  even  independence  of 
the  nation,  is  an  indispensable  duty. 

"It  must  not  be  permitted  to  be  doubted,  whether  the  peo- 
ple of  the  United  States  will  support  the  government  esta- 
blished by  their  voluntary  consent,  and  appointed  by  their 
free  choice,  or  W'hether,  by  surrendering  themselves  to  the 
direction  of  foreign  and  domestic  factions  in  opposition  to  their 
own  government,  they  will  forfeit  the  honourable  station  they 
have  hitherto  maintained. 

"  For  myself,  having  never  been  indifferent  to  what  con- 


OF    JOHN   ADAMS.  69 

cerned  the  interests  of  my  country  ;  devoted  the  best  part  of 
my  life  to  obtain  and  support  its  independence,  and  constantly 
-witnessed  the  patriotism,  fidelity,  and  perseverance  of  my  fel- 
low-citizens on  the  most  trying  occasions,  it  is  not  for  me  to 
hesitate  or  abandon  a  cause  in  which  my  heart  has  been  so 
long  engaged. 

"  Convinced  that  the  conduct  of  the  government  has  been 
just  and  impartial  to  foreign  nations,  that  those  internal  regu- 
lations, which  have  been  established  by  law  for  the  preserva- 
tion of  peace,  are  in  their  nature  proper,  and  that  they  have 
been  fairly  executed,  nothing  will  ever  be  done  by  me  to  im- 
pair the  national  engagements,  to  innovate  upon  principles 
which  have  been  so  deUberately  and  uprightly  established,  or 
surrender  in  any  manner  the  rights  of  the  government.  To 
enable  me  to  maintain  this  declaration,  I  rely,  under  God,  with 
entire  confidence  on  the  firm  and  enlightened  support  of  the 
national  legislature,  and  upon  the  virtue  and  patriotism  of  my 
fellow-citizens." 

The  business  which  engaged  both  houses  of  Congress  for 
the  first  fortnight  of  this  session,  was  the  preparing  of  an 
answer  to  Mr.  Adams  for  this  gracious  speech.  Messrs. 
Venable,  Freeman,  Griswold,  Kittera,  and  Rutledge,  were 
the  committee  appointed  by  the  House  of  Representatives  for 
that  purpose.  The  three  latter  were  truly  federal ;  and  the 
first  report  they  gave  in,  was  even  too  complaisant  for  many 
of  the  federal  faction  to  suffer. 

Mr.  Nicholas,  of  Virginia,  proposed  an  amendment,  which 
tended  to  modify  the  approving  panegyric  contained  in  the 
answer.  He  said,  that  this  was  the  most  important  crisis 
America  had  known  since  the  declaration  of  its  independence; 
and  it  would  depend  much  upon  the  answer  returned  to  the 
President's  speech,  whether  we  were  to  witness  a  similar 
scene  of  havoc  and  distress  to  that  which  was  not  yet  for- 
gotten. The  situation  in  which  we  stood  with  respect  to 
France,  in  his  opinion,  called  for  the  most  judicious  proceed- 
ings ;  it  was  his  wish  to  heal  the  breach,  which  was  already 
too  greati  by  temperate,  rather  than  widen  it  by  irritating 
measures. 

He  confessed,  that  he  considered  the  answer  reported  to 
them,  as  going  to  decide  the  question  of  peace  or  war  for  this 
country — he  thought  it  a  thing  of  that  sort  which  might  have 
the  worst  possible  consequence,  and  could  have  no  good  effect; 


70  THE   ADMINISTRATION 

it  might  tend  to  irritate,  to  prevent  any  sort  of  inquiry  or 
settlement  taking  place,  but  could  not  serve  towards  an  ad- 
justment of  differences.  What,  said  Mr.  Nicholas,  can  be 
expected,  if  Americans  act  upon  this  temper?  Their  declara- 
tion with  respect  to  France,  will  probably  reach  that  country 
before  an  envoy  can  be  sent  to  endeavour  to  negotiate  a  settle- 
ment of  differences — why  endeavour  to  frighten  them,  when 
we  are  the  weakest  power  ?  He  said,  he  did  not  mean  to  re- 
commend humiliating  measures ;  he  would  pledge  himself  not 
to  submit  to  insult  without  redress,  nor  was  any  man  more 
unwilling  to  make  mean  or  improper  concessions  than  he ;  but 
the  language  of  moderation  and  justice  he  preferred  to  a  boast- 
ing manner.  If  injury  or  error  had  been  committed  on  the 
part  of  America,  he  wished  it  to  be  corrected.  He  considered 
it  to  be  for  the  honour,  credit,  and  interest  of  America,  that 
the  committee  should  go  into  a  fair  and  full  examination  of  the 
address  before  them,  and  he  hoped  that  examination  would 
take  place. 

Mr.  Freeman,  member  for  New  Hampshire,  after  several 
preliminary  observations,  declared,  he  should  vote  for  the 
amendment,  as  he  saw  nothing  in  it  exceptionable  —  it  did 
not  contain,  he  said,  an  unqualified  approbation  of  the  measures 
of  the  executive,  nor  any  undignified  expressions.  If  the 
amendment  should  not  prevail,  still  the  original  report  might 
be  so  amended  as  to  induce  him  perhaps  to  vote  for  it.  He 
hoped  a  spirit  of  conciliation  would  obtain,  and  that  unanimity 
might  prevail  on  the  occasion. 

Mr.  Edward  Livingston,*  of  New  York,  in  a  speech  of 
five  hours,  which  it  would  be  impossible  to  abridge,  supported 
the  amendment. 

Mr.  Gallatin  was  of  opinion  the  debate  had  been  extended 
on  so  wide  a  field,  that  the  object  which,  in  his  mind,  occu- 
pied the  first  place,  was  in  some  measure  deprived  of  the  full 
consideration  which  time  and  circumstances  demanded ;  he 
thought  those  arguments  which  concerned  the  conduct  of 
foreign  nations  towards  each  other,  might  as  well  have  been 
omitted  altogether,  on  the  present  occasion.     The  members 

*  This  gentleman  is  a  descendant  of  a  Scotch  family,  who  emigrated  to 
America  the  beginning  of  last  century.  His  great  grandfather  was  a  .Tohn 
Livingston,  a  Presbyterian  clergyman,  who  made  a  conspicuous  figure 
during  the  Reformation 


OF    JOHN   ADAMS.  71 

of  the  committee  might  be  made  sensible  of  the  irritation  of 
such  discussions,  but  he  beUeved  no  one  would  pretend  to  say, 
he  was  fully  informed  of  foreign  concerns  on  either  side,  to 
decide  upon  their  policy  or  irapohcy.  At  the  same  time,  it 
should  be  considered,  that  the  situation  of  America,  and  the 
best  policy  to  be  pursued  in  her  situation,  were  the  only  pro- 
per objects  of  our  immediate  attention,  and  those  alone  upon 
which  the  House  should  pretend  to  be  properly  informed,  or 
to  decide  with  effect. 

The  question  before  the  House,  he  said,  was  the  amend- 
ment proposed  by  the  gentleman  from  Virginia  (Mr.  Nicho- 
las), respecting  which,  we  could  not  be  too  speedy  in  our 
decisions.  The  events  on  the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic  were 
so  rapid,  as  not  to  be  within  our  reach  or  control ;  we  even 
did  not  know  the  events  which  had  already  taken  place.  He 
would  not  rely  on  the  generosity  of  any  nation  in  particular 
circumstances ;  and  there  was  no  knowing  the  extent  to  which 
success  might  lead  men,  under  a  mistaken  impression  of  injury. 
America  ought  to  lose  no  time.  France  had  nearly  over- 
whelmed all  Europe  by  land — what  she  might  do  next,  we 
did  not  know ;  whether  she  was  just  or  unjust,  we  should  at 
least  not  lose  time  in  negotiation;  and  we  ought  the  more 
readily  to  do  this,  because  there  was  no  man  in  America,  of 
what  party  he  might  be,  who  would  not  resist,  if  resistance 
was  required;  therefore,  he  said,  while  the  conflict  remained 
doubtful,  it  became  us  to  determine  on  our  affairs ;  and  as  the 
amendment  appeared  to  furnish  the  only  grounds  upon  which 
negotiation  was  at  all  likely  to  be  attended  with  the  necessary 
effects  of  securing  power  and  independence,  they  ought  to  be 
preserved. 

Several  other  amendments  having  been  proposed  and  car- 
ried, the  following  address  was  at  length  agreed  to,  and  pre- 
sented to  the  President  by  the  members  of  the  House  of  Re- 
presentatives, on  the  3d  of  June,  who  all  walked  in  procession 
for  that  purpose : 

"  To  the  President  of  the  United  States. 

"  Sir, — The  interesting  details  of  those  events  which  have 
rendered  the  convention  of  Congress  at  this  time  indispensa- 
ble (communicated  in  your  speech  to  both  houses),  has  excited 
in  us  the  strongest  emotions.     Whilst  we  regret  the  occasion, 


72  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

we  cannot  omit  to  testify  our  approbation  of  the  measure,  and 
to  pledge  ourselves,  that  no  consideration  of  private  inconve- 
nience shall  prevent,  on  our  part,  a  faithful  discharge  of  the 
duties  to  which  we  are  called. 

"We  have  constantly  hoped,  that  the  nations  of  Europe, 
whilst  desolated  by  foreign  wars,  or  convulsed  by  intestine 
divisions,  would  have  left  the  United  States  to  enjoy  that  peace 
and  tranquillity  to  which  the  impartial  conduct  of  our  govern- 
ment has  entitled  us ;  and  it  is  now  with  extreme  regret,  we 
find  the  measures  of  the  French  republic  tending  to  endanger 
a  situation  so  desirable  and  interesting  to  our  country. 

"Upon  this  occasion,  we  feel  it  our  duty  to  express,  in  the 
most  explicit  manner,  the  sensations  which  the  present  crisis 
has  excited,  and  to  assure  you  of  our  zealous  co-operation  in 
those  measures  which  may  appear  necessary  for  our  security 
or  peace. 

"  Although  it  is  the  earnest  wish  of  our  hearts  that  peace 
may  be  maintained  with  the  French  republic,  yet  we  never 
will  surrender  those  rights  which  belong  to  us  as  a  nation ; 
and  whilst  we  view  with  satisfaction  the  wisdom,  dignity,  and 
moderation  which  have  marked  the  measures  of  the  supreme 
executive  of  our  country,  in  its  attempts  to  remove,  by  candid 
explanations,  the  complaints  and  jealousies  of  France,  we  feel 
the  full  force  of  that  indignity  which  has  been  offered  our 
country  in  the  rejection  of  its  minister.  No  attempts  to  wound 
our  rights  as  a  sovereign  state  M'ill  escape  the  notice  of  our- 
constituents.  They  will  be  felt  with  indignation,  and  repelled 
wath  that  decision  which  shall  convince  the  world  that  we  are 
not  a  degraded  people,  that  we  can  never  submit  to  the  de- 
mands of  a  foreign  power,  without  examination  and  without 
discussion. 

"  Knowing,  as  we  do,  the  confidence  reposed  by  the  people 
of  the  United  States  in  their  government,  we  cannot  hesitate 
in  expressing  our  indignation  at  any  sentiments  tending  to 
derogate  from  that  confidence.  Such  sentiments,  wherever 
entertained,  serve  to  evince  an  imperfect  knowledge  of  the 
opinions  of  our  constituents. 

"  Sensibly  as  we  feel  the  wound  which  has  been  inflicted 
by  transactions  disclosed  in  your  communication,  yet  we  think 
with  you,  that  neither  the  honour  nor  the  interest  of  the  United 
States  forbids  the  repetition  of  advances  for  preserving  peace. 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  78 

"We  therefore  receive,  with  the  utmost  satisfaction,  your 
information  that  a  fresh  attempt  at  negotiation  will  be  insti- 
tuted, and  we  cherish  the  hope,  that  a  mutual  spirit  of  conci- 
liation, and  a  disposition  on  the  part  of  France  to  compensate 
for  any  injuries  which  may  have  been  committed  on  our. neu- 
tral rights,  and  on  the  part  of  the  United  States  to  place 
France  on  grounds  similar  to  those  of  other  countries,  in  their 
relation  and  connexion  with  us,  if  any  inequalities  shall  be 
found  to  exist,  will  produce  an  accommodation  compatible 
with  the  engagements,  rights,  interest,  and  honour  of  the 
United  States. 

"  Fully,  however,  impressed  with  the  uncertainty  of  the  re- 
sult, we  shall  prepare  to  meet  with  fortitude  any  unfavoura- 
ble events  which  may  occur,  and  to  extricate  ourselves  from 
their  consequences,  with  all  the  skill  we  possess,  and  with  all 
the  efforts  in  our  power.  Beheving  with  you,  that  the  con- 
duct of  the  government  has  been  just  and  impartial  to  foreign 
nations,  that  the  laws  for  the  preservation  of  peace  have  been 
proper,  and  that  they  have  been  fairly  executed,  the  represen- 
tatives of  the  people  do  not  hesitate  to  declare,  that  they  will 
give  their  most  cordial  support  to  the  execution  of  principles 
so  deliberately  and  uprightly  established. 

"  The  many  interesting  subjects  which  you  have  recom- 
mended to  our  consideration,  and  which  are  so  strongly  en- 
forced by  this  momentous  occasion,  will  receive  every  atten- 
tion which  their  importance  demands ;  and  we  trust  that,  by 
the  decided  and  explicit  conduct  which  will  govern  our  delibe- 
ration, every  insinuation  will  be  repelled  which  is  derogatory 
to  the  honour  and  independence  of  our  country. 

"Permit  us,  in  offering  this  address,  to  express  our  satis- 
faction at  your  promotion  to  the  first  office  in  the  government, 
and  our  entire  confidence  that  the  pre-eminent  talents  and  pa- 
triotism which  have  placed  you  in  this  distinguished  situation, 
will  enable  you  to  discharge  its  various  duties  with  satisfaction 
to  yourself,  and  advantage  to  our  common  country." 

The  House  having  returned,  went  into  a  committee  of  the 
whole  on  the  state  of  the  union.  The  following  propositions 
were  brought  forward,  and  their  consideration  occupied  the 
attention  of  the  House  the  greater  part  of  the  session  : — 

1st.  That  provision  should  be  made  for  fortifying  the  ports 


74  TITF.  AD-MTNISTRATION 

and  harbours  of  the  United  States.  The  sum  of  seventy-five 
thousand  dollars  was  voted  for  this  purpose. 

2d.  That  provision  be  made  by  law  for  completing  and 
manning  the  frigates  United  States,  Constitution,  and  Con- 
stellation. 

3d.  That  provision  be  made  by  law  for  procuring  by  pur- 
chase a  further  naval  force,  to  consist  of  three  frigates  and 
six  sloops  of  war. 

4th.  That  provision  be  made  by  law  for  empowering  the 
President  to  employ  the  naval  force  of  the  United  States,  as 
convoys  to  protect  the  trade  thereof. 

5th.  That  provision  be  made  for  regulating  the  armmg  of 
merchant  vessels  of  the  United  States. 

6th.  That  the  miUtary  establishment  should  be  augmented 
by  one  regiment,  a  corps  of  artillerists  and  engmeers,  and  se- 
veral companies  of  dragoons. 

7th.  That  provision  be  made  for  empowering  the  President 
to  raise  a  provisional  army,  to  consist  of  a  certain  number  of 
regiments  of  infantry,  one  regiment  of  artillery,  and  one  regi- 
ment of  dragoons. 

8th.  That  provision  be  made  for  authorizing  the  President 
to  borrow  money,  for  the  defence  and  security  of  the  United 
States. 

9th.  That  a  revenue  be  raised,  adequate  to  the  reimburse- 
ment of  such  sums  as  the  President  may  borrow. 

10th.  That  the  exportation  of  arms,  ammunition,  and  mili" 
tary  stores,  be  prevented  for  a  limited  time. 

On  the  12th  of  June,  the  President  of  the  United  States 
sent  a  message  to  the  House  of  Representatives,  acquainting 
them  that  he  had  received  information  from  the  commissioners 
appointed  on  the  part  of  the  United  States,  pursuant  to  the 
third  article  of  our  treaty  with  Spain,  that  the  running  and 
marking  of  the  boundary  line  between  the  colonies  of  East 
and  West  Florida,  and  the  territory  of  the  United  States,  had 
been  delayed  by  the  officers  of  his  Catholic  majesty ;  and  that 
they  had  declared  their  intention  to  maintain  his  jurisdiction, 
and  to  suspend  the  withdrawing  of  his  troops  from  the  mili- 
tary posts  they  occupied  within  the  territory  of  the  United 
States,  until  the  two  governments  should,  by  negotiation,  set- 
tle the  meaning  of  the  second  article,  respecting  the  with- 
drawing of  the  troops,  garrisons,  or  settlements  of  either  party, 


OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  75 

in  the  territory  of  the  other ;  that  is,  whether,  when  the  Spa- 
nish garrisons  withdrew,  they  were  to  leave  the  works  stand- 
ing or  to  demohsh  them ;  and  until,  by  an  additional  article 
to  the  treaty,  the  real  property  of  the  inhabitants  should  be 
secured  ;  and  likewise,  until  the  Spanish  officers  were  sure  the 
Indians  would  be  pacific. 

The  President  mentioned,  that  in  order  to  remove  the  first 
difficulty,  he  had  resolved  to  leave  the  matter  to  the  discretion 
of  the  officers  of  his  Catholic  majesty  ;  and  as  to  the  second, 
he  would  cause  an  assurance  to  be  published,  that  the  settlers 
or  occupants  of  the  land  in  question  should  not  be  disturbed 
in  their  possessions  by  the  troops  of  the  United  States,  but  on 
the  contrary,  that  they  should  be  protected  in  all  their  lawful 
claims.  He  also  recommended  to  the  consideration  of  the 
House,  the  expediency  of  creating  a  government  in  the  midst 
of  the  Natchez,  similar  to  that  established  for  the  territory 
north-west  of  the  river  Ohio,  but  with  certain  modifications, 
relative  to  titles  in  claims  of  land,  whether  of  individuals  or 
companies,  or  to  claims  of  jurisdiction  of  any  individual  state. 

Towards  the  close  of  the  session,  the  attention  of  Congress 
was  drawn  to  one  of  the  most  singular  conspiracies  that  had 
hitherto  been  attempted  in  the  United  States :  viz.,  a  plan  laid 
by  WilUam  Blount,  a  senator,  from  the  state  of  Tennessee, 
and  Mr.  Liston,  the  English  minister,  for  the  British  to  in- 
vade the  Spanish  territory  from  Canada,  aided  by  men  enlisted 
within  the  United  States,  and  by  the  Indians.  This  mysteri- 
ous affair  was  first  brought  to  light  by  the  following  letter 
from  Blount,  to  a  person  of  the  name  of  Carey,  an  Indian  in- 
terpreter : 

"  Colonel  King's  Iron  Works,  April  21,  1797. 

"  Dear  Carey — I  wished  to  have  seen  you  before  I  re- 
turned to  Philadelphia ;  but  I  am  obliged  to  return  to  the 
session  of  Congress,  which  commences  on  the  15th  of  May. 

"  Among  other  things  I  wished  to  have  seen  you  about, 
was  the  business  of  Captain  Chesholm,  mentioned  to  the 
British  minister  last  winter  at  Philadelphia. 

"  I  believe,  but  am  not  quite  sure,  that  the  plan  then  talked 
of,  will  be  attempted  this  fall ;  and  if  it  is  attempted,  it  will 
be  in  a  much  larger  way  than  then  talked  of;  and  if  the  In- 
dians act  their  part,  I  have  no  doubt  but  it  will  succeed.  A 
man  of  consequence  has  gone  to  England  about  the  business, 


76  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

and  if  he  makes  arrangements  as  he  expects,  I  shall  have  a 
hand  in  the  business,  and  probably  shall  be  at  the  head  of  the 
business  on  the  part  of  the  British.  You  are,  however,  to 
understand,  that  it  is  not  yet  quite  certain  that  the  plan  will 
be  attempted  ;  you  will  do  well  to  keep  things  in  a  proper 
train  of  action,  in  case  it  should  be  attempted,  and  to  do  so 
will  require  all  your  management — I  say,  all  your  management, 
because  you  must  take  care  in  whatever  you  say  to  Rogers, 
or  anybody  else,  not  to  let  the  plan  be  discovered  by  Hawkins, 
Dinsmore,  Byers,  or  any  other  person  in  the  interest  of  the 
States  of  Spain. 

"  If  I  attempt  this  plan,  I  shall  expect  to  have  you,  and  all 
my  Indian  country,  and  all  my  Indian  friends,  with  me  ;  but 
you  are  now  in  good  business,  I  hope,  and  you  are  not  to  risk 
the  loss  of  it,  by  saying  anything  that  will  hurt  you,  until  you 
hear  from  me.  Where  Captain  Chesholm  is,  I  do  not  know  : 
I  left  him  at  Philadelphia  in  March,  and  he  frequently  visited 
the  minister,  and  spoke  upon  the  subject ;  but  I  believe  he 
wdll  go  into  the  Creek  nation  by  way  of  Carolina  or  Georgia 
— he  gave  out  that  he  was  going  to  England,  but  I  did  not 
believe  him.  Among  other  things  that  you  may  safely  do, 
will  be  to  keep  my  consequence  with  Watts,  and  the  Creeks 
and  Cherokees  generally  ;  and  you  must  by  no  means  say  any- 
thing in  favour  of  Hawkins,  but  as  often  as  you  can,  with 
safety  to  yourself,  you  may  teach  the  Creeks  to  believe  that 
he  is  no  better  than  he  should  be  ;  any  power  or  consequence. 
he  gets,  will  be  against  our  plan.  Perhaps  Rogers,  who  has 
no  office  to  lose,  is  the  best  man  to  give  out  talks  against 
Hawkins.  Read  the  letter  to  Rogers;  if  you  think  it  best  to 
send  it  to  him,  put  a  wafer  in  it,  and  forward  it  to  him  by  a 
safe  hand,  or  perhaps  you  had  best  send  to  him  to  come  to  you, 
and  speak  to  him  yourself  respecting  the  state  and  prospect 
of  things. 

"  I  have  advised  you,  in  w'hatever  you  do,  to  take  care  of 
yourself — I  have  now  to  tell  you  to  take  care  of  me  too, 
for  a  discovery  of  the  plan  would  prevent  the  success,  and 
much  injure  all  parties  concerned  ;  it  may  be,  that  the  com- 
missioners may  not  run  the  line  as  the  Indians  may  expect  or 
wish,  and  in  that  case,  the  Indians  may  be  taught  to  blame  me 
for  making  the  treaty. 

"  To  such  complaints  against  me,  if  such  there  arc,  it  may 


OF    JOHN   ADAMS.  77 

be  said  by  my  friends,  at  proper  times  and  places,  that  Dou- 
blehead  confirmed  the  treaty  with  the  President,  at  Philadel- 
phia, and  receives  as  much  as  five  thousand  dollars  a  year,  to 
be  paid  to  the  nation,  over  and  above  the  first  price :  Indeed, 
it  may  with  truth  be  said,  that  though  I  made  the  treaty,  I 
made  it  by  the  instructions  of  the  President ;  and,  in  fact,  it 
may  with  truth  be  said,  that  I  was  by  the  President  instructed 
to  purchase  much  more  land  than  the  Indians  would  agree  to 
sell. 

"  This  sort  of  talk  will  be  throwing  all  the  blame  oflf  me, 
upon  the  President ;  and  as  he  is  now  out  of  office,  it  will  be 
of  no  consequence  how  much  the  Indians  blame  him.  And 
among  other  things  that  may  be  said  for  me  is,  that  I  was  not 
at  the  running  of  the  line,  and  that  if  I  had  been,  it  would 
have  been  run  more  to  their  satisfaction.  In  short,  you  un- 
derstand the  subject,  and  must  take  care  to  give  out  the  proper 
talks,  to  keep  up  my  consequence  with  the  Creeks  and  Chero- 
kees.  Can't  Rogers  contrive  to  get  the  Creeks  to  desire  the 
President  to  take  Hawkins  out  of  the  nation  ?  for  if  he  stays 
in  the  Creek  nation,  and  gets  the  good-will  of  the  nation,  he 
can  and  will  do  great  injury  to  oui-  plans.  When  you  have 
read  this  letter  over  three  times,  then  burn  it.  I  shall  be  at 
Knoxville  in  July  or  August,  when  I  will  send  for  Watts  and 
give  him  the  whiskey  I  promised  him. 

"  William  Blount." 

After  the  above  letter  came  into  the  hands  of  the  President, 
application  was  made  to  the  British  minister  for  information 
on  the  subject:  he  at  first  professed  entire  ignorance  of  the 
affair,  but  at  length  acknowledged  that  application  was  made 
to  him  by  several  persons  six  months  before,  on  this  business  \ 
that  he  had  laid  their  plan  before  his  government,  but  that  it 
had  declined  having  anything  to  do  with  the  business.  He, 
however,  refused  to  give  up  the  names  of  the  persons  con- 
cerned. Mr.  Blount  attended  in  his  place  in  the  Senate,  on 
the  6th  of  July,  in  consequence  of  an  order  from  that  House, 
and  after  a  motion  to  inform  the  President  and  House  of  Re- 
presentatives of  the  circumstance,  he  rose  and  read  from  a 
paper  his  sentiments  on  the  subject  of  his  letter.  He  said, 
that  understanding  an  impeachment  was  to  be  brought  against 
him  for  the  part  he  was  supposed  to  have  taken  in  the  con- 
7* 


78  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

trivance  of  the  British  to  invade  the  Spanish  territory  through 
the  United  States,  he  was  determined  to  be  silent  in  the  pre- 
sent stage  of  the  business,  not  doubting  but  in  the  end  his 
character  would  come  out  pure,  and  defeat  the  malice  of  his 
enemies. 

Mr.  Ross  brought  up  the  report  from  the  committee  which 
had  been  appointed  to  investigate  into  this  conspiracy  ;  and, 
after  recapitulating  the  points  of  the  letter,  stated  that  the 
criminality  went  beyond  the  personal  conduct  of  the  member, 
as  senator;  that  it  appeared  that  Carey  was  an  agent  in  the 
pay  of  the  United  States,  stationed  within  the  Cherokee  na- 
tion ;  that  Hawkins  was  the  superintendent  of  Indian  affairs 
in  behalf  of  the  United  States,  and  the  others,  severally,  in 
similar  situations ;  that  the  attempt  to  dissuade  them  from 
their  duty,  and  the  expression,  that  the  proceedings  should  be 
kept  hidden  from  the  United  States  and  Spain,  evidently  be- 
spoke purposes  not  consistent  with  the  peace  of  America.  He 
concluded,  that  it  was  the  opinion  of  the  committee  that  Wil- 
liam Blount  should  be  expelled  from  his  seat  in  the  Senate, 
and  that  he  was  guilty  of  a  high  misdemeanor. 

Mr.  Blount  requested  the  privilege  of  counsel,  which,  after 
a  long  debate,  was  granted — he  proposed  three,  who  weie 
unanimously  rejected — Messrs.  Dallas  and  Ingersoll  were  at 
length  chosen.  On  July  the  7th,  the  Senate  was  engaged  in 
discussing  the  resolution  for  his  expulsion.  The  counsel  on 
Blount's  behalf  contended,  that  as  a  motion  for  impeachment 
was  pending,  or  past,  in  the  House,  the  Senate,  who  were  to 
sit  as  judges  to  decide  it,  ought  not  to  prejudge  the  question. 

Mr.  Sitgreaves,  in  the  name  of  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives, and  of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  said,  that  he 
impeached  Mr.  Blount  of  high  crimes  and  misdemeanors,  and, 
in  due  time,  would  exhibit  particular  articles  against  him. 
Further,  that  the  House  demanded  the  Senate  should  take  an 
order  for  the  appearance  of  Mr.  Blount,  to  answer  to  the  said 
impeachment. 

After  a  considerable  debate  on  this  motion,  Mr.  Blount  en- 
tered into  recognizance  for  his  appearanr'e,  in  the  sum  of 
20,000  dollars — Pierce  Butler  and  Thomas  Blount,  esquires, 
were  accepted  as  his  sureties. 

On  July  the  8th,  the  motion  was  proposed  in  the  Senate  for 
expelling  Mr.   Blount.     Messrs.  Dallas  and   Ingersoll   took 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  79 

their  seats  at  the  bar  of  the  House,  as  his  counsel.  Mr.  Dal- 
las commenced  his  defence  in  a  very  able  address,  which  occu- 
pied more  than  three  hours — Mr.  Ingersoll  followed  him  in 
a  speech  of  nearly  two  hours.  These  gentlemen  had  recourse 
to  every  precedent  which  could  be  produced  from  history,  and 
to  every  argument  which  ability  and  ingenuity  could  suggest. 
They  particularly  relied  on  the  ground,  that  the  punishment 
of  an  offender  should  in  no  case  precede  his  trial,  and  that  to 
expel  Mr.  Blount  from  his  seat  then,  would  be  to  do  what 
could  only  be  done,  provided  he  was  found  guilty  on  the  im- 
peachment preferred,  which,  however,  they  denied  the  House 
of  Representatives  to  prefer. 

The  defence  being  finished,  Mr.  Ross  rose,  and  in  a  very 
luminous  speech,  examined  all  the  arguments  which  had  been 
adduced  by  the  counsel,  in  order  to  show  their  want  of  solidity. 
He  justified  the  expulsion  of  Mr.  Blount  from  his  seat,  on  the 
evidence  which  they  had  of  his  unworthiness  to  fill  it,  and  ap- 
pealed very  forcibly  to  the  feelings  of  the  House  as  to  the 
nature  of  the  crime  of  which  he  stood  charged,  and  as  to  what 
might  have  been  the  consequence,  had  his  plans  been  carried 
into  effect. 

After  some  of  the  other  members  had  delivered  their  opin- 
ions on  the  subject,  Mr.  Blood  worth  moved  to  postpone  the 
decision  till  Monday — the  yeas  and  nays  were  taken  upon  the 
question,  and  it  was  negatived,  19  to  7.  The  question  was 
then  put  on  the  expulsion,  and  carried  by  yeas  and  nays,  26 
to  1 ;  the  negative  vote  was  Mr.  Tazewell's. 

After  this  decision  had  taken  place,  Mr.  Blount's  bail  de- 
livered him  up,  and  he  was  taken  into  the  custody  of  the  mes- 
senger of  the  House. 

Mr.  Blount  was  then  held  for  his  appearance,  in  a  recog- 
nizance of  one  thousand  dollars  in  himself,  and  five  hundred 
each  in  two  sureties.  Both  houses  afterwards  adjourned  until 
the  2d  Monilay  in  November. 

The  following  are  the  titles  of  the  acts  passed  during  this 
session  of  Congress : — 

1.  An  act  for  prohibiting,  for  a  limited  time,  the  exporta- 
tion of  arms  and  ammunition,  and  for  encouraging  the  im- 
portation thereof. 

2.  An  act  to  prevent  citizens  of  the  United  States  from  pri- 
vateering against  nations  in  amity  with  the  United  States. 


80  THE   ADMINISTRATION 

3.  An  act  to  provide  for  the  further  defence  of  the  ports 
and  harbours  of  the  United  States. 

4.  An  act  authorizing  a  detachment  of  the  militia  of  the 
United  States. 

5.  An  act,  in  addition  to  an  act,  entitled,  "An  act  concern- 
ing the  registering  and  recording  ships  and  vessels." 

6.  An  act  directing  the  appointment  of  agents  in  relation 
to  the  sixth  article  of  the  British  treaty. 

7.  An  act  providing  a  naval  armament. 

8.  An  act  to  ascertain  the  time  for  the  next  meeting  of 
Congress. 

Titles  of  Bills  postponed  till  the  next  Session. 

1.  To  prevent  the  arming  of  private  ships,  except  in  cer- 
tain cases,  and  under  certain  regulations — rejected  in  the 
House  of  Representatives. 

2.  For  raising  and  organizing  an  additional  corps  of  artil- 
lerists and  engineers — rejected  in  the  House  of  Representatives. 

3.  To  prevent  citizens  of  the  United  States  from  entering 
into  the  military  or  naval  service  of  any  foreign  prince  or 
state — postponed  in  the  House  of  Representatives. 

4.  To  enable  the  President  of  the  United  States,  under 
certain  restrictions,  to  raise  a  provisional  army — rejected  in 
the  Senate,  where  it  originated. 

5.  To  authorize  the  President  of  the  United  States  to  lay, 
regulate,  and  revoke  embargoes — rejected  in  the  Senate,  where 
it  originated. 

6.  To  suspend,  in  part,  the  operation  of  an  act,  entitled, 
"  An  act  for  raising  a  further  sum  by  additional  duties  on  cer- 
tain articles  imported,  and  for  other  purposes" — rejected  in 
the  House  of  Representatives. 

7.  For  arming,  organizing,  and  disciplining,  the  militia  ol 
the  United  States — postponed  in  the  House  of  Representatives. 

Titles  of  Bills  brought  in,  and  not  decided  upon. 

1.  A  bill  laying  duties  on  licenses  for  selling  foreign  wines 
and  foreign  distilled  spirituous  liquors  by  retail — passed  in  the 
House  of  Representatives. 

2.  A  bill  to  continue  in  force,  for  a  hmited  time,  the  act 
and  parts  of  acts  therein  mentioned — passed  in  the  House  of 
Representatives. 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  81 

3.  A  bill  to  authorize  the  President  of  the  United  States, 
during  the  recess  of  Congress,  to  provide  galleys  and  other 
vessels,  for  certain  purposes  therein  mentioned. 

4.  A  bill  making  additional  appropriations  for  the  support 
of  government  for  the  year  1797. 

5.  A  bill  authorizing  a  loan  of  money. 

6.  A  bill  laying  duties  on  stamped  vellum,  parchment,  and 
paper. 

7.  A  bill  providing  for  the  more  effectual  collection  of  cer- 
tain internal  revenues  of  the  United  States. 

8.  A  bill  respecting  consuls  and  vice-consuls. 

9..  A  bill  allowing  an  additional  mileage  to  the  members  of 
both  houses. 

10.  A  bill  for  laying  an  additional  tax  on  salt  imported. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Remarks  07i  the  meeting  of  Congress — History  of  the  Alge- 
rine  Treaty — Blounfs  Conspiracy  investigated — British 
Piracy. 

The  convention  of  Congress  at  this  period,  appeared  to  im- 
partial men  of  every  party,  as  one  of  the  most  extraordinary 
occurrences  in  the  infant  history  of  the  American  republic. 

When  the  treachery  of  Great  Britain  hurled  upon  us  the 
fury  of  the  Barbary  powers,  and,  by  bribery  and  corruption, 
stimulated  the  peaceful  Indians  to  hostilities — when  English 
pirates  plundered  our  vessels,  insulted  our  flag,  and  impressed 
our  seamen,  a  war  with  Britain  was  cried  down  by  the  trumpet 
of  federal  proclamation.  In  place  of  Congress  being  sum- 
moned to  listen  to  the  thundering  accents  of  a  war-speech,  a 
messenger  was  despatched  to  the  court  of  Britain,  robed  with 
dignity,  and  armed  w'ith  the  power  of  forming  an  alliance,  at 
the  remembrance  of  which  posterity  will  blush,  and  the  vir- 
tues of  Washington  will  sink  into  contempt. 

The  administration  of  France  viewed  with  justice  the 
duplicity  of  our  proceedings;  but  with  their  usual  magnanimity, 


82  THE  ADMINISTRATION 

they  overlooked  it  for  a  considerable  time.  Finding  them- 
selves, however,  despised  in  the  esteem  of  our  men  of  power, 
and  deserted  by  the  executive,  they  remonstrated  in  the 
mildest  and  most  pacific  terms,  against  our  usage  and  our  in- 
gratitude. When  no  satisfactory  explanation  was  deigned  to 
be  given,  they  suspended  the  functions  of  their  minister,  and 
refused  to  receive  one  from  us,  unless  some  negotiation  was 
entered  upon.  In  short,  they  considered  the  cold  indifference 
of  our  executive,  and  the  acquiescence  of  our  merchants  to  its 
measures,  as  just  grounds  for  this  proceeding,  and  a  fit  retalia- 
tion for  the  shameful  conduct  of  the  United  States. 

It  is  not  my  intention  to  justify  France  entirely  in  her  de- 
predations on  our  commerce  ;  but  if  Adams  and  his  party 
could  defend  the  British  scheme  of  adjudication,  upon  the 
grounds  that  the  ruin  of  France  was  her  main  object,  the  can- 
dour of  repubUcans  ought  to  justify  France  upon  a  more  liberal 
basis.  The  object  of  the  French  Directory  extended  no  fur- 
ther than  to  injure  the  commerce  of  a  power  which  aimed  at 
the  destruction  of  liberty,  and  which  endeavoured  to  monopo- 
lize the  produce  of  the  world.  But  the  utmost  excesses  of 
France  never  could  be  compared  with  the  most  trivial  depre- 
dations of  our  English  allies.  American  property  was  never 
confiscated,  unless  detected  in  an  illicit  trade.  Our  seamen 
were  never  impressed,  much  less  flogged  to  death.  The  dun- 
geons of  despotism  were  never  exposed  to  our  patriots ;  nor 
was  there  an  instance  of  an  American  citizen,  as  Jonathan 
Bobbins,  being  demanded  to  die  by  the  hands  of  a  foreign 
executioner. 

Mr,  Adams,  in  his  speech,  spoke  about  foreign  and  domestic 
factions.  Upon  this,  a  writer  in  the  Argus  observed,  "  that 
as  there  was  but  one  foreign  and  one  domestic  faction  in  the 
United  States,  it  was  wondrous  strange  that  Mr.  Adams  should 
have  held  the  monsters  up  to-day."  "The  British  faction," 
says  this  writer,  "  was  the  only  foreign  faction,  and  the  tory 
faction  the  only  domestic  faction  America  was  cursed  with." 
These  factions  admired  John  Adams  because  John  Adams  ad- 
mired the  British  constitution,  and  cursed  the  French  republic. 
They  bestowed  unbounded  panegyrics  upon  Alexander  Hamil- 
ton, because  this  gentleman  acted  the  part  of  prime  minister 
to  the  President.  They  thought  the  administration  and  the 
government  ought  to  be  confounded  and  identified  ;   that  the 


OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  83 

administration  was  the  government,  and  the  government  the 
administration  ;  and  that  the  people  ought  to  bow  in  tame 
submission  to  its  whim  and  caprice. 

Mr.  Adams  says  in  his  speech,  that  "  it  will  be  proper  to 
take  into  view  the  public  audience  given  to  the  late  minister 
of  the  United  States,  on  his  taking  leave  of  the  Executive 
Directory,"  because,  in  his  opinion,  it  was  marked  with  in- 
dignities towards  the  government  of  the  United  States,  and 
evinced  a  disposition  to  separate  the  people  of  the  United 
States  from  the  government ;  "  that  such  attempts  ought  to  be 
repelled  with  a  decision  which  shall  convince  France  and  the 
world,  that  we  are  not  a  degraded  people,  huraihated  under  a 
colonial  spirit  of  fear  and  sense  of  inferiority,  fitted  to  be  the 
miserable  instruments  of  foreign  influence,  and  regardless  of 
national  honour,  character,  and  interest." 

This  sentiment  of  Mr.  Adams  was  soon  re-echoed,  both  in 
church  and  senate,  by  his  courtiers  and  sycophants.  Nothing 
was  heard  of  but  intrigues  between  the  people  of  the  United 
States  and  France.  A  senator  of  Congress  declared  in  con- 
vention, that  he  should  be  for  making  a  law  to  banish  every 
citizen  of  America  that  educated  his  children  m  the  study  of 
the  French  language.  The  author  of  the  Serious  Considera- 
tions on  the  Election  of  President,  laboured  for  several  Sun- 
days together,  endeavouring  to  persuade  his  audience  that  the 
genius  of  Frenchmen  was  deceit,  and  that  every  principle 
which  savoured  of  French  manners,  was  dangerous  to  the 
peace  of  society.  In  short,  no  stone  was  left  unturned  by  the 
partisans  of  Mr.  Adams,  and  the  federal  preachers  of  the  gos- 
pel, to  embroil  the  people  of  the  United  States  in  a  war  with 
the  French  republic.  To  effect  this  purpose,  it  has  been 
proved,  that  agents  of  Britain  clandestinely  purchased  Ameri- 
can vessels,  introduced  them  into  French  ports,  and  then  sent 
them  on  buccaneering  cruises  under  French  colours,  against  the 
American  trade. 

What  were  the  motives  which  dictated  this  policy  to  Mr. 
Adams  and  the  federal  party  ?  Whether  love  for  monarchy 
or  a  regard  for  the  independence  of  America,  I  shall  not  at- 
tempt to  decide;  but  will  observe,  that  it  was  not  only  inju- 
dicious and  short-sighted,  but  the  most  pernicious  system  that 
could  be  pursued  by  the  first  magistrate  of  a  republican  go- 
vernment. 


84  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

I  shall  not  leave  it  to  the  partisans  of  Mr.  Adams  to  argue, 
that  France  had  no  right  to  impose  laws  upon  America  ;  this 
every  candid  inquirer  will  admjt.  Nor  have  the  people  of  the 
United  States  any  right  to  prescribe  laws  for  France,  Each 
nation  is  certainly  thus  far  inaependent  of  each  other ;  bat 
while  Adams,  Pickering,  and  Jay,  felt  so  strong  a  propensity 
to  form  treaties  with  foreign  nations,  and  while  our  represen- 
tatives proclaimed  those  treaties  to  be  the  supreme  law  of  the 
land,  a  breach  of  treaty  must  be  a  violation  of  the  laws  of 
that  land,  with  whom  such  treaties  are  made  ;  but  the  breach 
was  not  so  w'ide,  as  to  justify  the  most  distant  apprehensions 
of  a  war  with  France.  Those  who  imposed  such  ideas,  were 
political  impostors,  who  only  aimed  at  amassing  power  and 
wealth  upon  the  ruins  of  the  people.  The  observations  made 
by  Mr.  Monroe,  on  this  subject,  deserve  to  be  impressed  on 
the  heart  of  every  American ;  nor  can  I  do  better  than  repeat 
them  here.  "  The  contrast  (says  that  elegant  writer)  between 
the  situation  we  might  have  held  through  the  whole  of  this 
war,  and  that  which  we  have  held,  is  a  striking  one.  We 
might  have  s|;ood  well  with  France,  avoiding  all  the  losses 
we  have  sustained  from  her,  enjoying  the  benefit  of  the  prin- 
ciples of  free  trade,  and  even  appeared  as  an  advocate  for 
those  principles,  and  without  going  to  any  extremity ;  we 
might  have  preserved  our  ancient  renown,  bought  at  a  great 
expense  of  blood  and  treasure,  in  a  long  war,  in  a  contest  for 
liberty,  and  even  appeared  as  a  defender  of  liberty,  and  with- 
out fighting  for  her ;  we  might,  too,  in  my  opinion,  have  com- 
manded a  better  fortune  in  our  negotiation  with  Britain,  and 
only  by  availing  ourselves,  in  a  suitable  manner,  of  the  for- 
tunes of  France  ;  and,  instead  of  a  situation  so  advantageous, 
so  honourable,  so  satisfactory  to  our  country,  what  is  that  into 
which  our  government  has  conducted  us?  our  navigation  de- 
stroyed, commerce  laid  waste,  and  a  general  bankruptcy 
threatening  those  engaged  in  it ;  the  friendship  of  a  nation 
lost,  the  most  pow^erful  on  earth,  who  had  deserved  better 
things  from  us,  and  had  offered  to  place  us,  our  vessels  and 
commodities,  on  the  footing  of  its  native  citizens,  in  all  its  do- 
minions ;  war  hanging  over  us,  and  that  not  on  the  side  of 
liberty  and  the  just  affections  of  our  people,  but  of  monarchy 
and  our  late  most  deadly  foe  ;  and  we  are  made  fast  by  treaty, 
and  by  the  spirit  of  those  at  the  helm,  to  a  nation  bankrupt 


OP    JOHN   ADAMS.  85 

in  its  resources,  and  rapidly  verging  either  to  anarchy  or  des- 
potism. Nor  is  this  all:  our  national  honour  is  in  the  dust; 
we  have  been  kicked,  cuffed,  and  plundered  all  over  the  ocean; 
our  reputation  for  faith  scouted  ;  our  government  and  people 
branded  as  cowards,  incapable  of  being  provoked  to  resist,  and 
ready  to  receive  again  those  chains  we  had  taught  others  to 
burst.  Long  will  it  be  before  we  shall  be  able  to  forget  what 
we  are,  nor  will  centuries  suffice  to  raise  us  from  the  high 
ground  from  which  we  have  fallen." 

One  of  the  most  extraordinary  acts  which  was  committed 
by  Washington,  and  approved  of  by  the  administration  of 
Adams,  was  the  Algerine  treaty.  This  treaty  was  subscribed 
by  the  Dey  and  by  Mr.  Donaldson,  upon  the  5th  of  Septem- 
ber, 1795.  The  Dey  promised  to  observe  it  for  an  annual 
consideration  of  twelve  thousand  sequins,  in  maritime  stores 
from  the  United  States.  A  sequin  is  worth  a  dollar  and  about 
ninety-seven  cents ;  of  course,  twenty-four  thousand  dollars 
could  purchase  maritime  stores  to  the  worth  of  tw^elve  thou- 
sand sequins.  On  May  the  6th,  1796,  twenty-four  thousand 
dollars  per  annum  were  pledged  and  appropriated  for  payment 
of  the  annuity — but  it  was  immediately  found  out,  that,  by 
the  estimate  of  the  prices  fixed  between  Donaldson  and  the 
Dey,  the  stores  would  cost  three  times  as  much  in  Philadel- 
phia as  they  w^ere  reckoned  at  in  Algiers.  For  instance,  Don- 
aldson promised  to  furnish  powder  at  half  a  dollar  per  pound, 
at  the  very  time  that  article  sold  in  Philadelphia  for  three  half 
dollars  per  pound  ;  thus,  by  the  gross  ignorance  of  our  envoy, 
the  tribute  was  trebled. 

The  price  of  masts  furnishes  another  instance  of  a  similar 
nature.  Donaldson  estimated  them  at  three  hundred  dollars 
each ;  but  there  is  good  reason  to  suppose  that  they  could  not 
be  conveyed  to  Algiers,  for  a  total  charge  of  less  than  twelve 
or  thirteen  hundred  dollars ;  some  of  them  that  had  been  cut 
within  a  few  miles  of  the  lake  Otsego,  in  the  state  of  New 
York,  cost  one  hundred  pounds  per  stick,  for  transportation 
from  the  place  of  their  growth  to  the  lake ;  from  thence  they 
were  to  be  floated  down  the  Susquehanna,  which  rises  from 
that  body  of  water.  In  May,  1797,  a  number  of  these  masts 
had  come  down  as  far  as  Wright's  ferry,  in  Pennsylvania — 
several  had  stuck  upon  the  rocks.  About  Christmas,  1797, 
others  were  sold  at  the  same  ferry  for  twenty  dollars,  and 
8 


86  THE   ADMINISTRATION 

then  sawed  down  into  planks.  Judge  Cooper  was  the  con- 
tractor for  these  masts  ;  he  got  one  or  two  of  them  transported 
by  land  to  Philadelphia ;  there  he  oifered  to  the  person  who 
carried  them  down,  eighty  dollars  for  the  carriage,  but  to  his 
astonishment,  was  informed,  that  twice  that  sum  would  be  ne- 
cessary. The  masts  themselves  were  a  most  beautiful  .speci- 
men of  the  vegetation  of  an  American  forest ;  they  were  from 
ninety  to  a  hundred  feet  in  length,  from  three  to  four  feet  in 
diameter,  without  a  single  limb  in  the  whole  piece. 

Before  the  Senate  and  the  President  had  ratified  such  a 
treaty,  prudence  at  least  should  have  suggested  to  them  the 
propriety  of  inquiring  into  the  price  of  the  different  articles 
they  had  engaged  to  furnish.  Their  door-keepers  might  have 
informed  them  of  the  price  of  gunpowder,  and  certainly  a 
carpenter  might  be  found,  whose  knowledge  in  the  price  of 
timber  would  have  given  a  guess  for  the  charge  of  masts. 
This,  however,  is  only  a  specimen  of  federal  negligence,  and 
of  that  unnecessary  expense  which  prevailed  in  every  transac- 
tion that  took  place  during  the  period  of  the  late  administra- 
tion. 

The  consequence  was,  that  the  twenty-four  thousand  dollars 
per  annum  could  not  purchase  the  maritime  stores ;  of  course, 
Congress  found  themselves  reduced  to  the  ridiculous  necessity 
of  passing  a  second  act  of  appropriation.  It  was  dated  March 
3d,  1797,  and  the  second  clause  is  in  these  words:  "And  be  it 
further  enacted,  that  a  further  sum,  not  exceeding  ninety-six  . 
thousand  two  hundred  and  forty-six  dollars  and  sixty-three 
cents,  be,  and  the  same  is  hereby  appropriated,  for  discharging 
the  two  first  years'  annuity  to  the  Dey  and  regency  of  Al- 
giers, pursuant  to  treaty,  in  addition  to  the  sum  appropriated 
for  that  purpose,  by  the  act  of  the  6th  of  May,  1796." 

Thus,  an  additional  tribute  of  fifty  thousand  dollars  per 
annum  was  saddled  upon  this  country  by  the  incapacity  of 
our  envoy,  and  the  negligence  of  our  Senate. 

But  the  most  scandalous  part  of  this  most  shameful  treaty 
is  yet  to  be  told.  The  first  clause  of  the  law  just  quoted, 
authorizes  the  President  "  to  apply  a  sum  not  exceeding  two 
hundred  and  eighty  thousand,  two  hundred  and  fifty-nine  dol- 
lars and  three  cents,  to  the  expenses  which  may  have  been 
incurred  in  any  negotiations  with  the  Dey  and  Regency  of 
Algiers,  beyond  the  suras  heretofore  appropriated." 


OF    JOHN   ADAMS.  87 

The  law  contains  not  a  single  word  of  explanation,  how 
this  money  should  be  applied ;  this  was  left  to  the  discretion 
of  Washington  ;  and  this  general,  who  appears,  in  the  latter 
end  of  his  administration,  to  have  had  no  will  of  his  own,  by 
the  advice  of  Mr.  Adams  built  a  frigate  for  the  tyrant  of 
Algiers,  to  harass  our  trade  whenever  the  tribute  should  not 
be  regularly  remitted. 

This  frigate,  which  was  called  the  Crescent,  was  finished 
even  before  it  was  deemed  necessary  to  consult  Congress.  In 
the  American  Annual  Register  for  1796,  Mr.  Callender  takes 
notice  that  it  was  then  upon  the  stocks,  and  the  law  which 
assigned  the  money  to  pay  for  it,  was  not  passed  for  six  weeks 
after  the  publication  of  the  book.  It  is  impossible  that  there 
could  be  a  more  glaring  breach  of  the  constitution  than  this 
here  specified.  By  that  instrument,  of  which  the  President 
swore  to  the  observation,  he  is  expressly  prohibited  from 
touching  one  farthing  of  the  public  money,  unless  for  purposes 
pointed  out  beforehand  by  Congress.  To  demonstrate  the 
President's  imprudence,  it  is  only  requisite  to  read  the  clause 
last  quoted.  The  very  fractions,  in  the  sum  of  the  appropria- 
tions for  the  treble  tribute,  and  for  the  Crescent,  evidently 
show  that  every  cent  of  the  money  had  been  expended  before 
Congress  had  been  consulted ;  because  the  legislature  would 
not  have  stopped  at  three  cents,  unless  it  had  been  to  meet 
some  particular  account. 

How  much  of  these  two  hundred  and  eighty  thousand  dol- 
lars went  for  the  frigate  I  cannot  specify.  The  Aurora  of 
March  30,  1797,  has  a  long  article  upon  this  tribute ;  the 
writer  says,  that  the  Crescent  cost  ninety-nine  thousand  seven 
hundred  and  twenty-seven  dollars. 

Another  remarkable  circumstance  in  this  treaty  is,  that  it 
does  not  say  from  what  date  the  first  year  of  payment  was 
to  commence,  nor  at  what  periods  the  stores  were  to  be  de- 
livered. Besides  the  seventy-two  thousand  dollars  per  annum, 
and  the  two  hundred  and  eighty  thousand  dollars  of  penalty, 
the  Dey  has  received  from  the  United  States  another  and  a 
very  considerable  disbursement,  in  consequence  of  Donaldson's 
treaty.  A  large  sum  of  money  was  to  be  paid  down  to  him, 
and  it  was  the  delay  of  making  this  payment  that  produced 
the  building  of  the  Crescent.  On  the  face  of  the  treaty  there 
appears  no  mention  of  such  a  sum.  Mr.  Callender,  who  treats 


88  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

this  business  to  its  very  foundation,  says,  government  was 
utterly  ashamed  of  it,  and  did  not  wish  the  story  to  be  staring 
in  the  statute  book.  He  gives  the  following  particulars  as  far 
as  they  can  be  traced: 

"  On  March  20,  1794,  a  law  was  passed,  authorizing  the 
President  to  borrow  one  million  of  dollars,  at  an  interest  not 
exceeding  five  per  cent.,  '  to  be  applied  to  such  public  pur- 
poses as  are  authorized  by  law.'  The  Bank  of  the  United 
States  is,  by  the  same  act,  authorized  to,  lend  the  money  to 
the  President. 

"  This  act  bears,  in  its  very  blush,  the  signals  of  hypocrisy. 
It  is  well  known  that  no  money  can  be  borrowed. at  five  per 
cent.,  and  much  less  a  million  of  dollars.  But  Congress  knew 
that  they  were  going  to  do  something  which  was  a  little  worse 
than  ordinary,  and  this  blind  was  held  out  with  a  view  to 
divert  the  attention  of  their  constituents  from  the  real  fact, 
and  to  excite  admiration,  to  be  sure,  at  their  wonderful 
economy. 

"  The  wording  of  this  act  is  curious  in  another  respect,  in 
as  much  as  it  does  not  tell  what  was  going  to  be  done  with 
the  cash — eight  hundred  thousand  dollars  of  it  were  to  be 
employed  in  this  infernal  negotiation  with  the  Dey  of  Algiers 
— the  other  two  hundred  thousand  dollars  went  for  other  ex- 
penses of  intercourse  with  foreign  nations.  On  February  15, 
1797,  Mr.  Wolcott  gave  a  statement  to  Congress  of  what  was 
become  of  these  two  hundred  thousand  dollars — this  document 
fills  eighteen  pages — it  is  extremely  interesting  ;  but  we  must 
at  this  time  attend  the  eight  hundred  thousand  dollars  in  their 
perilous  pilgrimage  from  Philadelphia  to  Algiers. 

"  What  follows  has  been  partly  copied  from  the  Aurora 
of  March  30,  1797;  and  it  must  be  observed,  that  although 
government  has  a  host  of  writers  in  constant  employment, 
this  narrative  was  never  contradicted.  Indeed,  the  principal 
features  of  it  are  incontestably  true  ;  and,  from  the  most  re- 
spectable private  information,  I  am  satisfied  of  the  strict  accu- 
racy of  all  the  circumstances  which  are  now  to  be  related: 

"  These  eight  hundred  thousand  dollars  were  to  be  borrowed 
from  the  bank,  which  had  no  hard  money  to  itself.  But  this 
company  holds  a  great  mass  of  national  stock,  and  agreed  to 
lend  it  to  the  government  at  par — in  other  words,  the  bank 
held  the  bill  of  government  for  twenty  shillings  ;  but  this  bill 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  89 

would  not  sell  in  the  market  for  more  than  seventeen  shillings, 
or  thereabouts.  Government  consented,  hov^rever,  to  accept 
of  it  back  again,  as  worth  twenty  shillings,  and  to  give  a 
second  obligation  for  the  million  of  dollars.  This  awkward 
practice  of  taking  its  own  bills,  and  then  going  to  market  to 
sell  them,  is  not,  perhaps,  quite  intelhgible  to  every  reader. 
Government  having  now  got  hold  of  its  own  bills,  the  object 
was  to  raise  money  upon  them — the  bills  might  have  been  sold 
in  America,  but  so  great  a  quantity  of  them  coming  into  the 
market  at  one  time,  would  have  reduced  the  price  of  stock, 
and  several  members  of  government  are  stockholders.  The 
bills  of  government  were,  therefore,  sent  to  London,  and  sold 
there  at  a  lower  price  than  what  they  would  have  sold  for  in 
the  United  States. 

Dols.     Cts. 

The  sum  borrowed  from  the  bank  was  800,000  00 

The  Aurora  says,  that  the  government  bills,  that 

is,  the  national  stock  received  from  the  bank, 

sold  in  London  for  only  685,572  22 

Loss  by  the  sale  114,427  78 

"  Sir  Francis  Baring,  the  banker  in  London,  had,  in  the 
mean  time,  agreed  to  advance  seven  hundred  and  two  thou- 
sand seven  hundred  and  fifty-eight  dollars,  on  account  of  this 
affair.  In  November,  1794,  an  attempt  was  made  to  get  the 
money  fiom  England  ;  but  a  proclamation  had  about  that  time 
been  issued  at  London,  prohibiting  the  exportation  of  bullion 
— this  made  it  impossible  to  send  the  remittance  in  that  shape. 
After  a  lapse  of  eight  months,  drafts  were  obtained  upon  Leg- 
horn, Hamburgh,  and  Lisbon — at  this  juncture  the  French 
took  Leghorn,  but  Bonaparte  did  not  interrupt  the  transaction. 
By  the  course  of  exchange,  however,  thirty-seven  thousand 
seven  hundred  and  fifty-eight  dollars  were  lost — the  sum  was 
thus  reduced  from  seven  hundred  and  two  thousand  and  odd 
dollars,  to  six  hundred  and  sixty-five  thousand.  The  Aurora 
says,  that  this  last  sum,  in  its  remittance  to  Algiers,  was  again 
reduced  to  six  hundred  and  forty-two  thousand  five  hundred 
dollars.  We  shall  now  add  together  these  three  successive 
sums  of  loss  which  those  eight  hundred  thousand  dollars  sus- 
tained. 

S* 


90  THE    ADMINISTRATION 


Dols.     CtS. 


1.  The  national  paper  was  sold  in  London  with 

a  loss  of  114,427  78 

2.  By  the  disadvantage  of  exchange  in  the 

drafts  upon  Leghorn,  37,758  81 

3.  Expense  of  conveyance  to  Algiers,  22,500  00 


174,686  59 


But  there  is  another  item  of  expense ;  before 
the  American  public  stock  was  sold,  Sir  F.  Ba- 
ring had  promised  to  send  to  the  continent  702,758  51 

The  paper  sold  for  only  685,572  22 

Difference,     17,186  29 
It  would  be  necessary  for  the  government  of 
America  to  make'  up  the  difference  to  their  agents 
in  London — add  this  to  the  former  losses,  174,686  59 


Total  loss  by  the  remittance,  191,872  88 
Besides  these  one  hundred  and  ninety-two 
thousand  dollars  of  direct  loss,  the  money  wan- 
dered for  more  than  twelve  months  upon  its  way 
— at  six  per  cent,  upon  eight  hundred  thousand 
dollars,  this  interest  comes  to  forty-eight  thou- 
sand, and  we  cannot  offer  less  than  twelve  thou- 
sand to  the  bankers  in  London  for  their  trouble. 
The  former  statement  of  loss  was  191,872  88 

Interest  of  the  eight  hundred  thousand  dollars 
for  one  year,  and  subjoining  for  agency  to  Baring,     60,000  00 


Total,  258,872  88 


"  The  conclusion  of  the  whole  matter  is  this ;  Congress 
transmitted  to  Algiers,  six  hundred  and  forty-two  thousand 
five  hundred  dollars. 

"  The  additional  expense  of  sending  this  money,  cost  two 
hundred  and  fifty  thousand  dollars,  or  thereabouts." 

Mr.  Callender  proceeds  to  remark,  that  if  Mr.  Washington 
had  chosen  to  go  into  the  market,  anfl  buy  these  eight  hun- 
dred thousand  dollars  worth  of  stock  from  the  common  hold- 
ers, a  considerable  sum  would  have  been  saved  to  the  public. 
For  instance,  says  he,  if  stock  was  at  eighteen  shillings  per 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS. 


m 


pound,  this  makes  an  odds  of  one-tenth  part ;  at  that  rate,  his 
nominal  eight  hundred  thousand  dollars  worth  of  it,  could  have 
been  bought  in  for  seven  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  dollars 
of  hard  cash,  if  he  had  been  master  of  that  much  money.  In 
this  way  Mr,  Pitt  bought  in  some  part  of  the  national  debt 
of  England.  But  as  the  federal  government  could  not  take 
this  method,  it  was  necessary  to  go  to  the  Bank  of  the  United 
States,  and  there  to  borrow,  not  money,  but  depreciated  paper. 
The  paper  was  sold  in  England,  at  the  ruinous  discount  of 
one  hundred  and  fourteen  thousand  four  hundred  and  twenty- 
seven  dollars.  Thus  government  granted  its  obligation  to  the 
bank  for  eight  hundred  thousand  dollars,  and  could  be  obliged 
by  the  bank  to  refund  every  farthing  of  the  sum,  while  it  re- 
ceived in  return  depreciated  paper ;  which  it  was  obliged  to 
sell  again  for  less  than  seven  hundred  thousand  dollars.  The 
result  was,  that  the  bank  did,  in  effect,  receive  upon  the  trans- 
action a  premium  of  about  one  hundred  thousand  dollars,  more 
or  less.  The  bank  had  only  to  go  into  the  market,  and  buy, 
at  about  seventeen  shillings  and  six  pence  per  pound,  as  much 
paper  as  Mr,  Washington  wanted,  and  for  "which  he  gave  an 
obligation  at  par,  that  is,  at  its  full  nominal  value,  of  twenty 
shillings  per  pound. 

From  the  whole  history  of  the  Algerine  tribute,  it  is  obvi- 
ous, that  our  executive  had  no  grounds  to  be  so  angry,  even 
if  the  French  did  ask  for  a  present  in  money,  which,  most 
probably,  never  was  the  case.  To  the  Algerines  we  never 
were  in  the  smallest  degree  indebted  more  than  we  have  been 
to  England  ;  on  the  contrary,  we  have  suffered  from  both  na- 
tions; even  in  time  of  peace,  our  citizens  have  been  impressed 
by  the  one,  and  enslaved  by  the  other.  Our  commerce  has 
been  trampled  upon  by  both,  and  our  laws  spurned  with  con- 
tempt. An  American  republican  is  as  much  despised  in  Britain 
as  in  Algiers,  and  regarded  with  the  same  insignificance  as  an 
African  in  the  United  States.  A  dereliction  of  his  principles 
can  only  insure  his  person  protection  in  London  or  Edinburgh. 
In  the  year  1794,  thirty  students  from  Virginia  were  nearly 
massacred,  in  the  theatre  of  the  latter  metropolis,  from  their 
ignorance  that  it  was  the  practice  to  give  the  same  homage  to 
the  tune  of  God  save  the  King,  as  the  Christian  pays  to  his 
Creator.  Yet  this  is  the  nation  in  whose  alliance  Mr.  Adams 
gloried,  whose  administration  he  adored,  and  the  government 
of  which  he  held  up  to  his  country  as  a  model  of  perfection.  In 


92  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

speaking  disrespectfully  of  Great  Britain,  I  hope  it  will  not  be 
supposed  I  attempt  to  stigmatize  the  people  of  that  kingdom. 
The  king,  the  nobles,  the  army,  and  the  priests,  must  be  sepa- 
rated from  the  people.  The  individuals  there,  who  are  not 
connected  with  government,  entertain  principles  equally  libe- 
ral with  Frenchmen  or  Americans,  and  the  superior  advantage 
of  education  which  they  enjoy,  gives  a  rational  firmness  to  the 
mind,  which  the  mass  of  Americans  is  still  unacqainted  with. 

The  secret  connexion  which  subsisted  between  Mr.  Adams 
and  the  government  of  Great  Britain,  is  nowhere  more  con- 
spicuous than  in  the  mysterious  conspiracy  of  Senator  Blount. 
In  the  history  of  modern  intrigue,  it  is  impossible  to  find  a 
parallel  to  this :  An  English  ambassador  is  proved,  by  his 
own  confession,  to  have  held  a  secret  and  illegal  correspon- 
dence with  members  of  the  Senate — yet  this  ambassador  is 
not  only  suffered  by  the  President  to  exercise  the  usual  func- 
tions of  his  office,  but  to  conceal  the  names  of  those  Americans 
who  were  to  be  his  accomplices  in  the  destruction  of  our 
country.  A  greater  degree  of  friendship  and  intimacy  even 
manifested  itself  between  Mr.  Adams  and  Mr.  Liston  after 
the  discovery  of  this  affair  than  before ;  their  interview's  were 
more  frequent,  and  the  dry  formality  of  a  courtly  audience 
was  exchanged  for  the  familiar  ceremony  of  domestic  acquaint- 
ance. Nothing  was  more  common  than  for  the  President  of 
the  United  States  and  the  ambassador  of  Great  Britain  to  be 
seen  arm  and  arm  in  the  streets  of  Philadelphia,  discussing 
the  politics  of  the  day,  and  contrasting  the  shrewd  observa- 
tions of  Mr.  Cobbett  (as  they  were  pleased  to  term  them)  with 
the  scurrilous  abuse  of  Mr.  Duane.* 

*  Mr.  Duane  had  been  the  proprietor  and  editor  of  several  newspapers  in 
India;  but  the  last,  vvhicli  was  his  sole  property,  was  "  The  Indian  World" 
by  which  he  had  realized  a  Iiandsonie  fortune,  and  in  September,  1794,  adver- 
tised his  whole  standing  property  for  sale,  meaning,  and  publishing-  his  in- 
tention, to  return  to  Philadelphia.  His  property  was  to  be  sold  on  tlie  1st  of 
January,  1795,  and  he  had  sought  a  passage  in  the  Hercules,  of  Boston, 
Captain  Delano,  then  lying  at  Calcutta,  and  to  sail  in  all  April. 

At  this  time,  Mr.  Duane  was  on  terms  of  the  best  good-will  with  most 
of  the  public  characters  in  that  part  of  India,  and  in  the  especial  esteem  of 
the  gentlemen  of  the  army,  who  had  made  his  jiapcr  the  vehicle  by  which 
their  grievances  were  complained  of,  and  which  have  since  been  redressed 
in  the  most  ample  manner.  Mr.  Duane  had  been  particularly  noticed  by 
Sir  William  Jones,  and  Sir  John  Shore,  and  from  both  had  received  tokens 
of  marked  attention,  which  he  considered  flattering  and  honourable  to  him. 
On  the  evening  of  the  26th  of  December,  1794,  a  note  was  left  at  Mr.  Du- 


OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  9^ 

If  we  draw  our  attention  a  moment  to  the  preparations 
which  were  carrying  on  in  Britain,  at  the  beginning  of  1797, 
we  shall  see  sufficient  proofs  of  the  reality  of  Blount's  plan. 

ane's  country-house,  written  by  Captain  John  Collins,  private  secretary  to 
Sir  John  Shore,  inviting-  Mr.  Duane  to  the  governor-general's  house,  on  the 
next  day,  at  eight  o'clock.  Mr.  Duane  did  not  receive  the  note  until  the 
morning  of  the  27th,  wh-en  on  his  way  to  the  grand  lodge  of  Masons,  whose 
festival  was  on  that  day ;  he  instantly  proceeded  to  the  governor-general's, 
expecting  to  breakfast  there.  He  was  met  in  the  saloon  by  Captain  Collins, 
and  after  salutations,  the  following  circumstances  took  place  : 

Capt.  Collins.  I  am  glad  you  are  so  punctual,  Mr.  Duane. 

Mr.  Duane.  I  generally  am,  sir ;  I  hope  the  governor-general  is  well. 

Capt.  C.  He  is  not  to  be  seen,  and — 

Mr.  D.  I  understand  I  was  invited  by  him. 

Capt.  C.  Yes,  sir,  but  I  am  directed  by  the  governor-general  to  inform 
you,  that  you  are  to  consider  yourself  as  a  state-prisoner.  [He  stamped  on 
the  floor,  and  thirty  Sepahis,  who  stood  concealed  behind  the  folding  doors 
of  an  anti-chamber,  rushed  out,  and  presented  their  bayonets  to  D.'s  breast 
— the  doors  being  left  open  by  them,  discovered  Sir  John  Shore,  and  two 
others  of  the  Supreme  Council  on  a  sofa.] 

Mr.  D.  I  did  not  think  Sir  John  Shore,  or  you,  sir,  could  be  so  base  and 
treacherous  as  to  proceed,  or  even  to  think  as  you  do. 

Capt.  C.  Silence,  sir — (To  the  Sepahis),  Chillow  Sepahi,  (in  English,  drag 
him  along,  Sepahis.) 

Mr.  D.  (To  the  Sepahis)  Osti  haiaa-Jium  becjagga — (softly,  my  friends,  I 
shall  go  along  with  you) — (to  Collins)  What  is  to  follow  next,  Collins  ;  the 
bow-string  or  scimetar  ? 

Capt.  C.  You  are  insolent,  sir, — Chillow  joub,  soor  Marani — (drag  him 
along,  you  pig-eatings  coundrels.) 

Mr.  D.  You  are  performing  the  part  of  Grand  Vizier,  now,  my  little 
gentlcmfin,  and  these  are  your  mutes — Calcutta  is  become  Constantinople, 
and  the  governor-general  the  Grand  Turk. 

Much  more  p.issed,  but  during  the  last  sentences,  Mr.  Duane  was  con- 
vej'ed  down  stairs,  put  into  his  palanquin,  and  his  bearers  beaten  all  the  way 
to  Fort  William.  There  he  was  given  in  charge  with  ridiculous  fuss — two 
sentinels  placed  at  the  outer  door  of  the  quarters  (which  were  those  of  a 
field-officer),  and  a  sentinel  with  a  drawn  bayonet,  always  by  his  side,  asleep 
or  awake.  The  day  he  was  seized,  was  Saturday  ;  on  Monday  morning 
following,  a  company  of  royal  grenadiers  paraded  on  the  ramparts,  and  he 
was  marched  to  the  water  side,  where  a  company  of  royal  light  infantry 
was  ready  to  receive  him  in  a  barge,  upon  which  he  was  conducted  to  an 
ni-med  Indiaman,  commanded  by  Sir  Charles  Mitchell,  and  carried  to  Eu- 
rope. No  charge  was  ever  lodged  against  him,  but  when  at  St.  Helena  he 
would  not  be  permitted  to  go  on  shore  there,  being  a  foreigner ;  and  when 
the  vessel  arrived  in  the  English  Channel,  he  was  put  on  shore  without  ob- 
taining a  single  word  of  information  as  to  the  cause.  Though  his  property, 
on  a  moderate  calculation,  was  worth  eight  thousand  pounds  sterling,  be- 
side outstanding  debts  to  the  amount  of  twenty-three  thousand  roupees,  or 
thirteen  hundred  dollars,  when  he  applied  to  one  of  tiie  first  lawyers  in 
England  to  institute  a  suit  for  the  recovery  of  it,  the  gentleman  had  the 
candour  to  ask  how  much  money  he  had  left ;  being  told  about  two  hundred 
pounds  sterling,  he  returned  a  fee  of  twenty  guineas,  said  that  though  the 


94  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

Ten  thousand  troops  were  kept  encamped  for  six  months  to- 
gether, at  Plymouth,  for  the  ostensible  purpose  of  proceeding 
to  the  West  Indies ;  to  the  West  Indies  they  never  went,  nor 
was  there  ever  a  rational  apology  assigned  by  Mr.  Pitt  for  this 
unaccountable  armament,  who  retained  idle  for  such  a  period 
not  only  this  army,  but  a  fleet  of  one  hundred  transports, 
which  lay  ready  to  receive  them.  When  we  add  to  this,  that 
in  the  spring  of  the  same  season,  one  regiment  of  artillery 
and  three  regiments  of  infantry  were  despatched  to  Canada, 
with  fifty  thousand  stand  of  arms,  what  are  we  to  suppose  ? 
Previous  to  1797,  there  were  sufl5cient  troops  and  arms  in 
Canada  to  keep  the  natives  in  subjection — something  more 
must  have  been  intended.  There  was  no  invasion  dreaded  in 
that  quarter  of  the  globe,  from  France,  nor  had  Britain  any 
enemies  in  that  part  of  America  to  contend  with.  Some  ex- 
pedition or  other  must  have  been  meditated  to  take  place  in 
Canada,  and  this  expedition  could  only  have  been  against  the 
United  States,  or  against  Spanish  America,  through  the  me- 
dium of  the  United  States.  Such  an  enormous  quantity  of 
arms  as  fifty  thousand  stand  could  have  been  sent  for  no  other 
purpose ;  the  army  of  ten  thousand  men,  if  the  expedition 
had  taken  place,  would,  most  probably,  have  landed  in  South 
America,  in  place  of  the  West  Indies,  so  as  to  co-operate  with 
the  force  from  Canada,  precisely  according  to  the  plan  laid 
down  by  Senator  Blount.  What  became  of  the  British  arms 
which  were  sent  to  Canada,  we  know  not.  Whether  they 
are  there  still,  or  were  afterwards  sent  back,  is  a  matter  upon 
which  the  English  papers  are  silent. 

I  shall  conclude  this  chapter  with  an-  account  of  the  princi- 
pal depredations  committed  on  our  commerce  by  British  ves- 

case  was  one  of  the  most  extraordinary  and  oppressive  he  had  ever  heard 
of,  he  advised  Mr.  Duane  not  to  attempt  wasting-  what  he  had  left,  in  a  com- 
petition with  the  funds  of  the  East  India  Company,  who  could  spend  forty 
thousand  pounds  without  missing-  it.  Several  g-entleraen  had  written  from 
India  to  their  friends  in  behalf  of  Mr.  Duane,  among  others  to  Lord  Lucnn, 
who,  in  conversation  with  Mr.  Duane,  said  that  the  only  way  to  recover  his 
property  would  be  to  go  to  Mr.  Dundas,  and  make  a  disclosure  of  all  th;it 
he  knew  concerning  persons  in  India — this  intimation  might  have  been  in- 
terpreted two  ways,  but  the  first  impression  which  it  made  on  Mr.  Duane 
was  that  of  contempt ;  he  took  his  hat,  and  viathout  saying  a  word,  left  him, 
and  relinquished  all  hope  of  restitution  for  the  robbery.  In  a  few  weeks 
afterwards  Mr.  Duane  returned  to  his  native  country,  and  of  course  with 
very  great  cause  to  admire  the  constitution,  laws,  and  order  of  the  British 
government,  domestic  and  foreign  I 


OP    JOHN   ADAMS.  95 

sels  of  war,  from  May  1797,  until  the  meeting  of  Congress  in 
November. 

On  the  23d  of  May,  1797,  James  Hammond,  a  native  citi- 
zen of  the  United  States,  belonging  to  the  American  ship 
Hope,  of  New  York,  Michael  Pierce,  master,  when  on  shore 
in  the  island  of  Madeira,  was  pressed  by  Captain  James,  of 
the  British  brig-of-war  El-Corso,  and  carried  forcibly  on 
board  in  open  day,  before  the  house  of  the  American  consul, 
Mr.  Pintard.  Captain  Pierce  having  applied  to  Mr.  Pintard 
for  redress,  the  latter  waited  upon  the  British  vice-consul, 
who,  at  length,  persuaded  Captain  James  to  deliver  up  Ham- 
mond; but  the  day  before  the  Hope  intended  to  sail,  a  boat's 
crew  came  again  on  board  from  the  El-Corso  and  carried  off 
five  men,  three  of  them  Americans,  one  a  Swede,  and  the 
other  an  Italian.  Mr.  Pintard  remonstrated  with  the  British 
consul  upon  the  grossness  of  the  insult,  but  received  for  an- 
swer, that  all  interference  on  his  part  would  be  in  vain,  for 
British  captains  supposed  they  had,  when  out  of  British  ports, 
an  unlimited  authority  to  tyrannize  over  the  rest  of  mankind. 
Captain  Pierce  then  went  to  the  British  captain  himself;  but 
the  only  satisfaction  he  received,  was  to  be  thrown  into  prison 
along  with  the  supercargo,  for  refusing  to  give  the  five  men 
their  wages. 

On  the  2d  of  June,  1797,  a  number  of  American  captains, 
at  Port-au-Prince,  in  St.  Domingo,  presented  a  petition  to 
Governor  Siracoe — they  represented  that  eleven  American 
vessels,  with  cargoes  amounting  to  three  hundred  thousand 
dollars,  had  been  captured  by  British  privateers,  and  were 
then  lying  in  that  port  in  expectation  of  a  trial — they  had  ap- 
plied for  it,  and  were  told  in  answer,  that  they  were  to  be 
sent  for  adjudication  to  Mole  St.  Nicholas.  They  state,  that 
several  of  the  vessels  could  not  proceed  to  that  place  without 
considerable  repairs,  and  that  others  had  been  abandoned  by 
their  crews ;  some  with  their  cargoes  were  likewise  in  a  state 
of  suffering.  Many  of  the  petitioners  being  entire  strangers, 
were  reduced  to  inconveniences  from  want  of  money.  Seve- 
ral crews  and  supercargoes  were  laid  under  the  most  distressing 
circumstances,  from  sickness,  disappointment,  and  mortifica- 
tion. 

The  governor's  answer  was  haughty  and  reproachful.  He 
promised  to  recommend  to  the  judge  of  the  admiralty,  Mr. 
Combauld,  to  decide  their  cases  at  an  early  period ;  but  he 


96  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

gave  them  no  reason  to  suppose  that  there  would  be  a  court 
erected  for  that  purpose  at  Port-au-Prince.  He  hoped  that 
they  would  be  acquitted  of  that  contraband  traffic,  which 
many  citizens  of  the  United  States  carried  on  with  the  French 
government,  in  St.  Domingo.  He  closed  with  telling  them, 
that  this  illicit  trade  might,  at  no  remote  distance,  seriously 
disturb  the  security  of  the  American  continent. 

On  the  27th  of  July,  1797,  Nathaniel  Silsbee,  captain  of 
the  ship  Betsey,  wrote  a  letter  to  the  printer  of  a  Salem 
newspaper;  he  had  arrived  at  Salem  from  Madras,  three  days 
before  the  date  of  the  letter.  At  his  departure,  there  were  in 
that  port  nine  English  ships  of  war.  One  of  them  was  the 
Sybille  frigate,  Captain  Cook,  who  pressed  from  Captain 
Silsbee,  Edward  Hulen,  a  native  of  Salem.  He  also  threat- 
ened, that  if  any  complaint  should  be  made  by  Silsbee  to  the 
governor  on  shore,  he  would  not  only  take  every  seaman,  but 
every  officer  from  the  Betsey.  He  did  not  commit  this  vio- 
lence from  scarcity  of  hands  ;  for  he  told  Captain  Sifsbee  that 
he  had  thirty-five  men  over  and  above  his  ship's  complement. 
He  added,  that  he  believed  fifteen  of  them  were  real  American 
citizens;  that  he  had  pressed  them  from  on  board  of  American 
ships  at  Lisbon,  in  spite  of  the  remonstrances  of  the  Ameri- 
can consul  at  that  place.  Cook  farther  declared,  that  he 
would  keep  these  men  in  perfect  security  till  the  end  of  the 
war. 

After  the  impressment  of  Hulen,  the  Betsey  was  daily  visit- 
ed by  a  lieutenant  from  the  Sybille ;  during  his  stay  on 
board,  this  officer  took  full  command  of  the  ship,  mustered  the 
crew  regularly  on  the  quarter-deck,  and  would  not  suffer  any 
ship's  duty  to  be  carried  on  at  these  times ;  he  farther  threat- 
ened to  correct  the  American  officers  for  not  manning  the 
ship's  side,  and  paying  him  such  respect,  as,  he  said,  the  pre- 
sence of  any  British  officer  ought  to  command. 

The  brig  Two  Sisters,  Captain  Conkling,  of  New  York,  on 
the  13th  of  August  was  boarded  by  the  General  Nicholl,  a 
British  letter-of-marque.  Captain  Morrison.  Captain  Conk- 
ling was  ordered  on  board  with  his  papers ;  Morrison,  with- 
out deigning  to  examine  them,  put  them  in  his  chest,  and  went 
himself  on  board  the  brig,  where  he  beat  with  his  hanger 
every  sailor,  ordering  them,  at  the  ^ame  time,  to  declare  the 
property  to  be  French.  Finding,  however,  such  treatment  in 
vain,  he  took  the  mate  and  the  men  on  board,  and  put  the 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  '    97 

whole  in  irons,  until  he  rifled  the  vessel  completely.  The  brig, 
after  being  deprived  of  the  most  valuable  part  of  her  cargo, 
was  afterwards  dismissed. 

The  following  is  a  summary  of  an  account  stated  by  Cap- 
tain Dunlevy,  who  remained  in  Hispaniola,  from  the  9th  of 
June  to  the  20th  of  October,  1797.  Eighteen  American  ves- 
sels, with  their  cargoes,  were  condemned.  Two  of  the  cap- 
tains of  these  ships  were  detained  three  months  before  they 
could  get  their  papers,  which  could  have  been  had  with  ease 
in  three  days,  or  a  much  less  time;  another  of  the  captains 
died  of  grief;  a  nineteenth  vessel,  with  her  cargo,  was  sold  to 
pay  the  costs  of  suit ;  a  twentieth  was  cleared,  but  the  cargo 
condemned. 

These  were  the  advantages  America  reaped  from  her  alli- 
ance with  monarchy.  It  is  true,  innumerable  instances  oc- 
curred, this  summer,  of  like  depredations  on  the  part  of  France; 
but  then  it  ought  to  be  remembered,  that  we  were  in  a  state 
of  war  with  that  country,  but  at  peace  with  England. 


CHAPTER  V. 

Speech  of  the  President  —  Address  from  the  Senate  — 
Blount's  Conspiracy — Quarrel  between  Mr.  Lyon  and  Mr. 
Griswold — Instances  of  a  similar  nature  in  the  Parlia- 
ment of  Scotland,  the  House  of  Commons  in  England, 
and  the  Senate  of  Lucerne,  in  Switzerland — Communica- 
tion from  the  President  relative  to  the  negotiation  with 
France — Acts  passed  by  Congress. 

The  House  of  Representatives  met,  according  to  their  re- 
solution of  adjournment,  on  the  second  Monday  of  November  ; 
but  a  sufficient  number  of  senators  having  not  come  forward 
to  form  a  quorum  until  the  23d  of  November,  no  business  of 
consequence  was  entered  upon.  About  twelve  that  day,  both 
houses  being  convened,  the  President  delivered  the  following 
speech : 
9 


98  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

"  Gentlemen  of  the  Senate,  and 

"  Gentlemen  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 

"  I  was  for  some  time  apprehensive  that  it  would  be  neces- 
sary, on  account  of  the  contagious  sickness  which  afflicted  the 
city  of  Philadelphia,  to  convene  the  national  legislature  at 
some  other  place. 

"  This  measure  it  was  desirable  to  avoid,  because  it  would 
occasion  much  public  inconvenience,  and  a  considerable  public 
expense,  and  add  to  the  calamities  of  the  inhabitants  of  this 
city,  whose  sufferings  must  have  excited  the  sympathy  of  all 
their  fellow-citizens.  Therefore,  after  taking  measures  to 
ascertain  the  state  and  decline  of  the  sickness,  I  postponed  my 
determination,  having  hopes,  now  happily  realized,  that,  with- 
out hazard  to  the  lives  or  health  of  the  members,  Congress 
might  assemble  at  this  place,  where  it  was  next  by  law  to 
meet.  I  submit,  however,  to  your  consideration,  whether  a 
power  to  postpone  the  meeting  of  Congress,  without  passing 
the  time  affixed  by  the  constitution,  upon  such  occasions, 
would  not  be  a  useful  amendment  to  the  law  of  one  thousand 
seven  hundred  and  ninety-four  ? 

"  Although  I  cannot  yet  congratulate  you  on  the  re-establish- 
ment of  peace  in  Europe,  and  the  restoration  of  security  to 
the  persons  and  properties  of  our  citizens  from  injustice  and 
violence  at  sea,  we  have,  nevertheless,  abundant  cause  of 
gratitude  to  the  Source  of  benevolence  and  influence,  for  in-^ 
terior  tranquillity  and  personal  security ;  for  propitious  seasons, 
prosperous  agriculture,  productive  fisheries,  and  general  im- 
provements ;  and  above  all,  for  a  rational  spirit  of  civil  and 
religious  liberty,  and  a  calm,  but  steady  determination,  to  sup- 
port our  sovereignty,  as  well  as  our  moral  and  religious  liberty, 
against  all  open  and  secret  attacks. 

"  Our'  envoys  extraordinary  to  the  French  republic,  em- 
barked, the  one  in  July,  the  other  early  in  August,  to  join 
their  colleague  in  Holland.  I  have  received  intelligence  of 
the  arrival  of  both  of  them  in  Holland,  from  whence  they  all 
proceeded  on  their  journey  to  Paris,  within  a  few  days  of  the 
nineteenth  of  September.  Whatever  may  be  the  result  of  this 
mission,  I  trust  that  nothing  will  have  been  omitted  on  my 
part,  to  conduct  the  negotiation  to  a  successful  conclusion,  on 
such  equitable  terms,  as  may  be  compatible  with  the  safety, 
honour,  and  interest,  of  the  United  States.     Nothing,  in  the 


OF    JOHN   ADAMS. 


m 


mean  time,  will  contribute  so  much  to  the  preservation  of  peace, 
and  the  attainment  of  justice,  as  a  manifestation  of  that  energy 
and  unanimity,  of  which,  on  many  former  occasions,  the  peo- 
ple of  the  United  States  have  given  such  memorable  proofs, 
and  the  exertion  of  those  resources  for  natural  defence,  which 
a  beneficent  Providence  has  kindly  placed  within  their  power. 

"  It  may  be  confidently  affirmed,  that  nothing  has  occurred 
since  the  adjournment  of  Congress,  which  renders  inexpedient 
those  precautionary  measures  recommended  by  me  to  the  con- 
sideration of  the  two  houses,  at  the  opening  of  your  late  ex- 
traordinary session.  If  that  system  was  then  prudent,  it  is 
more  so  now,  as  increasing  depredations  strengthen  the  reasons 
for  its  adoption. 

"  Indeed,  whatever  may  be  the  issue  of  the  negotiation  with 
France,  and  whether  the  war  in  Europe  is  or  is  not  to  con- 
tinue, I  hold  it  most  certain,  that  permanent  tranquillity  and 
order  will  not  soon  be  obtained.  The  state  of  society  has  so 
long  been  distprbed,  the  sense  of  moral  and  religious  obliga- 
tions so  much  weakened,  public  faith  and  national  honour  have 
been  so  impaired,  respect  to  treaties  has  been  so  diminished, 
and  the  law  of  nations  has  lost  so  much  of  its  force ;  while 
pride,  ambition,  avarice,  and  violence,  have  been  so  long  un- 
restrained, there  remains  no  reasonable  ground  on  which  to 
raise  an  expectation  that  a  commerce  without  protection  or 
defence  will  not  be  plundered. 

"  The  commerce  of  the  United  States  is  essential,  if  not  to 
their  existence,  at  least  to  their  comfort,  their  growth,  pros- 
perity, and  happiness.  The  genius,  character,  and  habits,  of 
the  people  are  highly  commercial ;  their  cities  have  been 
formed  and  exist  upon  commerce ;  their  agriculture,  fisheries, 
arts,  and  manufactures,  are  connected  with,  and  depend  upon 
it.  In  short,  commerce  has  made  this  country  what  it  is,  and 
it  cannot  be  destroyed  or  neglected  without  involving  the  peo- 
ple in  poverty  and  distress — great  numbers  are  directly  and 
solely  supported  by  navigation — the  faith  of  society  is  pledged 
for  the  preservation  of  the  rights  of  commercial  and  seafaring, 
no  less  than  of  the  other  citizens.  Under  this  view  of  our 
affairs,  I  should  hold  myself  guilty  of  a  neglect  of  duty,  if  I 
forbore  to  recommend  that  we  should  make  every  exertion  to 
protect  our  commerce,  and  to  place  our  country  in  a  suitable 
posture  of  defence,  as  the  only  sure  means  of  preserving 
both. 


100  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

"I  have  entertained  an  expectation  that  it  would  have  been 
in  my  power,  at  the  opening  of  the  session,  to  have  communi- 
cated to  you  the  agreeable  information  of  the  due  executiorii 
of  our  treaty  with  his  Catholic  majesty,  respecting  the  with- 
drawing of  his  troops  from  our  territory,  and  the  demarcation 
of  the  line  of  limits.  But  by  the  latest  authentic  intelligence, 
Spanish  garrisons  were  still  continued  within  our  country,  and 
the  running  of  the  boundary  line  had  not  been  commenced. 
These  circumstances  are  the  more  to  be  regretted,  as  they 
cannot  fail  to  affect  the  Indians  in  a  manner  injurious  to  the 
United  States.  Still,  however,  indulging  the  hope  that  the 
answers  which  have  been  given  will  remove  the  objections  of- 
fered by  the  Spanish  officers  to  the  immediate  execution  of  the 
treaty,  I  have  judged  it  proper  that  we  should  continue  in 
readiness  to  receive  the  posts,  and  to  run  the  line  of  limits. 

"  Further  information  on  this  subject  will  be  communicated 
in  the  course  of  the  session. 

"  In  connexion  with  this  unpleasant  state  of  things  on  our 
western  frontier,  it  is  proper  for  me  to  mention  the  attempts 
of  foreign  agents  to  alienate  the  affections  of  the  Indian  na- 
tions, and  to  excite  them  to  actual  hostilities  against  the 
United  States.  Great  activity  has  been  exerted  by  these 
persons,  who  have  insinuated  themselves  among  the  Indian 
tribes  residing  within  the  territory  of  the  United  States,  to  in- 
fluence them  to  transfer  their  affections  and  force  to  a  foreign 
nation ;  to  form  them  into  a  confederacy,  and  to  prepare  thera. 
for  war  against  the  United  States. 

"  Although  measures  have  been  taken  to  counteract  these 
infractions  of  our  rights,  to  prevent  Indian  hostilities,  and  to 
preserve  entire  their  attachment  to  the  United  States,  it  is  my 
duty  to  observe,  that  to  give  a  better  effect  to  these  measures, 
and  to  obviate  the  consequences  of  a  repetition  of  such  prac- 
tices, a  law  providing  adequate  punishment  for  such  offences 
may  be  necessary. 

"  The  commissioners  appointed  under  the  fifth  article  of  the 
treaty  of  amity,  commerce,  and  navigation,  between  the  United 
States  and  Great  Britain,  to  ascertain  the  river  which  was 
truly  intended  under  the  name  of  St.  Croix,  mentioned  in  the 
treaty  of  peace,  met  at  Passamaquoddy  Bay,  in  October, 
1796,  and  viewed  the  mouths  of  the  rivers  in  question,  and 
the  adjacent  shores  and  islands,  and  being  of  opinion  that 
actual  surve}s  of  both  rivers  to  their  sources  were  necessary, 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  101 

gave  to  the  agents  of  the  two  nations  instructions  for  that 
purpose,  and  adjourned  to  meet  at  Boston  in  August.  They 
met,  but  the  surveys  requiring  more  time  than  had  been  sup- 
posed, and  not  being  then  completed,  the  commissioners  again 
adjourned  to  meet  at  Providence,  in  the  state  of  Rhode  Island, 
in  June  next,  when  we  may  expect  a  final  examination  and 
decision. 

"  The  commissioners  appointed  in  pursuance  of  the  sixth 
article  of  the  treaty,  met  at  Philadelphia  in  May  last,  to  ex- 
amine the  claims  of  British  subjects,  for  debts  contracted 
before  the  peace,  and  still  remaining  due  to  them  from  citizens 
or  inhabitants  of  the  United  States.  Various  causes  have 
hitherto  prevented  any  determinations ;  but  the  business  is 
now  resumed,  and  doubtless  will  be  prosecuted  without  inter- 
ruption. 

"  Several  decisions  on  the  claims  of  citizens  of  the  United 
States,  for  losses  and  damages  sustained  by  reason  of  irregular 
and  illegal  captures  or  condemnations  of  their  vessels  or  other 
property,  have  been  made  by  the  commissioners  in  London, 
conformably  to  the  seventh  article  of  the  treaty.  The  sums 
awarded  by  the  commissioners  have  been  paid  by  the  British 
government.  A  considerable  number  of  other  claims,  where 
costs  and  damages,  and  not  captured  property,  were  the  only 
objects  in  question,  have  been  decided  by  arbitration,  and  the 
suras  awarded  to  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  have  also 
been  paid. 

"  The  commissioners  appointed  agreeably  to  the  twenty- 
first  article  of  our  treaty  with  Spain,  met  at  Philadelphia  in 
the  summer  past,  to  examine  and  decide  on  the  claims  of  our 
citizens  for  losses  they  have  sustained,  in  consequence  of  their 
vessels  and  cargoes  having  been  taken  by  the  subjects  of  his 
Catholic  majesty,  during  the  late  war  between  Spain  and 
France :  their  sittings  have  been  interrupted,  but  are  now  re- 
sumed. 

"  The  United  States  being  obligated  to  make  compensation 
for  the  losses  and  damages  sustained  by  British  subjects  upon 
the  award  of  the  commissioners  acting  under  the  sixth  article 
of  the  treaty  with  Great  Bi'itain,  and  for  the  losses  and  damages 
sustained  by  British  subjects,  by  reason  of  the  capture  of  their 
vessels  and  merchandise,  taken  within  the  limits  and  jurisdic- 
tion of  the  United  States  and  brought  into  their  ports,  or 
taken  by  vessels  originally  armed  in  ports  of  the  United 
9* 


102  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

States,  upon  the  awards  of  the  commissioners  acting  under 
the  seventh  article  of  the  same  treaty,  it  is  necessary  that 
provision  be  made  for  fulfilling  these  obligations. 

"  The  numerous  captures  of  American  vessels  by  the  cruis- 
ers of  the  French  republic,  and  of  some  by  those  of  Spain, 
have  occasioned  considerable  expenses  in  making  and  support- 
ing the  claims  of  our  citizens  before  their  tribunals.  The 
sums  required  for  this  purpose  have,  in  divers  instances,  been 
disbursed  by  the  consuls  of  the  United  States.  By  means  of 
the  same  captures,  great  numbers  of  our  seamen  have  been 
thrown  ashore  in  foreign  countries,  destitute  of  all  means  of 
subsistence;  and  the  sick  in  particular  have  been  exposed  to 
grievous  sufferings. 

"  The  consuls  have  in  these  cases  also  advanced  moneys  for 
their  relief.  For  these  advances  they  reasonably  expect  re- 
imbursements from  the  United  States. 

"The  consular  act  relative  to  seamen  requires  revision  and 
amendment — the  provisions  for  their  support  in  foreign  coun- 
tries, and  for  their  return,  are  found  to  be  inadequate  and  in- 
effectual. Another  provision  seems  necessary  to  be  added  to 
the  consular  act.  Some  foreign  vessels  have  been  discovered 
sailing  under  the  flag  of  the  United  States,  and  with  forged 
papers.  It  seldom  happens  that  the  consul  can  detect  this 
deception ;  because  they  have  no  authority  to  demand  an  in- 
spection of  the  register  and  sea-letters. 

"  Gentlemen  of  the  Hoii.fe  of  Representatives, 

"  It  is  my  duty  to  recommend  to  your  serious  consideration, 
those  objects  which  by  the  constitution  are  placed  particularly 
within  your  sphere,  the  national  debt  and  taxes. 

"  Since  the  decay  of  the  feudal  system,  by  which  the  public 
defence  was  provided  for  chiefly  at  the  expense  of  individuals, 
the  system  of  loan  has  been  introduced.  And  as  no  nation 
can  raise  w'ithin  the  year  by  taxes,  sufficient  sums  for  its  de- 
fence and  military  operations  in  time  of  war,  the  sums  loaned 
and  debts  contracted  have  necessarily  become  the  subject  of 
what  have  been  called  funding  systems. 

"  The  consequences  arising  from  the  continual  accumulation 
of  public  debts  in  other  countries,  ought  to  admonish  us  to  be 
careful  to  prevent  their  growth  in  our  own.  The  national 
defence  must  be  provided  for,  as  well  as  the  support  of  govern- 


OF    JOHN   ADAMS.  103 

ment ;  but  both  should  be  accomplished   as  much  as  possible 
by  immediate  taxes,  and  as  little  as  possible  by  loans. 

"  The  estimates  for  the  service  of  the  ensuing  year,  will, 
by  my  direction,  be  laid  before  you. 

"  Gentlemen  of  the  Senate,  and 

"  Gentleinen  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 

"  We  are  met  together  at  a  most  interesting  periotl.  The 
situations  of  the  principal  powers  of  Europe  are  singular  and 
portentous ;  connected  with  some  by  treaties,  and  with  all  by 
commerce,  no  important  event  there  can  be  indifferent  to  us. 
Such  circumstances  call  with  peculiar  importunity,  not  less 
for  a  disposition  to  unite  in  all  those  measures  on  which  the 
honour,  safety,  and  prosperity  of  our  country  depend,  than 
for  all  the  exertions  of  wisdom  and  firmness. 

"  In  all  such  measures,  you  may  rely  on  my  zealous  and 
hearty  concurrence." 

After  the  President  retired,  the  House  proceeded  to  the 
choice  of  a  chaplain.  The  persons  nominated,  were  Dr.  Green, 
Dr.  Priestly,  Dr.  Blair,  General  Williams,  and  Mr.  Ustick. 
When  the  votes  were  examined,  Dr.  Green  was  found  to  have 
53,  and  none  of  the  rest  more  than  six — he  was  of  course  duly 
elected. 

On  Friday,  the  24th,  Mr.  Harper  moved  for  an  address  to 
the  communications  of  the  President.  He  was  opposed  by 
Mr.  Lyon,  who  showed  very  forcibly  the  absurdity,  and  the 
expense  incurred  to  the  nation,  by  establishing  a  custom  of 
debating  ten  or  fourteen  days,  as  in  the  last  session,  about  the 
wording  of  an  answer  to  the  President's  speech.  The  motion 
of  Mr.  Harper  was,  however,  carried  ;  and  after  a  week's  de- 
liberation, an  answer  w^as  agreed  to  nearly  similar  to  the  one 
presented  by  the  Senate.  Of  the  two,  this  deserves  more  par- 
ticular notice,  as  it  will  show  the  state  of  humble  submission 
to  which  the  Senate  (a  body  that  ought  to  have  retained  some 
appearance  of  dignity)  descended  in  the  late  administration : 

"  Sir  : — The  communications  you  have  thought  proper  to 
make  in  your  speech  to  both  Houses  of  Congress,  on  the 
opening  of  their  present  session,  afford  additional  proofs  of 
the  attention,  integrity,  and  firmness  which  have  marked  your 
official  character. 


104  THE   ADMINISTRATION 

"  We  cannot  but  approve  of  the  measures  you  had  taken 
to  ascertain  the  state  and  dechne  of  the  contagious  sickness 
which  has  so  lately  afflicted  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  and  the 
pleasing  circumstance  that  Congress  is  now  assembled  at  that 
place,  without  hazard  to  the  health  of  its  members,  evinces 
the  propriety  of  your  having  postponed  a  determination  to 
convene  the  national  legislature  at  any  other  place — we  shall 
take  into  consideration  the  law  of  1794,  on  this  subject,  and 
will  readily  concur  in  any  amendment  which  may  be  deemed 
expedient. 

"  It  would  have  given  us  much  pleasure  to  have  received 
your  congratulations  on  the  re-establishment  of  peace  in  Eu- 
rope, and  the  restoration  of  security  to  the  persons  and  pro- 
perties of  our  citizens  from  injustice  and  violence  at  sea.  But 
though  these  events,  so  desirable  to  our  country  and  the  world, 
have  not  taken  place,  yet  w^e  have  abundant  cause  of  grati- 
tude to  the  Great  Disposer  of  human  events,  for  interior  tran- 
quillity and  personal  security ;  for  propitious  seasons,  pros- 
perous agriculture,  productive  fisheries,  and  general  improve- 
ment ;  and  above  all,  for  a  rational  spirit  of  civil  and  religious 
liberty,  and  a  calm,  but  steady  determination  to  support  our 
sovereignty  against  all  open  and  secret  attacks. 

"We  learn  with  satisfaction,  that  our  envoys  extraordinary 
to  the  French  republic,  had  safely  arrived  in  Europe,  and 
were  proceeding  to  the  scene  of  negotiation ;  and  whatever 
may  be  the  result  of  the  mission,  we  are  perfectly  satisfied 
that  nothing  on  your  part  has  been  omitted,  which  could  in 
any  way  conduce  to  a  successful  conclusion  of  the  negotiation, 
upon  terms  compatible  with  the  safety,  honour,  and  interest 
of  the  United  States ;  and  we  are  fully  convinced,  that  in  the 
mean  time,  a  manifestation  of  the  unanimity  and  energy  of 
which  the  people  of  the  United  States  have  given  such  memo- 
rable proofs,  and  a  proper  exertion  of  those  resources  of  na- 
tional defence  which  we  possess,  will  essentially  contribute  to 
the  preservation  of  peace  and  the  attainment  of  justice. 

"  We  think,  sir,  with  you,  that  the  commerce  of  the  United 
States  is  essential  to  the  growth,  comfort,  and  prosperity,  of 
our  country  ;  and  that  the  faith  of  society  is  pledged  for  the 
preservation  of  the  rights  of  commercial  and  seafaring,  no 
less  than  of  other  citizens ;  and  even  if  our  negotiation  with 
France  should  terminate  favourably,  and  the  war  in  Europe 
cease,  yet  the  state  of  society  which  unhappily  prevails  in  so 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  105 

great  a  portion  of  the  world,  and  the  experience  of  past  times 
under  better  circumstances,  unite  in  warning  us  that  a  com- 
merce so  extensive,  and  which  holds  out  so  many  temptations 
to  lawless  plunderers,  can  never  be  safe  without  protection  and 
defence ;  and  we  hold  ourselves  obliged  by  every  tie  of  duty 
which  binds  us  to  our  constituents,  to  promote  and  concur  in 
such  measures  of  marine  defence  as  may  convince  our  mer- 
chants and  seamen  that  their  rights  are  not  sacrificed,  nor  their 
injuries  forgotten. 

"  We  regret  that  notwithstanding  the  clear  and  explicit 
terras  of  the  treaty  between  the  United  States  and  his  Catholic 
majesty,  the  Spanish  garrisons  are  not  yet  withdrawn  from  our 
territory,  nor  the  running  of  the  boundary  line  commenced. 

"  The  United  States  have  been  faithful  in  the  performance 
of  their  obligations  to  Spain,  and  had  reason  to  expect  a  com- 
pliance equally  prompt  on  the  part  of  that  power.  We  still, 
however,  indulge  the  hope  that  the  convincing  answers  which 
have  been  given  to  the  objections  stated  by  the  Spanish  officers 
to  the  immediate  execution  of  the  treaty,  will  have  their  pro- 
per effect,  and  that  this  treaty,  so  mutually  beneficial  to  the 
contracting  parties,  will  be  finally  observed  with  good  fiiith — 
we,  therefore,  entirely  approve  of  your  determination  to  con- 
tinue in  readiness  to  receive  the  posts,  and  to  run  the  line  of 
partition  between  our  territory  and  that  of  the  king  of  Spain. 
Attempts  to  alienate  the  affections  of  the  Indians,  to  form 
them  into  actual  hostility  against  the  United  States,  whether 
made  by  foreign  agents  or  by  others,  are  so  injurious  to  our 
interests  at  large,  and  so  inhuman  with  respect  to  our  citizens 
inhabiting  the  adjacent  territory,  as  to  deserve  the  most  ex- 
emplary punishment,  and  we  will  cheerfully  afford  our  aid  in 
framing  a  law  which  may  prescribe  a  punishment  adequate  to 
the  commission  of  crimes  so  heinous. 

"  The  several  objects  you  have  pointed  out  to  the  attention 
of  the  legislature,  whether  they  regard  our  internal  or  exter- 
nal relations,  shall  receive  from  us  that  attention  which  they 
merit,  and  we  will  readily  concur  in  all  such  measures  as  may 
be  necessary,  either  to  enable  us  to  fulfil  our  engagements  at 
home  or  to  cause  ourselves  to  be  respected  abroad  ;  and  at 
this  portentous  period,  when  the  powers  of  Europe,  with  whom 
we  are  connected  by  treaty  or  commerce,  are  in  so  critical  a 
situation,  and  when  the  conduct  of  some  of  those  powers 
towards  the  United   States  is  so  hostile  and  menacing,  the 


106  THE  ADMINISTRATION 

several  branches  of  the  government  are,  in  our  opinion,  called 
upon  with  peculiar  importunity  to  unite,  and,  by  union,  not 
only  to  devise  and  to  carry  into  effect  these  measures,  on 
which  the  safety  and  prosperity  of  our  country  depend,  but 
also  to  undeceive  those  nations,  who,  regarding  us  as  a  weak 
and  divided  people,  have  pursued  systems  of  aggression  in- 
consistent with  a  state  of  peace  bet\Yeen  independent  nations. 
And,  sir,  we  beg  leave  to  assure  you,  that  we  derive  a  singu- 
lar consolation  from  the  reflection,  that  at  such  a  time  the 
executive  part  of  our  government  has  been  committed  to  your 
hands ;  for  in  your  integrity,  talents,  and  firmness,  we  place 
the  most  entire  confidence." 

To  this  address  the  President  was  pleased  to  give  a  few 
words  in  reply,  complimenting  them  in  his  turn,  upon  their 
wisdom,  their  penetration,  and  independent  spirit. 

The  House  of  Representatives  delivered  their  address  the 
day  following,  and  received  the  honour  of  tasting  the  wine 
and  breaking  the  bread  of  the  President.  Mr.  Lyon,  of  Ver- 
mont, was  the  only  member  who  had  the  firmness  to  refuse 
attending  this  procession. 

The  first  important  business  which  came  before  Congress 
this  session,  was  the  conspiracy  of  Governor  Blount.  Mr. 
Sitgreaves,  on  the  4th  of  December,  brought  up  the  report 
from  the  committee  which  had  been  appointed  for  the  purpose 
of  collecting  evidence  relative  to  this  subject.  In  their  re- 
port the  committee  state,  that  soon  after  their  appointment, 
they  received  a  trunk  from  J.  Ross,  Esq.,  containing  sundry 
papers  belonging  to  William  Blount,  which  had  been  seized 
by  order  of  the  Senate.  From  a  perusal  of  these  papers,  it 
appeared  that  one  Nicholas  Romayne,  a  practitioner  of  physic 
in  New  York,  was  intimately  connected  with  Blount.  They, 
therefore,  concciived  it  to  be  their  duty  to  secure  the  person 
of  Romayne,  and  for  that  purpose  issued  a  writ,  the  execution 
of  which  they  placed  in- the  hands  of  the  secretary  of  state, 
who  appointed  Captain  W.  Eaton  messenger  on  the  occasion. 
This  messenger  returned  with  Romayne  and  his  papers,  which 
he  also  seized  on  the  10th  of  July.  Mr.  Romayne,  after 
being  examined,  gave  security  for  his  appearance  before  the 
Senate  on  the  trial  of  Blount. 

Major  Lewis  was  appointed  by  the  committee  to  secure 
James  Carey  and  one  James  Grant,  who  also  appeared  to  have 


OP    JOHN   ADAMS.  107 

had  connexions  with  Blount.  Mr.  William  Davy,  of  Phila- 
delphia, M^as  examined  respecting  a  Mr.  Chisholra,  who  sailed 
for  London  in  a  vessel  chartered  by  him,  having  his  passage 
paid  by  Mr.  Liston.  Mr.  Davy  recollected  a  conversation 
which  passed  between  Mr.  Chisholm  and  Mr.  Thornton,  the 
deputy  of  Mr.  Liston,  who  promised  Chisholm  the  command 
of  a  squadron  to  act  against  Pensacola.  He  also  produced  a 
letter  from  his  brother  in  London,  mentioning  that  Chisholm 
endeavoured  to  get  money  from  him ;  but  before  he  gave  him 
any,  he  applied  to  Lord  Grenville's  office,  to  know  if  he  had 
got  any  money  from  thence,  and  finding  they  had  supplied 
him  largely,  he  dechned  letting  him  have  any. 

The  deposition  of  Dr.  Romayne  was  nearly  as  follows :  He 
stated  that  he  had  been  acquainted  with  Mr.  Blount  since 
1782 ;  that  his  first  acquaintance  with  Chisholm,  was  whilst 
in  treaty  with  Mr.  Blount  in  land  speculation.  Some  time 
afterwards,  he  intended  going  to  London  to  sell  lands,  but 
abandoned  that  design,  owing  to  property  falling  in  price. 
He  said  Governor  Blount  promised  to  procure  a  bill  to  enable 
aliens  to  hold  land  in  the  state  of  Tennessee.  He  confessed 
that  Blount  used  often  to  regret  that  the  English  did  not 
possess  Louisiana,  and  spoke  of  going  to  England  on  that 
business,  for  that  they  had  much  better  possess  it  than  the 
French  ;  that  it  was  agreed  on  between  Blount  and  him- 
self, to  sound  certain  persons  in  Philadelphia,  as  well  as  in 
Virginia,  and  the  southern  states,  on  this  subject ;  but  that  the 
w^hole  business  had  been  dropped  for  some  time  by  Blount's 
neglecting  to  answer  his  letters. 

The  letters  which  passed  between  Blount  and  Romayne 
have  dates  from  February  to  May,  1797,  and  were  chiefly  on 
the  project  of  going  to  England  on  the  business  of  Louisiana. 
In  these  letters.  Dr.  Romayne  frequently  speaks  with  confi- 
dence of  success,  and  often  remarks  upon  the  critical  situation 
of  the  European  powers,  and  the  improbability  of  peace. 

Several  letters  passed  between  Romayne  and  Mr.  Liston, 
but  the  former  acknowledged  their  being  destroyed,  except  the 
following  one,  which,  of  itself,  is  a  sufficient  proof  of  the 
conspiracy  on  the  part  of  the  British  minister. 

Philadelphia,  28th  April,  1797. 
"  I  am  much  indebted  to  you,  sir,  for  your  friendly  letter 
of  the  14th  of  this  month,  enclosing  one  from  Mr.  Pulteney, 


lOS  TTIK    ADMINISTRATION 

whose  i^ooti  oj  inion  gives  me  high  satisfaction.  (That  letter 
is  now  retiuneii.) 

"  Takino;  it  for  granted  that  I  understand  to  what  business 
you  allude,  I  could  wish  to  have  a  fall  examination  of  your 
sentiments  on  the  subject.  It  may  be  done,  I  think,  in  writing; 
you  may  depend  on  secrecy  and  discretion  on  my  part. 

"  The  general  sketch  of  what  has  taken  place  here,  is,  that 
a  person  came  to  me  to  make  certain  important  propositions 
of  enterprize,  to  which  I  listened,  but  said  I  had  no  power  to 
act. 

"  He  appeared  to  be  determined  and  active,  though  illiterate 
and  unfit  to  assume  command. 

"  He  urged  to  have  my  consent  to  go  to  Europe,  to  tell  his 
own  story,  to  which  I  consented  (though  with  some  hesita- 
tion) not  thinking  myself  authorised  to  give  a  positive  refusal. 

"  It  strikes  me  that  if  a  person  of  confidence,  with  proper  au- 
thority from  home,  were  to  accompany  him  to  the  scene  of  ac- 
tion, something  might  probably  be  effected. 

"Information  of  every  sort  will  be  gratefully  received. 

"  N.  B.  I  have  no  intention  of  sending  my  secretary  any- 
where. 

"  Believe  me,  with  great  truth  and  regard,  sir,  your  most 
obedient,  humble  servant, 

Robert  Liston. 
"  Dr.  Romayne." 

The  charges  exhibited  by  the  House  of  Representatives 
against  William  Blount,  are  contained  in  the  five  following 
articles : 

"Article  I. 

"  That  whereas,  the  United  States,  in  the  months  of  Febru- 
ary, March,  April,  May,  and  June,  1797,  were  at  peace  with 
his  Catholic  Majesty,  the  King  of  Spain  ;  and  whereas,  during 
the  months  aforesaid,  his  said  Catholic  Majesty  and  the  King 
of  Great  Britain  were  at  war  with  each  other  ;  yet  he  the  said 
William  Blount,  though  a  senator  of  the  United  States,  did 
conspire,  within  its  territories,  to  carry  on  a  military  expedi- 
tion against  the  dominions  of  his  Catholic  Majesty  in  the 
rioridas  and  Louisiana,  for  the  purpose  of  conquering  the 
same  for  the  King  of  Great  Britain. 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  '109 


"  Article  II. 

"  That  whereas,  on  the  27th  of  October,  1795,  a  treaty  of 
friendship,  limits  and  navigation,  was  concluded  between  the 
United  States  and  his  Catholic  Majesty,  by  the  5th  article  of 
which,  it  was  agreed  that  the  two  contracting  parties  should 
maintain  peace  and  harmony  among  the  Indian  nations  who 
inhabit  the  country  adjacent  to  the  two  Floridas.  Yet  the 
said  Mr.  Blount,  disregarding  the  stipulations  of  said  treaty, 
did  conspire  to  excite  the  Creek  and  Cherokee  Indians  to 
commence  hostilities  against  the  subjects  of  his  Catholic  Ma- 
jesty in  the  Floridas  and  Louisiana,  for  the  purpose  of  reducing 
the  same  to  the  dominion  of  the  King  of  Great  Britain,  with 
whom  his  Catholic  Majesty  was  at  war. 

"  Article  III. 

"  That  whereas,  by  the  ordinances  of  Congress  for  regu- 
lating trade  and  intercourse  with  the  Indian  tribes,  it  has  been 
made  lawful  for  the  President  of  the  United  States,  in  order  to 
insure  the  continuance  of  the  friendship  of  the  said  Indian  tribes, 
to  appoint  temporary  agents  to  reside  among  them ;  and 
whereas,  in  pursuance  of  the  said  authority,  he  did  appoint 
Benjamin  Hawkins  to  be  principal  temporary  agent  for  Indian 
affairs  within  the  Indian  nations  south  of  the  River  Ohio — 
yet  the  said  William  Blount  did,  in  the  prosecution  of  his 
criminal  desio;ns,  contrive  to  alienate  the  confidence  of  the 
said  Indian  tribes  from  Benjamin  Hawkins,  contrary  to  the 
duty  of  his  trust  and  station  as  a  senator  of  the  Unitc-i 
States. 

"Article  IV. 

"  That  whereas,  by  the  ordinances  of  Congress  it  is  made 
lawful  for  the  President  to  establish  trading  houses  at  such 
places  on  the  western  and  southern  frontiers  as  he  shall  judg- 
most  convenient  for  carrying  on  a  liberal  trade  with  the  In- 
dian nations,  and  to  appoint  an  agent  in  each  trading  house, 
with  such  clerks  as  may  be  necessary  for  the  execution  of  the 
said  acts,  he  did  appoint  James  Carey  to  be  the  interpreter 
for  the  United  States  to  the  Cherokee  nation ;  yet  the  said 
William  Blount  did  contrive,  by  bribery  and  corruption,  to 
lead  off  the  said  James  Carey  from  the  duties  of  his  office. 
10 


110  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

"Article  V. 

"  That  whereas,  certain  tribes  or  nations  of  Indians  inhabit 
within  the  territorial  limits  of  the  United  States,  between 
whom  and  the  settlements  of  the  United  States  certain  boun- 
dary lines  have  been  agreed  upon,  to  separate  the  lands  and 
possessions  of  the  said  Indians  from  the  lands  and  possessions 
of  the  United  States;  and,  whereas,  it  was  further  stipulated 
that  the  boundary  line  should  be  ascertained  and  marked  by 
three  persons  appointed  on  the  part  of  the  United  States,  and 
three  Cherokees  on  the  part  of  their  nation  ;  yet  the  said 
WilHam  Blount  did  contrive  to  create  and  foment  discontents 
and  disaffection  among  the  said  Indians  towards  the  govern- 
ment of  the  United  States,  in  relation  to  the  ascertainment  and 
marking  of  the  said  boundary  line,  contrary  to  the  duty  and 
trust  of  his  station  as  senator  of  the  United  States,  and  against 
the  peace  and  interests  thereof." 

The  following  gentlemen  were  appointed  by  the  House  as 
managers  to  conduct  the  impeachment  against  Mr.  Blount: 
Mr.  Sitgreaves,  Mr.  Bayard,  Mr.  Harper,  Mr.  Gordon,  Mr. 
Pinckney,  Mr.  Dana,  Mr.  Sewall,  Mr.  Hosraer,  Mr.  Dennis, 
Mr.  Evans  and  Mr.  Iralay. 

During  the  ballot  of  their  election  an  unfortunate  quarrel 
took  place  between  two  members,  Mathew  Lyon,  of  Ver- 
mont, and  Roger  Griswold,  which  occupied  the  attention  of 
the  house  for  several  weeks  after.  The  committee  of  privi- 
leges, who  were  instructed  to  inquire  into  the  conduct  of  these 
gentlemen,  made  the  following  report  on  the  second  of  Feb- 
ruary : 

That  during  the  sitting  of  the  house  on  the  30th  of  Jan- 
uary, when  the  tellers  of  the  house  were  engaged  in  counting 
the  ballots  for  managers  of  the  impeachment  against  William 
Blount,  Mr.  Lyon  was  standing  without  the  bar  of  the  house, 
and  in  conversation  with  the  speaker,  who  had  left  his  seat  as 
is  usual  on  such  occasions  ;  the  subject  of  his  conversation  was 
the  conduct  of  the  representatives  of  the  State  of  Connecticut, 
of  whom  Mr.  Griswold  was  one.  Mr.  Lyon  declared  that 
they  acted  in  opposition  to  the  interests  and  opinions  of  nine 
tenths  of  their  constituents ;  that  they  were  pursuing  their 
own  private  views,  without  regarding  the  interests  of  the 
people  of  that  state  ;  that  they  were  seeking  offices  which  they 
were  willing  to  accept,  whether  yielding  9000  or  1000  dollars. 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  Ill 

He  further  observed,  that  the  people  of  that  state  were  blinded 
and  deceived  by  those  representatives;  that  they  were  permit- 
ted to  see  but  one  side  of  the  question  in  politics,  being  lulled 
asleep  by  the  opiates  which  the  members  from  that  State  ad- 
ministered to  them,  with  other  expressions  equally  tending 
to  derogate  from  the  political  integrity  of  the  representatives 
of  Connecticut. 

On  Mr.  Lyon's  observing,  that  if  he  should  go  into  Con- 
necticut, and  conduct  a  letter  press  there  for  six  months, 
although  the  people  of  that  state  were  not  fond  of  revolution- 
ary principles,  he  could  eflect  a  revolution,  and  turn  out  the 
present  representatives,  Mr.  Griswold  replied,  "  if  you  go  into 
Connecticut,  Mr.  Lyon,  you  had  better  wear  your  wooden 
sword,"  alluding  to  Mr.  Lyon's  having  been  cashiered  in  the 
army. 

Mr.  Lyon  did  not  notice  the  allusion  at  the  time,  but  con- 
tinued the  conversation ;  Mr.  Griswold  then  left  his  seat  and 
stood  next  to  Mr.  Lyon,  leaning  on  the  bar,  but  being  outside 
of  the  same. 

On  Mr.  Lyon's  saying,  he  knew  the  people  of  Connecticut 
well,  having  lived  among  them  many  years  ;  that  he  had  fre- 
quent occasion  to  fight  them  in  his  own  district,  and  that  he 
never  failed  to  convince  them — Mr.  Griswold  asked  if  he 
fought  them  with  his  wooden  sword  ;  on  which  Mr.  Lyon 
spit  in  his  face. 

The  House  was  engaged  in  the  investigation  of  this  unim- 
portant affair  until  the  28th  of  February.  A  motion  was 
made  for  the  expulsion  both  of  Mr.  Lyon  and  Mr.  Griswold, 
but  it  was  finally  negatived  ;  and  the  two  disorderly  members 
were  allowed  to  retain  their  seats,  without  ever  receiving  a 
reprimand  for  their  conduct.  However  Mr.  Lyon  may  be  re- 
spected for  his  firmness  in  adhering  to  the  rights  of  his  coun- 
try, his  conduct  on  this  occasion  must  be  regarded  by  every 
impartial  person,  to  have  been  as  equally  unwarrantable  and  un- 
becoming the  dignity  of  a  member  of  Congress  as  the  beha- 
viour of  Mr.  Griswold.  Perhaps  the  punishment  of  expulsion 
might  be  supposed  to  affect  the  rights  of  their  constituents, 
but  certainly  a  moderate  fine,  and  a  reprimand  from  the  spea- 
ker, ought  to  have  been  the  lightest  apology  admitted  of. 

Similar  instances  of  indecorous  behaviour  have  occurred  in 
the  parhaments  of  Britain,  and  the  national  assembhes  of  other 
countries;    but   they  have    been   always   attended  with   the 


112  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

marked  disapprobation  of  the  assembly  insulted.  During  the 
contest  that  took  place  in  the  Scotch  parliament  relative  to 
the  union  of  that  country  with  England,  a  furious  jacobite  tory 
tossed  the  wig  of  his  political  opponent  into  the  fire.  The 
offender,  whose  name  was  M'Donald,  was  condemned  by  a 
vote  of  the  House  to  be  incapable  of  wearing  a  wig  on  his 
head,  a  sword  by  his  side,  or  affixing  his  arms  to  any  written 
document  for  the  space  of  one  twelvemonth  after  the  trans- 
gression. 

In  the  reign  of  James  I.  of  England,  a  motion  was  made  in 
the  House  of  Commons  to  supply  the  Welch  members  with 
jiocket  handkerchiefs  ;  owing  to  several  indecencies  that  were 
daily  practised  by  these  mountaineers. 

In  Lucerne,  in  Switzerland,  in  the  year  1792,  a  democrati- 
cal  member  entered  the  Senate,  with  the  three-coloured  ribbon 
flying  at  his  breast.  This  assembly,  who  were  all,  excepting 
a  few  individuals,  attached  to  aristocracy,  evinced  their  dis- 
pleasure by  a  low  hooting  and  hissing ;  one,  however,  who 
could  not  govern  so  easily  his  passion,  w^alked  up  to  the  re- 
publican member,  and  tore  off,  in  a  forcible  manner,  the  ensign 
of  liberty.  The  aristocrat  was  instantly  called  to  order,  un- 
derwent a  trial  for  disorderly  behaviour  in  the  Senate,  and 
was  fined  in  a  sum  of  three  hundred  florins. 

The  next  business  of  importance  which  occupied  the  atten- 
tion of  Congress,  was  a  communication  of  the  President,  re- 
specting the  dispatches  which  he  had  received  from  the  envoys' 
extraordinary  of  the  United  States  to  the  government  of 
France.  These  papers  were  laid  before  the  public  by  an  or- 
der of  the  Senate  on  the  5th  of  April.  Before  their  commu- 
nication, a  thousand  reports  were  industriously  circulated, 
tending  to  place  the  conduct  of  the  French  Directory  in  the 
most  odious  light — even  members  themselves,  were  found  base 
enough  to  give  by  letter  and  otherwise,  impressions  of  their 
contents  very  different  from  the  truth.  It  was  publicly  de- 
clared, and  that  on  the  authority  of  a  member,  that  twelve 
millions  of  dollars  had  been  demanded,  as  a  condition  on  which 
a  negotiation  w^ould  be  opened.  This  furnishes  a  striking 
proof  of  the  hostile  disposition  which  our  executive  entertained 
towards  the  French  republic,  and  of  its  determination,  at  all 
events,  to  brino-  about  a  war  between  the  two  countries.  The 
limits  of  this  volume  preclude  the  possibility  of  inserting  these 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  IJS 

official  papers;  but  the  following  is  a  correct  summary  of 
their  substance: — 

On  the  4th  of  October,  1797,  Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney, 
John  Marshall,  and  Elbridge  Gerry,  arrived  in  Paris,  as  en- 
voys extraordinary  from  the  United  States  of  America,  to  the 
French  republic.  On  the  6th,  they  communicated  their  ap- 
pointment by  an  official  letter  to  Talleyrand,  minister  of 
foreign  affairs  ;  and  on  the  8th,  they  wailed  upon  this  minister, 
and  delivered  their  letters  of  credence — he  informed  them  that 
he  was,  by  order  of  the  Directory,  preparing  a  report  of  the 
situation  of  the  United  States  with  regard  to  France,  and 
when  finished,  he  would  acquaint  them  with  the  steps  that 
were  to  follow.  Cards  of  hospitality  were  then  given  to  them 
in  a  style  suitable  to  their  official  character. 

On  the  11th  of  November,  the  envoys  wrote  an  official 
letter  to  Talleyrand,  complaining  of  having  not  yet  received 
any  reply  from  him  or  the  Directory,  of  the  situation  in  which 
they  were  thus  left.  Not  obtaining  an  answer,  they  sent 
their  secretary.  Major  Rutledge,  to  Talleyrand,  who  informed 
Major  Rutledge,  that  he  had  communicated  the  letter  of  the 
envoys  to  the  Directory,  and  they  would  direct  him  what 
steps  to  take. 

This  was  the  whole  of  the  official  intercourse  our  envoys 
had  with  the  French  government.  By  letter,  dated  the  24th 
of  December,  they  inform  our  secretary  of  state  that  they 
were  resolved,  if  on  the  10th  of  January  they  had  no  official 
answer  to  their  letter,  to  write  to  Talleyrand,  stating  the  ob- 
ject of  their  mission,  and  discussing  the  subject  of  difference 
between  the  two  nations  in  like  manner  as  if  they  had  been 
actually  received  ;  and  to  close  the  letter  with  requesting  the 
government  to  open  the  negotiation  with  them,  or  to  grant 
them  their  passports. 

The  last  letter  of  the  envoys  to  our  government  is  dated 
8th  January,  and  therefore  prior  to  the  letter  which  they  in- 
tended to  write. 

Between  the  14th  of  October  and  the  1st  of  November, 
some  gentlemen  (whose  names  are  not  communicated  by  the 
executive  to  Congress,  but  who  are  designated  by  the  letters 
W.  X.  Y.  and  Z.)  were  introduced  to  our  envoys,  and  two  of 
them,  Mr.  X.  and  Mr.  Y.  stated  that  they  had  messages  from 
Mr.  Talleyrand,  who  was  desirous  that  a  reconciliation  should 
^ke  place,  and  that  they  would  suggest  plans  for  that  purpose. 
10* 


114  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

The  substance  of  their  proposals  was,  that  the  Directory,  and 
particularly  two  of  the  members  of  it,  were  exceedingly  irri- 
tated at  some  passages  of  the  President's  speech  of  the  16th 
of  May  past;  that  an  explanation  of  some  parts,  and  a  re- 
paration of  others  (which  parts  were  designated)  should  be 
made ;  that  in  lieu  of  reparation  for  the  speech,  the  Directory 
would  accept  money ;  that  is  to  say,  a  loan  for  the  use 
of  the  French  republic,  of  32,000,000  florins  (equal  to 
12,800,000  dollars)  and  besides  that,  a  sum  of  money  by  way 
of  douceur,  for  the  pocket  of  the  Directory  and  ministers, 
which  might  be  at  the  disposal  of  Mr.  Talleyrand,  equivalent 
to  1,200,000  livres,  or  fifty  thousand  pounds  sterling ;  that 
commissioners  should  be  appointed  to  ascertain  the  claims  of 
the  United  States  in  like  manner  as  under  our  treaty  with 
England,  excepting  those  condemned  for  want  of  a  role  d'equi- 
page,  which  must  be  left  a  subject  of  negotiation ;  and  that 
France  should,  by  a  new  treaty,  be  put  upon  the  same  footing 
as  Engand.  It  was  also  stated  by  the  same  gentleman,  and 
especially  by  Mr.  Y.  (who  is  called  a  confidential  friend  of 
Talleyrand,  but  who  stated  that  he  had  no  official  character) 
that  the  loan  to  be  made  should  be  executed  by  the  United 
States,  purchasing  from  the  French  republic  at  par,  a 
quantity  of  stock,  bearing  five  per  cent  interest,  paid  by  Hol- 
land to  France,  known  by  the  name  of  Dutch  rescriptions, 
and  which  at  market  was  worth  only  ten  shillings  in  the 
pound. 

It  was  also  demanded,  that  our  government  should  advance 
to  our  citizens  the  amount  of  indemnifications  to  be  paid  for 
illegal  captures  by  France,  the  said  amount  to  be  afterwards 
repaid  by  France  to  our  government ;  and  it  was  added,  that 
it  would  be  extremely  proper  that  the  amount  of  indemnifica- 
tions thus  paid  to  oiu"  citizens,  should  again  be  by  them  applied 
in  new  supplies  to  the  French  government.  This  last  part 
seems,  however,  to  have  been  dropped  by  those  agents  ;  and 
on  the  oOth  of  October,  Mr.  Y.  gave  in  writing  the  following 
propositions : 

1.  The  American  envoys  shall  remain  here  for  six  months, 
in  the  same  manner  and  upon  the  same  footing  as  did  Mr. 
Aranjo,  the  envoy  of  Portugal. 

2.  There  shall  be  formed  a  commission  of  five  members, 
agreeably  to  a  form  to  be  established,  for  the  purpose  of  de- 


OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  115 

ciding  upon  the  reclamations  of  the  Americans,  relative  to  the 
prizes  made  on  them  by  the  French  privateers. 

o.  The  American  envoys  will  engage  that  their  govern- 
ment shall  pay  the  indemnifications,  or  the  amount  of  the  sums 
already  decreed  to  the  American  creditors  of  the  French  re- 
public, and  those  which  shall  be  adjudged  to  the  claimants  by 
the  commissioners;  this  payment  shall  be  made  under  the 
name  of  an  advance  to  the  French  Republic,  who  shall  repay 
it  in  a  time  and  manner  to  be  agreed  on. 

4.  One  of  the  American  envoys  shall  return  to  America, 
to  demand  of  his  government  the  necessary  powers  to  pur- 
chase, for  cash,  the  32,000,000  of  the  Dutch  rescriptions  be- 
longing to  the  French  republic,  in  case  the  envoys  should 
conclude  a  treaty  which  shall  be  approved  of  by  the  two  na- 
tions. 

5.  In  the  mean  time,  the  definitive  treaty  shall  proceed,  for 
the  termination  of  all  differences  existing-  between  the  French 
republic  and  the  United  States,  so  that  the  treaty  may  be  con- 
cluded immediately  on  the  return  of  the  deputy. 

6.  The  question  of  the  role  d'equipage  shall  remain  sus- 
pended until  the  return  of  the  deputy,  and  the  commission 
shall  not  pronounce  upon  any  reclamation  when  this  point 
shall  be  in  question. 

7.  During  the  six  months  granted  for  the  going  and  return- 
ing of  the  deputy,  hostilities  against  the  Americans  shall  be 
suspended,  as  well  as  the  process  for  the  condemnation  before 
the  tribunals  ;  and  the  money  of  the  prizes  already  condemned, 
in  the  hands  of  the  civil  officers  of  the  nation,  shall  remain 
there,  without  being  delivered  to  the  privateer  men,  until  the 
return  of  the  deputy. 

These  propositions  were  to  be  made  by  our  envoys  as  com- 
ing from  themselves,  and  Mr.  Talleyrand  would  undertake  to 
use  his  influence  with  the  Directory  to  have  them  adopted. 
But  Mr.  X.  added,  that  Mr.  Talleyrand  would  not  consent 
even  to  lay  the  proposition  before  the  Directory,  without  pre- 
viously receiving  the  £50,000  sterling,  or  the  greater  part 
of  it. 

They  were,  however,  rejected  by  our  envoys,  who  hinted 
that  they  w^ould  pay  the  douceur  of  £50,000  sterling  on  the 
ratification  of  the  treaty. 

Mr.  Talleyrand,  on  the  28th  of  October,  offered  to  Mr. 
Gerry  for  perusal,  an  arret  of  the  Directory,  in  which  they 


116  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

had  demanded  reparation  for  the  President's  speech;  and 
added,  that  he  thought  that  he  could,  by  money,  prevent  its 
effect — and  on  the  3d  of  November  Mr.  Y.  showed  the  en- 
voys a  copy  of  a  letter,  said  to  be  prepared  by  Mr.  Talley- 
rand in  pursuance  of  the  arret,  which  he  said  would  be  sent, 
unless  they  came  into  the  above  stated  proposition.  The 
envoys  said  they  did  not  wish  the  letter  to  be  delayed ;  but, 
notwithstanding,  it  never  was  sent.  Mr.  Y.  also  argued  a 
great  deal  on  the  immense  power  of  France,  the  danger  of  a 
war  to  America,  the  impending  ruin  of  England,  the  certainty 
of  the  invasion,  the  great  advantage  of  neutrality,  and  the 
great  number  of  friends  to  France  and  America,  Avho  would 
throw  the  blame  of  the  rupture  of  the  negotiation  on  the 
British  party. 

To  all  these  insinuations  the  envoys  answered  with  firmjuess, 
still  declaring  that  they  had  full  powers  to  make  a  treaty  to 
restore  friendship,  but  none  to  make  a  war,  which  would 
amount  to  a  breach  of  neutrality;  and  they  agreed,  on  the  1st 
of  November,  to  have  no  further  direct  intercourse  with  the 
French  government. 

On  the  17th  of  December,  Mr.  Y.  made  another  attempt, 
saying  that  six  weeks  having  elapsed  since  the  rejection  of 
the  former  propositions,  perhaps  the  envoys  had  changed  their 
mind ;  and  he  said  that  Mr.  Talleyrand  thought,  that  if  two 
measures  were  adopted,  a  reconciliation  would  follow,  to  wit: 
the  gratuity  of  ^50,000  sterling,  and  a  purchase  of  only 
16,000,000  Dutch  rescriptions  at  par  (equal  to  6,400,000  dol- 
lars). He  stated  that  the  state  of  Virginia  owed  to  M.  Beau- 
marchais  d£145,000  sterling,  and  he  (Beauraarchais)  consented 
to  lose  £45,000  of  it,  provided  he  got  the  other  £100,000, 
and  the  gratuity  of  £50,000  sterling  was  given  to  Talley- 
rand ;  that  in  this  manner  the  United  States  woultl  be  only 
£5000  sterling  out  of  pocket,  as  they  would  get  the  £45,000 
from  Virginia — and  as  to  the  rescriptions,  he  said  more  than 
one  half  of  the  sum  could  be  borrowed  in  Holland  on  the 
credit  of  the  rescriptions,  and  the  balance  would  be  demanded 
only  in  easy  instalments,  which  might  also  be  obtained  in  loan. 
He  again  threatened,  in  case  of  non-compliance,  and  said  that 
a  few  frigates  from  St.  Domingo  would  be  sent  to  ravage  the 
coasts  of  the  United  States. 

On  the  same  day  Mr.  Gerry  and  Mr.  Y.  went  to  see  Mr. 
Talleyrand ;  and  Mr.  Gerry  told  Mr.  Talleyrand  that  Mr.  Y. 


OF    JOHN  ADAMS.  117 

had  stated  to  him  that  morning  some  propositions,  as  coming 
from  Mr.  Talleyrand,  respecting  which  he  could  give  no 
opinion.  Mr.  Talleyrand  said  that  the  information  given  by 
Mr.  Y.  was  just,  and  might  always  be  relied  on ;  but  that  he 
would  reduce  to  writing  his  propositions,  which  he  did ;  and, 
after  having  shown  them  to  Mr.  Gerry,  burnt  the  paper.  Mr. 
Gerry,  on  his  return  home,  reduced  them  to  writing  from 
memory,  as  follows : 

"  France  has  been  serviceable  to  the  United  States,  and 
now  they  wish  to  be  serviceable  to  France ;  understanding  the 
French  republic  has  sixteen  millions  of  Dutch  rescriptions  to 
sell,  the  United  States  will  purchase  them  at  par,  and  will 
give  her  further  assistance  when  in  their  power. 

"  The  first  arrangement  being  made,  the  French  govern- 
ment will  take  measures  for  reimbursing  the  equitable  demands 
from  America,  arising  from  prizes,  and  to  give  free  navigation 
to  their  ships  in  future." 

On  the  4th  of  May  and  the  18th  of  June,  the  President 
sent  two  other  messages  to  Congress,  relative  to  fresh  commu- 
nications he  had  received  from  the  envoys,  respecting  a  decree 
passed  by  the  Councils  of  France,  to  capture  and  condemn  all 
neutral  vessels  laden  in  part  or  in  w^hole  with  the  manufac- 
tures or  productions  of  England  or  its  possessions.  The  en- 
voys had  remonstrated  against  the  injustice  of  this  decree,  in 
a  letter  to  the  minister  of  foreign  affairs  in  France,  dated  the 
17th  of  January,  but  received  no  satisfactory  reply. 

Congress  were  taken  up  the  greater  part  of  the  remainder 
of  this  session,  which  was  both  the  longest  and  most  import- 
ant that  had  yet  been  held  under  the  present  confederacy,  in 
discussing  the  Alien  and  Sedition  bills,  which  met  with  con- 
siderable opposition  from  the  most  respectable  members  in  the 
House  of  Representatives.  The  speech  of  Mr.  Livingston, 
against  the  Alien  Bill,  was  justly  esteemed,  and  his  patriotic 
exertions  on  this  occasion  will  ever  be  remembered. 

On  Monday,  the  16th  of  July,  they  adjourned,  after  pass- 
ing the  following  acts : 

1.  An  act  to  postpone  for  a  limited  time,  the  commencement 
of  the  duties  imposed  by  the  act,  entitled,  "  An  act  laying 
duties  on  stamped  vellum,  parchment,  and  paper." 

2.  Making  certain  partial  appropriations  for  the  year  1798. 


li§ 


THE   ADMINISTRATION 


3.  Authorizing  the  payment  of  certain  sums  of  money  to 
the  daughters  of  the  late  Count  de  Grasse. 

4.  For  the  rehef  of  the  representatives  of  William  Carrai- 
chael,  deceased. 

5.  For  the  relief  of  North  and  Vesey,  of  Charleston,  South 
Carolina. 

6.  For  allowing  a  compensation  to  the  door-keeper  of  the 
Senate  and  his  assistant,  for  their  services  during  the  late  ses- 
sion of  Congress. 

7.  For  the  relief  of  John  Frank. 

8.  To  prescribe  the  mode  of  taking  evidence  in  cases  of 
contested  elections  for  members  of  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives of  the  United  States,  and  to  compel  the  attendance  of 
witnesses. 

9.  Providing  for  the  payment  of  the  interest  on  a  certifi- 
cate due  to  General  Kosciusko. 

10.  To  amend  the  several  acts  for  laying  duties  on  spirits 
distilled  within  the  United  States,  and  on  stills. 

11.  Supplementary  to  the  act,  entitled,  "An  act  regulating 
foreign  coins,  and  for  other  purposes." 

12.  Directing  the  secretary  of  war  to  place  certain  persons 
on  the  pension  list. 

13.  For  the  relief  of  William  Alexander. 

14.  Appropriating  a  certain  sum  of  money  to  defray  the 
expense  of  holding  a  treaty  or  treaties  with  the  Indians. 

15.  To  provide  for  the  widows  and  orphans  of  certain  de- 
ceased officers. 

16.  For  the  erection  of  a  light-house,  and  placing  buoys  at 
the  several  places  therein  mentioned. 

17.  Providing  the  means  of  intercourse  between  the  United 
States  and  foreign  nations. 

18.  Making  appropriations  for  the  support  of  government 
for  the  year  1798,  and  for  other  purposes. 

19.  For  the  relief  of  Sylvanus  CromM'ell. 

20.  To  amend  the  act  entitled  "  An  act  laying  duty  on 
stamped  vellum,  parchment,  and  paper." 

21.  Declaring  the  consent  of  Congress  to  an  act  of  the 
commonwealth  of  Massachusetts. 

22.  Declaring  the  consent  of  Congress  to  an  act  of  the  state 
of  Maryland,  passed  the  28th  of  December,  1793,  for  the  ap- 
pointment of  a  health  officer. 


OF    JOHN   ADAMS.  119 

23.  For  an  additional  appropriation  to  provide  and  support 
a  naval  armament. 

24.  To  continue  in  force  the  fifth  section  of  an  act  in  ad- 
dition to  the  act,  entitled,  "  An  act  to  establish  the  post-office 
and  post-roads  of  the  United  States." 

25.  To  continue  in  force  for  a  limited  time,  a  part  of  an  act 
entitled  "  An  act  making  further  provision  for  securing  and 
collecting  the  duties  on  foreign  and  domestic  distilled  spirits, 
stills,  wines,  and  teas." 

26.  For  the  relief  of  the  refugees  from  the  British  pro- 
vinces of  Canada  and  Nova-Scotia. 

27.  To  continue  in  force  the  act,  entitled,  "  An  act  pro- 
hibiting, for  a  limited  time,  the  exportation  of  arms  and  am- 
munition, and  for  encouraging  the  importation  thereof." 

28.  For  an  amicable  settlement  of  limits  with  the  state  of 
Georgia,  and  authorizing  the  establishment  of  a  government 
in  the  Mississippi  territory. 

29.  Authorizing  an  expenditure,  and  making  an  appropria- 
tion for  the  reimbursement  of  the  moneys  advanced  by  the 
consuls  of  the  United  States  in  certain  cases. 

30.  Supplementary  to  an  act,  entitled,  "  An  act  authorizing 
a  loan  for  the  use  of  the  city  of  Washington,  in  the  District 
of  Columbia,  and  for  other  purposes  therein  mentioned." 

31.  To  provide  an  additional  armament  for  the  further  pro- 
tection of  the  trade  of  the  United  States,  and  for  other  pur- 
poses. 

32.  Making  an  appropriation  for  the  payment  of  a  balance 
found  due  to  the  legal  representatives  of  William  Carmichael, 
deceased. 

33.  To  provide  an  additional  regiment  of  artillerists  and 
engineers. 

34.  For  erecting  light-houses. 

35.  To  establish  an  executive  department,  to  be  denomi- 
nated the  department  of  the  navy. 

36.  To  authorize  certain  officers  and  other  persons,  to  ad- 
minister oaths. 

37.  Supplementary  to  the  act  providing  for  the  further  de- 
fence of  the  ports  and  harbours  of  the  United  States. 

38.  To  enable  the  President  of  the  United  States  to  procure 
cannon,  arms,  and  ammunition,  and  for  other  purposes. 

39.  To  authorize  the  President  of  the  United  States  to 


120  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

cause  to  be  purchased  or  built,  a  number  of  small  vessels,  to 
be  equipped  as  galleys  or  otherwise. 

40.  For  the  relief  of  Obadiah  Brown. 

41.  Directing  the  payment  of  a  detachment  of  militia,  for 
services  performed  in  the  year  1794,  under  Major  James  Ore. 

42.  To  continue  in  force  a  part  of  an  act,  respecting  the 
compensation  to  the  officers  and  mariners  of  the  revenue  cutters. 

43.  To  revive  and  continue  in  force  the  act  respecting  the 
compensation  of  clerks,  and  for  other  purposes. 

44.  For  the  relief  of  William  Iralay. 

45.  For  the  relief  of  Joseph  Nourse. 

46.  To  amend  the  act,  entitled,  "An  act  to  amend  and  re- 
peal in  part,  the  act,  entitled,  "An  act  to  ascertain  and  fix 
the  military  establishment  of  the  United  States." 

47.  Authorizing  the  President  of  the  United  States  to  raise 
a  provisional  army.* 

48.  More  effectually  to  protect  the  commerce  and  coasts  of 
the  United  States. 

49.  Providing  for  the  relief  of  persons  imprisoned  for  debts 
due  to  the  United  States.f 

50.  Supplementary  to  an  act,  entitled,  "  An  act  for  the  re- 
lief of  persons  imprisoned  for  debt." 

51.  Respecting  the  loan  office  and  final  settlement  certifi- 
cates, indents  of  interest,  and  the  unfunded  or  registered  debt, 
credited  in  the  books  of  the  treasury. 

52.  Making  appropriations  for  the  military  establishment 
for  the  year  1798,  and  for  other  purposes. J 

*  By  this  act,  the  President  was  authorized,  in  the  event  of  a  declaration 
of  war  against  the  United  States,  to  enlist  and  call  into  actual  service,  for  a 
term  not  exceeding  three  years,  an  army  often  thousand  men  ;  each  soldier 
to  receive  a  bounty  of  ten  dollars,  one  half  on  enlisting,  and  the  other  half 
enjoining  the  corps  to  which  he  might  belong. 

t  Any  person  imprisoned  upon  execution  issuing  from  any  court  of  the 
United  States,  for  a  debt  due  to  the  same,  by  this  act  may  procure  his  free- 
dom, if  he  applies  in  writing  to  the  secretary  of  the  treasury,  stating  the 
circumstances  of  the  case,  and  his  inability  to  discharge  the  debt,  provided 
there  be  proof  sufficient  of  the  truth  of  the  facts  stated  by  the  debtor. 

t  This  act  allows  the  sum  of  1,411,798  dollars  for  the  military  establish- 
ment of  1798,  to  be  appropriated  as  follows : 

For  the  pay  of  the  army  of  the  United  States,  264,824  dollars  :  For  the 
subsistence  of  the  officers  of  the  army,  40,661  dollars  :  For  the  subsistence 
of  the  non-commissioned  officers,  247,178  dollars:  Forage,  15,816  dollars: 
Horses  for  the  cavalry,  to  replace  those  who  may  die,  4,500  dollars  :  Cloth- 
ing, 83,050  dollars ;  Bounties  and  premiums,  38,000  dollars :  Hospital  de- 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  121 

53.  To  suspend  the  commercial  intercourse  between  the 
United  States  and  France,  and  the  dependencies  thereof. 

54.  Supplementary  to,  and  to  amend  the  act,  entitled,  "An 
act  to  establish  a  uniform  rule  of  naturalization,  and  to  repeal 
the  act  heretofore  passed  on  that  subject." 

55.  To  amend  the  act,  entitled,  "  An  act  providing  a  naval 
armament,"  and  the  act,  entitled,  "  An  act  to  authorize  the 
President  of  the  United  States  to  cause  to  be  purchased  or 
built  a  number  of  small  vessels,  to  be  equipped  as  galleys  or 
otherwise." 

56.  Supplementary  to,  and  to  amend  the  act,  entitled,  "  An 
act  authorizing  the  President  of  the  United  States  to  raise  a 
provisional  army." 

57.  To  extend  the  privilege  of  franking  letters  and  packets 
to  the  secretary^  of  the  navy. 

58.  Concerning  aliens.* 

59.  To  authorize  a  grant  of  lands  to  Stephen  Monot,  and 
other  inhabitants  of  Galliopolis,  therein  named. 

60.  To  authorize  the  defence  of  the  merchant  vessels  of  the 
United  States  against  French  depredations. 

61.  To  punish  frauds  committed  on  the  Bank  of  the  United 
States. 

partment,  10,000  dollars  :  Ordnance  department,  43,000  dollars  ;  Quarter- 
master's department,  224,000  dollars  :  Payment  of  annuities  to  the  Six  Na- 
tions, 14,000  dollars:  For  the  expenses  attending-  the  transmission  of  goods 
for  the  above  annuities,  9000  :  For  promoting  civilization,  and  pay  of  tempo- 
rary agents,  15,000  dollars  :  For  ratios  to  Indians  at  the  different  military 
posts,  20,000  dollars  :  For  building  a  grist  and  saw-mill  for  the  use  of  the 
Stockbridge  Indians,  3000  dollars  :  For  presents  to  Indians  on  their  visit  to 
the  seat  of  government,  10,000  dollars  :  For  the  protection  of  the  frontiers 
of  the  United  States,  60,000  dollars  :  For  Ipss  of  stores,  allowances  to  officers 
on  being  ordered  to  distant  commands,  &.c.,  90,000  dollars :  For  the  annual 
allowance  to  the  invalids  of  the  United  States,  12,067  dollars  7  cents  :  For 
the  construction  and  repair  of  certain  vessels  on  the  lake,  16,700  dollars  : 
For  making  good  a  deficiency  in  the  appropriations  for  the  subsistence  of 
the  non-commissioned  officers  and  privates  of  the  army  of  the  United 
States,  114,167  dollars:  For  making  good  a  deficiency  in  tiie  appropriation 
for  the  expense  of  the  quarter-master  and  Indian  departments,  54,694 
dollars. 

*  By  this  act,  which  was  to  continue  in  force  until  the  22d  of  June,  1800, 
it  was  lawful  for  the  President  of  the  United  States  to  order  all  such  aliens 
us  he  might  judge  dangerous,  to  depart  out  of  the  territory  of  the  United 
States  within  a  limited  time  ;  and  in  case  any  alien,  so  ordered  to  depart, 
should  be  found  at  large  within  the  United'  States  after  the  time  limited,  he 
was  liable  to  be  imprisoned  for  a  term  not  exceeding  three  years,  and 
rendered  incapable  of  ever  becoming  a  citizen  of  the  United  States, 

11 


122  THE   ADMINISTRATION 

62.  In  addition  to  the  act  more  effectually  to  protect  the 
commerce  and  coasts  of  the  United  States. 

63.  Making  an  appropriation  for  the  expenses  incident  to 
the  new  regiment  of  artillerists  and  engineers  during  the  year 
1798. 

64.  Supplementary  to  the  act,  entitled,  "  An  act  to  provide 
an  additional  armament  for  the  further  protection  of  the  trade 
of  the  United  States,  and  for  other  purposes." 

65.  Providing  arms  for  the  militia  throughout  the  United 
States. 

66.  Respecting  alien  enemies. 

67.  To  declare  the  treaties  heretofore  concluded  with 
France,  no  longer  obligatory  on  the  United  States. 

68.  Further  to  protect  the  commerce  of  the  United  States.* 

69.  Limiting  the  time  within  which  claims  against  the 
United  States,  for  credit  on  the  books  of  the  treasury,  may 
be  presented  for  allowance. 

70.  To  provide  for  the  valuation  of  lands  and  dwelling- 
houses,  and  the  enumeration  of  slaves  within  the  United 
States. 

71.  To  augment  the  army  of  the  United  States,  and  for 
other  purposes. 

72.  To  enable  the  President  of  the  United  States  to  borrow 
money  for  the  public  service. 

73.  For  erecting  a  light-house  at  Gay  Head,  on  Martha's 
Vineyard,  and  for  other  purposes. 

74.  Authorizing  an  additional  naval  armament. 

75.  For  the  relief  of  sick  and  disabled  seamen. 

76.  For  allowing  an  additional  compensation  to  the  door- 
keepers and  assistant  door-keepers  of  the  Senate  and  House 
of  Representatives. 

77.  In  further  addition  to  the  act,  entitled,  "  An  act  to 
establish  the  judicial  courts  of  the  United  States." 

78.  To  suspend,  for  a  further  time,  the  duties  upon  the 
manufacture  of  snuff  within  the  United  States,  and  the  draw- 
back upon  the  exportation  thereof. 

*  The  President  was  hereby  authorized,  whenever  he  should  judge  it  ex- 
pedient, to  instruct  the  pubhc  armed  vessels  in  the  service  of  the  United 
States,  to  seize  any  armed  French,  or  pretended  French  vessels,  found 
within  the  jurisdictional  limits  of  the  United  States,  or  elsewhere  on  the 
high  seas. 


OP    JOHN    ADAMS.  123 

79.  Making  certain  appropriations,  and  to  authorize  the 
President  to  obtain  a  loan  on  the  credit  of  the  direct  tax. 

80.  Allowing  an  additional  compensation  to  the  secretary 
of  the  Senate,  and  the  clerk  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 
and  their  clerks,  for  the  present  session  of  Congress. 

81.  Making  certain  additional  appropriations  for  the  year 
1798. 

82.  Authorizing  the  grant  and  conveyance  of  a  certain  lot 
or  piece  of  ground  to  Eli  Williams. 

S3.  To  alter  and  amend  the  several  acts  for  the  establish- 
ment and  regulation  of  the  treasury,  war,  and  navy  depart- 
ments. 

84.  To  amend  the  act,  entitled,  "  An  act  to  suspend  the 
commercial  intercourse  between  the  United  States  and  France." 

85.  An  act  in  addition  to  the  act,  entitled,  "  An  act  for  the 
punishment  of  certain  crimes  against  the  United  States."  The 
first  clause  of  this  act,  which  was  termed  the  Sedition  Act, 
ordained,  "  That  if  any  person  should  unlawfully  combine  or 
oppose  any  measure  of  the  government  of  the  United  States, 
or  intimidate  any  person  holding  a  place  or  office  under  the 
same,  he  shall  be  deemed  guilty  of  a  high  misdemeanour,  and 
on  conviction,  be  punished  by  a  fine  not  exceeding  five  thou- 
sand dollars,  and  imprisoned  during  a  term  not  less  than  six 
months,  and  not  exceeding  five  years." 

Second  clause  expressed,  "  That  if  any  person  should  write 
or  publish,  or  cause  to  be  written  or  published,  any  libel 
against  the  government  of  the  United  States,  or  either  House 
of  Congress,  or  against  the  President,  he  should  be  punished 
by  a  fine  not  exceeding  two  thousand  dollars,  and  by  imprison- 
ment not  exceeding  two  years."  This  act  was  to  continue  in 
force  until  the  3d  of  March,  1801. 


124 


THE    ADMINISTRATION 


CHAPTER  VI. 


Reflections  on  the  coyidud  of  the  President — Dismission  of 
Mr.  Gardner  of  JVeto  Hampshire — Spies  encouraged — 
Anecdote  of  the  Spy  Oram —  Treatment  to  General  Sump- 
ter  of  South  Carolina,  at  the  JYew  Circus,  Philadelphia 
— Federal  mob  on  the  9th  of  May,  1798 — Dismission  of 
Dr.  James  Reynolds  from  the  Dispensary  at  Philadelphia 
— Persecution  by  the  Dun/cards — Federal  Addresses — 
Vanity  of  the  President — Remarks  of  Mr.  Callender  on 
the  Presidenfs  ajiswer  to  the  JYew  Jersey  Militia — Pro- 
cession of  the  President  from  Quincy  to  Boston — Bostonian 
honours — Reception  given  to  the  President  at  Faneuil  Hall 
— Characters  of  the  Senators  and  Members  of  the  House 
of  Representatives. 

The  beginning  of  the  year  1798  may  not  improperly  be 
styled  the  commencement  of  the  reign  of  terror  in  the  United 
States.  Previous  to  the  spring  of  this  year,  the  image  of  a 
republic,  and  the  mildness  of  Washington's  administration, 
were  preserved  with  a  decent  reverence.  The  unfortunate 
alien  had  not  to  dread  a  dungeon  more  horrible  than  that 
which  he  escaped,  nor  were  the  pen  or  the  lips  of  the  patriot 
compelled  to  submit  to  the  rigid  forms  of  a  sedition  law.  Thfe 
wavering  intellect  of  Mr.  Adams  had  only  now  assumed  the 
consistency  of  a  tyrant.  Although  he  might  have  long  as- 
pired at  sovereign  power,  his  administration  was  unstained 
with  acts  of  cruelty.  He  had  not,  previous  to  this  period, 
calumniated  virtue,  punished  merit,  rewarded  vice,  and  given 
a  poignancy  to  the  rage  of  contending  parties.  Whatever  his 
intentions  might  formerly  have  been,  his  conscience  and  not 
the  world  witnessed  their  criminality. 

William  Gardner,*  Commissioner  of  Loans  for  New  Hamp- 
shire, a  man  of  honour  and  integrity,  was  one  of  the  first 
whom  he  deprived  of  the  means  of  supporting  a  numerous 
family,  on  account  of  his  political  principles.  This  gentleman 
had,  in  December  1790,  accepted  the  above  otiice — he  was 
then  Treasurer  of  New  Hampshire,  a  place  worth  about  a 
thousand  dollars    per   annum — his  situation  as  commissioner 

*  An  uncle  to  the  Editor. 


OF    JOHN    ADAIMS.  125 

amounted  only  to  six  hundred  and  fifty — he  did  not  solicit  his 
new  office — he  was  urged  to  accept  of  it  by  an  assurance  that 
Congress  would  augment  the  salary — as  they  did  not,  Mr. 
Gardner  signified  his  intention  to  resign  within  eighteen 
months  after  his  acceptance,  Mr.  Hamilton,  then  secretary 
of  the  treasury,  sent  him  a  letter  in  answer,  dated  the  14th 
of  June,  1792.  In  this  letter,  Mr.  Hamilton  expresses  the 
warmest  approbation  of  Mr.  Gardner's  services,  and  regrets 
that  they  had  not  been  adequately  rewarded — he  solicited  him 
to  continue  his  situation,  with  the  assurance  that  his  salary 
would  be  enlarged.  Mr.  Gardner  received  two  other  letters 
in  the  same  style  from  Mr.  Hamilton,  and  two  from  his  suc- 
cessor, Mr.  Wolcott — of  these,  the  last  is  dated  so  late  as 
February  6th,  1797.  In  summer,  1798,  he  was  turned  out, 
for  refusing  to  subscribe  an  address  to  the  President  which 
was  circulated  at  Portsmouth,  in  New  Hampshire,  couched  in 
the  most  fulsome  style,  and  breathing  only  slander  and  servile 
bombast. 

The  same  system  of  persecution  was  immediately  extended 
all  over  the  continent.  Every  person  holding  an  office  was 
obliged  to  resign,  or  adore  Mr.  Adams  as  the  Augustus  of  the 
new  world — a  catalogue  of  their  expulsions  would  fill  a  pam- 
phlet. Spies  were  employed  to  report  to  the  executive  every 
action  and  every  word  which  reflected  upon  the  President  or 
his  servants.  No  public  company  was  free  from  these  hired 
slaves  of  tyranny — the  tables  of  the  virtuous  were  besieged 
by  their  sycophancy  and  betrayed  by  their  hypocrisy.  One 
of  them,  by  name  Oram,  had  even  the  audacity  to  introduce 
himself  into  an  hotel  where  the  Vice-President  lodged.  The 
mind  of  Mr.  Jefferson  is  above  suspicion  or  disguise — his  con- 
versations on  philosophy  and  politics  were  carried  to  the  In- 
quisition at  Braintree,  there  new  modelled,  and  afterwards 
handed  to  Abercromby,  Linn,  and  Mason,  by  whom  they  were 
trumpeted  forth  to  the  world.  Mr.  Adams  had  resolved  to 
reward  the  villain  by  making  him  a  captain  of  artillery ;  but 
the  depraved  part  of  the  Senate  were  ashamed  of  his  charac- 
ter, and  the  project  was  relinquished. 

The  emperors  of  Rome,  in  the  height  of  their  power,  re- 
ceived from  their  humble  subjects  not  more  servile  marks  of 
submission  than  were  paid  to  President  Adams  by  the  federal 
faction.  The  republican  who  had  firmness  enough  of  mind 
11* 


126 


THE  ADMINISTRATION 


to  know  his  own  importance,  was  always  insulted,  and  often 
in  hazard  of  his  life  from  this  host  of  aristocracy. 

In  the  summer  of  179S,  General  Sumpter,  of  South  Caro- 
lina, was  unwarrantably  abused  at  the  new  circus,  in  Market 
street,  Philadelphia,  because  he  did  not  pull  off  his  hat,  kiss 
the  ground,  and  clap  his  hands  when  John  Adams  entered  the 
place.  The  general  sat  in  one  of  the  front  rows,  when  a  ru- 
mour spread  that  the  President  was  coming  in — (he  spectators 
were  rising  from  their  seats,  hurrying  off  their  hats,  and  com- 
'mencing  to  clap,  when  one  Fitzhugh  called  out  in  a  loud 
voice,  asking  why  the  general  did  not  clap?  A  second  rumour 
arose,  and  a  second  demand  for  clapping  was  made  upon  the 
venerable  veteran — at  the  same  time  Fitzhugh  attempted  to 
seize  his  hands  and  force  him  to  give  applause.  General 
Sumpter  represented  there  was  no  mutual  acquaintance  to  jus- 
tify such  freedoms,  that  he  was  a  stranger  to  the  gentleman, 
and  asked  if  the  latter  knew  who  he  was  ?  "  Oh,  damn  you, 
we  know  you  and  all  your  party,"  replied  the  tory  ;  "  I  liope 
in  six  months  time  to  see  you  all  banished  from  the  country  ;" 
then  turning  to  the  spy  Oram,  he  went  on  thus :  "  Does  not 
Dayton  keep  these  fellows  in  excellent  order?"  alluding  to  the 
ruffian  insolence  of  this  man  when  Speaker  of  the  House  of 
Representatives.  The  second  rumour  of  the  approach  of  the 
President  proved  also  groundless.  At  last,  however,  his  Ma- 
jesty did  appear.  Fitzhugh  then  attempted  to  snatch  off 
General  Sumpter's  hat,  asking  why,  like  the  rest  of  the  com- 
pany, he  did  not  uncover  ?  The  general  found  out  his  name, 
and  called  for  him  next  morning  at  his  lodgings  ;  but  Fitzhugh 
was  gone. 

The  ninth  day  of  May,  1798,  which  was  appointed  by  the 
state  of  Pennsylvania  as  a  day  of  fast  and  of  worship  to  the 
Creator,  was  designed  by  the  federal  iaction  as  a  day  of  mas- 
sacre and  bloodshed  :  they  and  the  clergy  had  fixed  upon  it 
as  the  most  proper  time  for  commencing  their  political  perse- 
cution. A  well  known  clerical  aristocrat,  of  Christ's  church, 
Philadelphia,  was  to  give  the  signal  of  riot  from  the  pulpit, 
by  a  thundering  declamation  against  philosophers  and  jacobins, 
free-masons  and  illuminati.  Bache,  the  printer,  whose  family 
and  house  were  doomed  for  destruction,  heard,  by  accident, 
of  his  danger — he  applied  to  Hilary  Baker,  then  mayor  of  the 
city,  for  protection ;  but  the  mayor  was  in  league  with  the 
conspirators,  and  protection  was  refused.     Bache,  as  his  only 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  '  127 

means  of  defence,  collected  and  armed  all  his  friends,  and  the 
other  republican  householders  did  the  same.  The  aristocrats, 
seeing  these  preparations,  desisted  from  their  plan,  but  like 
cowardly  assassins,  they  filled  the  streets  with  noise  and  alarm, 
broke  several  windows,  knocked  down  the  lamp-posts,  be- 
daubed the  statue  of  the  venerable  Franklin  with  mud,  and 
defiled  the  entrance  to  every  public  building  with  crowns  and 
ensigns  of  royalty.  When  the  hour  of  twelve  at  night  was 
struck,  the  Coffee  House,  in  South  Second  street,  which  is 
kept  by  an  old  servant  of  the  ambassador  Liston,  was  imme- 
diately crowded  with  Adamites,  who  stunned  the  ears  of  the 
neighbourhood  until  sunrise  next  morning  with  "  God  save 
the  King,"  and  "  Rule  Britannia."  The  history  of  this  night 
has  never  been  completely  told.  Mr.  Callender  affirms,  that 
a  large  quantity  of  arms  were  lodged  in  a  house  near  the  Hall 
of  Congress,  from  whence  muskets  and  balls  were  to  have 
been  distributed  to  the  federal  mob.  Happily,  however,  by 
the  exertions  of  the  republican  inhabitants,  the  storm  blew 
over,  and  Philadelphia  did  not  witness,  as  was  intended,  the 
scenes  of  Paris  on  the  10th  of  August  and  2d  of  September, 
1792. 

The  spirit  of  party  even  extended  itself  to  charitable  insti- 
tutions. The  Dispensary  at  Philadelphia  was  then  conducted 
by  six  physicians,  who  gave  attendance  gratis.  One  of  these 
was  Dr.  James  Reynolds,  of  Ireland,  a  gentleman  who  was 
obliged  to  abandon  his  native  country  on  account  of  his  attach- 
ment to  political  liberty.  The  managers  of  the  Dispensary, 
in  place  of  thanking  him  for  the  acceptance  of  a  trust  by 
which  he  could  gain  nothing,  took  offence  at  his  attendance, 
and  gave  him  notice  that  his  services  were  not  acceptable. 
The  other  five  physicians  wrote  a  letter  to  the  managers,  re- 
presenting, that  they  could  never  admit  the  introduction  of 
such  a  principle  for  dismission.  The  board  treated  their  let- 
ter with  contempt,  and  returned  it  back  with  a  note  wrote  on 
the  cover,  that  "  the  contents  were  of  a  nature  improper  to  be 
considered."  The  physicians  immediately  gave  in  their  re- 
signation, adding,  that  they  would  continue  their  attendance 
until  successors  could  be  appointed.  The  managers  sent  them 
another  letter,  and,  without  thanking  them  for  the  latter  part 
of  their  communication,  accepted  of  their  proposal  to  resign. 

In  the  same  s\nnmer  (1798),  a  German,  living  in  Maryland, 
wrote  an  account  of  himself  in  a  letter  to  Philadelphia.     He 


128  THE   ADMINISTRATION 

had  been  reduced,  in  his  own  country,  from  opulence  to  want, 
by  his  attachment  to  the  French  revolution.  He  indented 
himself  and  his  family  with  the  captain  of  a  vessel  bound  for 
Maryland;  the  captain  could  not  sell  the  man,  and  gave  him 
liberty  to  shift  for  his  support.  The  German  was  engaged  by 
some  Dunkards  to  teach  a  school ;  after  a  considerable  time, 
his  employers  came  to  learn  his  political  history.  At  the  pe- 
riod of  his  writing  this  letter,  they  had  resolved  to  turn  him 
loose  on  the  world  in  revenge  for  his  political  tenets :  what 
became  of  him  afterwards  is  not  known. 

During  these  scenes  of  tyranny,  which  were  daily  exhibited 
in  the  streets  of  Philadelphia,  Baltimore,  and  New  York,  the 
federal  papers  throughout  the  Union  were  filled  with  addresses 
to  the  President,  complimenting  him  upon  the  mildness,  justice, 
and  impartiality  of  his  administration ;  his  attachment  to 
liberty  and  his  benevolence  to  foreigners.  Pickering,  Liston, 
and  the  British  merchants,  were  the  most  active  instruments 
in  procuring  these  epistles  of  royal  jargon. 

Every  town  and  village  which  did  not  honour  the  Presi- 
dent with  their  approbation,  were  supposed  to  be  under  the 
influence  of  some  jacobin.  The  province  of  Maine,  where 
General  Dearborn,  the  present  secretary  of  war,  resides,  was 
ranked  in  the  number ;  and  the  whole  odium  thrown  upon 
this  patriotic  officer.  Mr.  Pickering  is  said  to  have  wrote  to 
him  a  letter,  requesting  him  to  use  his  influence  with  the  in- 
habitants to  address  the  President;  informing  him  at  the  same 
time,  that  Mr.  Adams  entertained  the  highest  opinion  of  his 
friendship,  and  that  this  act  would  still  further  strengthen  that 
sentiment.  General  Dearborn,  with  that  candid  integrity 
which  marks  his  character,  returned  an  answer,  informing  the 
secretary  of  state,  that  whatever  his  private  sentiments  might 
be,  he  had  taken  no  part  in  preventing  the  inhabitants  to  ad- 
dress the  President,  nor  would  he  use  his  exertions  to  promote 
an  address,  however  agreeable  it  might  be  to  Mr.  Adams,  un- 
less he  saw  a  change  of  measures  from  those  which  were  car- 
rying on.  Mr.  Pickering  wrote  a  second  and  a  third  letter  to 
the  same  purpose,  but  received  no  answer. 

An  address  from  'New  York  was  presented,  containing  four 
thousand  signatures,  but  three  thousand  of  the  names  were 
those  of  English  merchants,  their  clerks  and  servants,  Avho 
had  not  resided  above  a  few  years  in  the  state;  several  in- 


OF    JOHN   ADAMS.  129 

stances  were  even  known  of  merchants  compelling  their  clerks 
to  sign  more  than  once  under  different  signatures. 

One  of  these  addresses  will  be  a  sufficient  specimen  of  the 
fulsome  flattery  which  was  made  use  of:  it  is  the  production 
of  a  society  of  merchants  at  Boston. 

"  To  John  Adams,  Esq.,  President  of  the  United  States  of 
America. 

"  We  the  subscribers,  inhabitants  and  citizens  of  Boston,  in 
the  state  of  Massachusetts,  deeply  impressed  with  the  alarm- 
ing situation  of  our  country,  and  convinced  of  the  necessity 
of  uniting  with  firmness  at  this  interesting  crisis,  beg  leave  to 
express  to  you,  the  chief  magistrate  and  supreme  ruler  over 
the  United  States,  our  fullest  approbation  of  all  the  measures, 
external  and  internal,  you  have  pleased  to  adopt  under  direc- 
tion of  the  divine  authority,  for  settling  and  accommodating 
all  existing  differences,  upon  terms  compatible  with  the  safety, 
the  interest,  and  the  dignity  of  the  United  States. 

"  We  beg  leave  also  to  express  the  high  and  elevated  opin- 
ion we  entertain  of  your  talents,  your  virtue,  your  wisdom, 
and  your  prudence;  and  our  fixed  resolution  to  support,  at  the 
risk  of  our  lives  and  fortunes,  such  measures  as  you  may  de- 
termine upon  to  be  necessary  for  promoting  and  securing  the 
honour  and  happiness  of  America  ;  nor  can  we  omit,  upon 
such  an  occasion,  to  declare  to  the  world,  that  we  are  not 
humiliated  under  a  colonial  sense  of  fear,  that  we  are  not  a 
divided  people,  but  that  we  know  the  duty  we  owe  to  the 
President  of  our  country,  and  are  determined  to  support  him. 

"  Boston,  1st  May,  1798." 

The  childish  vanity  Mr.  Adams  displayed  upon  receiving 
these  addresses,  gave  surprise  to  those  who  even  had  the  best 
opportunity  of  being  acquainted  with  his  weaknesses.  They 
usually  formed  part  of  his  table  equipage,  as  regularly  as  a 
newspaper,  or  a  dish  of  coffee — a  file  of  five  hundred  of  them, 
suspended  in  the  front  of  his  library,  served  him  as  a  poUtical 
dictionary  for  civil,  naval,  and  military  appointments,  on  all 
occasions.  None  whose  name  was  not  found  entered  in  this 
sacred  register,  could  claim  any  pretensions  to  the  favour  of 
Mr.  Adams.  The  magistrate,  the  soldier,  and  the  sailor, 
equally  owed  their  birth  to  this  bundle  of  federal  parchment, 
which  is  now  preserved  in  the  palace  of  Braintree,  and  which 


130  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

will  transmit  to  posterity  the  political  state  of  America  at 
the  close  of  the  eighteenth  century. 

Those  addresses  which  were  not  couched  in  the  most  sub- 
missive terms,  were  treated  with  the  greatest  contempt.  One 
of  this  nature  was  transmitted  in  June,  1798,  by  some  officers 
and  soldiers  of  the  Jersey  militia.  They  said  that  they  did 
not  acknowledge  an  implicit  approbation  of  the  conduct  of 
Mr.  Adams  ;  they  declared  their  disbelief  '.'  that  the  adminis- 
tration of  our  government  had  in  all  cases  been  absolutely 
perfect!"  they  explained  their  aversion  to  an  English  alliance 
and  a  French  war ;  they  ascribed  the  calamitous  situation  of 
the  United  States  to  the  influence  of  interested  commercial 
characters,  and  of  the  internal  faction  that  had  formerly  re- 
sisted the  American  Revolution ;  they  warned  Mr.  Adams  to 
beware  of  surrounding  flatterers,  and  of  men  who  panted  to 
speculate  in  the  spoils  of  w^ar.  Mr.  Adams  returned  them  an 
answer,  censuring  them  in  the  severest  terms  for  presuming  to 
call  a  government  of  their  own  choice  a  party,  and  for  assert- 
ing, or  even  supposing,  that  he  caressed  those  characters  who 
were  the  worst  enemies  of  America. 

On  this  answer,  Mr.  Callender,  with  his  usual  acuteness, 
makes  the  following  severe,  though  just  remarks  :  "  Under  the 
general  phrase  of  government,  Mr.  Adams  here  attempts  to 
confound  the  constitution  and  its  officers.  These  are  two 
matters  entirely  distinct ;  as  such  they  shall  be  separately  dis- 
cussed. I  begin  with  the  form  of  government ;  that  is,  the 
present  federal  constitution. 

"  This  system  was,  after  a  violent  struggle,  adopted  by  a 
majority  of  the  people — one  reason  or  conceit,  which  led  them 
to  this  measure,  was,  lest  the  United  States  should  be  invaded 
and  partitioned  by  some  foreign  power.  For  the  last  ten 
years  our  public  transactions  have  often  originated  in  false 
alarms,  operating  on  the  public  mind  like  as  many  shocks  of 
electricity — at  one  time  Genet  was  to  overturn  the  govern- 
ment ;  when  that  bugbear  vanished,  the  western  mob,  so  care- 
fully fostered  into  consequence  by  Hamilton,  was  to  cover  the 
continent  with  carnage  and  desolation. 

"  The  third  annual  panic  arose  in  July,  1795,  on  the  publica- 
tion of  Jay's  treaty  ;  by  democratical  demonstration,  the  whole 
shipping  of  America  was,  in  two  years  at  farthest,  to  be  an- 
nihilated. Nine  months  after,  we  found  out  that  this  very 
bargain  was  the  best  imaginable,  and  that  nothing  but  an  im- 


OF    JOHN   ADAMS.  131 

mediate  acceptance  of  it  could  save  our  foreign  commerce  from 
extinction.  This  was  in  1796.  The  periodical  tremor  of 
1797,  began  by  the  recall  of  Adet  from  Philadelphia,  the  re- 
jection of  Pinckney  at  Paris,  the  torrent  of  French  piracy 
that  burst  upon  our  navigation,  and  our  consciousness  of  hav- 
ing, in  some  measure,  deserved  the  vengeance  of  the  republic. 
Men  of  sense  recollected  the  impertinence  of  our  presidential 
speeches  regarding  France,  the  brutality  of  newspapers  hired 
by  British  ambassadors,  and  patronized  by  the  federal  party, 
and  above  all,  the  ever-infamous  desertion  of  our  allies  and 
benefactors,  consummated  by  Jay's  treaty.  In  1798,  America 
did,  for  once,  assume  an  appearance  of  resolution.  To  meet 
the  approaching  war,  Congress  voted  for  preparations  to  the 
amount  of  about  fourteen  millions  and  six  hundred  thousand 
dollars ;  and  after  all  this  additional  vortex  of  debt,  we  dis- 
covered that  the  last  annual  alarm  has  been  equally  false  with 
each  of  its  predecessors.  The  French  were  provoked  to  plun- 
der, but  they  have  hitherto  refused  to  fight. 

"  I  now  return  to  the  tremor  of  1787,  by  which  the  '  go- 
vernment of  your  own  choice,'  viz.,  the  federal  constitution, 
was  crammed  down  the  gullet  of  America.  The  first  grand 
argument  for  adoption  was  the  danger  existing  from  external 
conquest.  This  could  only  be  attempted  upon  three  quarters  : 
First,  by  the  English,  a  people  whom  the  Americans  had  just 
before  beaten,  and  who,  during  that  very  period,  were  succes- 
sively on  the  brink  of  war  with  France,  Holland,  and  Russia. 
Second,  France  might  possibly  have  invaded  this  country  ;  but 
her  exchequer  was  bankrupt,  and  she  was  of  course  incapable 
of  fighting.  Third,  Spain  could  have  disturbed  the  United 
States,  but  her  councils  are  always  pacific.  For  the  last  hun- 
dred and  fifty  years,  her  vigour  has  been  broken,  and  she  has 
never  once  gone  to  war,  but  when  kicked  into  it  by  the  ambi- 
tion of  France  or  England.  In  short,  at  the  time  in  question, 
the  powers  of  Europe  were  occupied  in  plotting  the  destruc- 
tion of  each  other ;  they  had  no  leisure  of  thinking  of  Ame- 
rica. Patrick  Henry  and  his  friends,  in  the  convention  of 
Virginia,  could  not  force  Mr.  Madison's  majority  to  compre- 
hend this  very  plain  fact.  The  dread  of  foreign  conquest  was, 
in  1787,  as  ridiculous  as  that  of  witchcraft,  for  which  Mr. 
Burroughs,  once  a  parson  of  Salem,  was  hung  by  the  saints 
of  the  last  century." 


132  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

Mr.  Callender  urges,  in  ridicule,  a  number  of  other  argu- 
ments America  had  i'or  framing  a  new  constitution : 

1st.  Rliode  Island  (says  he)  refused  to  pay  her  share  of  the 
expense  of  the  war  or  of  taxes  to  discharge  it. 

2d.  The  advantages  that  Congress  would  possess  over  in 
dividual  states,  in  framing  commercial   treaties  with  foreign 
nations. 

Mr.  Callender  admits  that  this  motion  was  a  plausible  one, 
and  the  principal  cause  of  the  formation  of  the  constitution. 

3d.  In  order  to  pay  the  debts  of  the  United  States,  which 
the  Congress  under  the  old  confederacy  could  not  pay. 

On  January  1st,  1790,  the  domestic  and  foreign  debt  of  the 
United  States  amounted,  collectivel}^,  to  fifty-four  millions 
three  hundred  and  sixty  two  thousand  dollars.  The  domes- 
tic debt  had  been  a  great  source  of  gambling  to  the  members 
of  Congress ;  with  a  view,  therefore,  to  conceal  their  infamous 
traffic,  they  comprehended  in  the  same  statute  a  mass  of  debt 
due  by  individual  states.  With  the  same  justice  they  might 
have  included  all  the  debts  which  are  reciprocally  due  between 
private  citizens  ;  the  one  measure  would  have  been  as  regular 
as  the  other.  To  assist  themselves  in  supporting  this  assump- 
tion of  state  debts,  they  authorized,  on  the  4th  of  August,  1794, 
a  loan  of  twenty-one  millions  tive  hundred  thousand  dollars. 
The  certificates  of  debts  due  by  individual  states,  and  which 
had  been  issued  by  them  as  pledges  to  their  private  creditors, 
were,  under  certain  restrictions,  to  be  received  at  the  federal 
treasury  as  current  cash,  in  part  of  the  loan.  Thus  the  fede- 
ral treasury  was  to  reimburse  itself  by  recourse  upon  the  indi- 
vidual states,  for  payment  of  these  certificates.  The  young- 
government,  therefore,  was  soon  involved  in  a  labyrinth  of 
debt,  which,  so  far  from  decreasing,  would,  if  the  measures  of 
the  late  administration  had  been  pursued,  accumulated  to  a 
sum  our  revenues  never  would  have  been  adequate  to  defray. 

"  Wherefore,"  says  Mr.  Callender,  "  the  principal  induce- 
ments to  accept  of  the  constitution  of  your  own  choice  are 
proved  by  common  sense  or  experience,  to  have  been  abso- 
lutely chimerical,  and  nothing  better  than  hobby-horses. 

"  In  contradiction  to  what  Mr.  Adams  affirms  in  his  answer, 
it  is  established,  that  the  present  government,  both  in  its  origin 
and  progress,  has  been,  in  every  shape  and  sense-  the  govern- 
ment of  a  party  ;  and  of  a  party  that  is,  in  many  respects, 
very  worthless.     In  opposition  to  the  merit  assumed  by  the 


OP  JOHN  ADAMS.  133 

President,  as  a  promoter  of  domestic  peace,  it  is  established, 
that  his  measures  multiply  domestic  discord ;  and  that  the 
scandalous  newspapers  printed  under  his  influence,  are  so 
many  trumpets  sounding  to  the  charge  of  civil  war.  In  ad- 
dition to  his  inflammatory  aspersions  regarding  French  tribute, 
it  is  proved,  that  the  United  States  are  tributary  to  the  In- 
dians, to  the  Algerines,  and  to  the  English." 

Mr.  Adams  expressed  himself  in  the  same  manner  to  an  ad- 
dress from  the  Bostonians  of  the  7th  of  August,  1797,  as  he 
did  to  the  New  Jersey  militia. 

"  The  idea,"  says  he,  "  of  separating  the  people  from  a 
government  of  their  own  choice,  can  originate  with  none  but 
enemies  of  republican  governments.  Such  a  project,  were  it 
practicable,  would  be  a  demonstration  that  the  people  are  not 
capable  of  such  a  government ;  and  by  a  sudden  introduction 
of  wasting  calamities,  would  soon  convince  the  people  them- 
selves of  the  necessity  of  instituting  another  form  for  their 
own  security  and  protection.  The  decided  reprobation  of 
such  nefarious  designs  by  the  citizens  of  Boston  and  its  vici- 
nity, will  have  a  great  effect  in  defeating  them." 

The  Bostonians  may  justly  be  considered  to  have  been  the 
Praetorian  guards  of  John  Adams.  The  homage  of  flattery 
which  was  first  paid  him  by  these  citizens,  was  at  length  con- 
verted into  a  solemn  protestation  of  fidelity.  Whenever  he  en- 
tered their  town,  a  numerous  cavalcade  composed  of  horsemen 
and  foot,  of  women  and  children,  were  accustomed  to  collect 
round  his  person ;  to  address  him  rather  as  the  sovereign  of  the 
world  than  the  President  of  the  United  States,  and  to  adore 
him  as  a  divinity,  and  not  as  a  man.  His  procession  from 
Quincy,  on  the  17th  of  August,  1797,  atid  the  pompous  parade 
displayed  on  this  occasion,  will  long  be  remembered  as  a  spe- 
cimen of  the  ostentatious  dignity  he  was  pleased  to  affect,  and 
of  the  honours  which  the  folly  of  his  countrymen  allowed  him. 
Perhaps  the  monarch  of  France  never  visited  Versailles  in 
greater  state  than  Mr.  Adams  did  Boston  that  day. 

At  an  early  hour  in  the  morning,  a  corps  of  cavalry,  com- 
manded by  Captain  Araory,  marched  to  Quincy,  and  paraded 
before  his  door.  From  thence  the  President  was  escorted  to 
the  seat  of  his  excellency,  the  governor,  at  Roxbury.  A 
troop  of  girls  dressed  in  white  walked  before  him,  and  strewed 
the  road  with  flowers  and  leaves  of  laurel.  The  citizens  of 
Quincy  led  up  the  rear,  bearing  the  American  flag,  the  por- 
12 


134  THE   ADMINISTRATION 

trait  of  John  Adams,  and  the  ensigns  of  liberty.  This  nume- 
rous cavalcade  was  met  on  the  road  from  Milton,  and  joined 
by  the  officers  of  the  Boston  regiment,  in  uniform,  as  also  by 
a  motley  group  of  Bostonians,  some  in  carriages,  some  on 
horseback,  and  others  on  foot,  who  were  hurrying  to  pay  their 
respects  to  the  President.  The  increased  multitude  continued 
their  route  to  town,  at  the  entrance  of  which  they  were  wel- 
comed by  a  federal  salute  from  Captain  Bradlee's  artillery. 
At  the  ancient  fortification  they  were  reinforced  by  cadets,  by 
artillery  and  by  infantry,  all  commanded  by  devoted  subjects 
to  royalty.  The  line  of  march  then  continued  to  the  centre 
of  the  city,  amidst  the  welcoming  huzzas  of  crowds  of  syco- 
phants, and  the  smiles  of  bevies  of  ladies,  who  adorned  the 
windows  and  displayed  their  charms  to  attract  the  fancy  of 
the  President.  Having  arrived  at  the  Old  South,  Mr.  Adams 
alighted,  passed  his  escort  in  review,  displayed  his  person  for 
a  few  minutes  to  the  admiring  spectators,  by  walking  on  the 
balcony  of  the  old  State-House,  from  whence  he  proceeded  to 
the  Senate  chamber,  where  a  procession  was  formed  of  the 
principal  officers  of  state,  the  senators  of  state,  the  judges,  and 
the  members  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  who  conducted 
their  sovereign  to  partake  of  the  pleasures  which  were  pre- 
pared for  his  reception  at  Faneuil  Hall. 

This  apartment  was  decorated  throughout  with  trees  and 
evergreen.  At  the  bottom  of  the  stairs,  an  arch  properly 
supported,  exhibited  the  Federal  Constellation.  At  the  head 
of  the  first  flight,  was  the  bust  of  "  a  patriot,"  irradiated  in 
glory,  motto,  "  The  lustre  of  his  actions  burns  with  triumph- 
ant brightness,  and  spreads  a  glory  round  him."  Over  him 
an  obelisk  topped  wnh  the  Omniscient  Eye,  motto,  Fidehs 
protego;  descending  from  which  a  cherub  extended  a  garter, 
motto,  sic  iter  ad  astra,  presented  the  Palm  and  the  Laurd, 
and  offered  them  as  Premium  Virtutis.  The  second  flight 
exposed  to  view  an  urn  bearing  these  words,  "  To  the  mem- 
ory of  those  brave  men  who  have  fallen  in  the  cause  of  Lib- 
erty," and  a  pedestal  with  hie  manes  oh  patrium  pugnando 
vulnera  passi.  At  the  entrance  of  the  hall.  Liberty  in  all 
her  charms  and  emblems,  held  a  scroll,  seeming  to  breathe  its 
wish,  "  Liberty,  Peace,  and  Happiness  to  all  mankind."  A 
festooned  orchestra  formed  the  entrance  to  the  room,  which 
was  hung  round  with  tapestry  the  most  splendid  which  the 
states  of  New  England  ever  beheld.     The  decorations  of  co- 


OF    JOHN   ADAMS.  135 

lumns,  ribbons,  wreaths,  and  festoons  were  variously  suspended 
and  grouped  to  please  the  fancy  of  the  eye  and  attract  the 
crowd  of  flatterers  whom  Mr.  Adams  was  to  honour  with  his 
presence.  Over  his  seat,  which  was  elevated  in  the  form  of 
a  throne,  the  arms  of  the  United  States  were  seen  supporting 
a  portrait  of  himself,  to  which  was  affixed  a  satin  curtain, 
and  the  following  lines,  said  to  be  the  production  of  the  poet 
Trumbull : 

"  First  advocate  of  Independence'  cause ; 
First  to  defend  Columbia's  balanced  laws ; 
First  to  oppose  when  Anarch's  sons  assail, 
A  conscious,  grateful  people  bid  thee  hail." 

Such  was  the  pomp  and  parade  that  usually  took  place 
whenever  Mr.  Adams  was  pleased  to  compliment  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Boston  with  a  courtly  visit.  A  striking  specimen  of 
the  genius  and  character  of  these  people,  who  affect  to  hold 
in  contempt  the  innocent  and  sprightly  levity  of  the  citizens 
in  the  southern  states. 

It  may  be  interesting  to  know  how  the  Alien  Act,  that  pow- 
erful engine  of  tyranny  which  Mr.  Adams  so  successfully 
wielded,  was  passed  into  a  law.  I  shall,  therefore,  give  an 
account  of  the  proportion  of  votes  from  each  state  in  favour 
of  the  bill  and  against  it. 

This  act  originated  in  the  Senate  of  Congress,  where  it  was 
read,  for  the  first  time,  upon  June  8,  1798.  Humphrey  Mar- 
shal, the  poet,  proposed  an  amendment  of  the  second  clause 
of  the  first  section — it  was  in  these  words :  "  which  order 
shall  also  express  the  cause  of  removal."  Although  nothing 
could  be  more  reasonable  than  this  amendment,  it  was  rejected 
by  seventeen  votes  against  six. 

The  votes  were  fifteen  against  eight  on  the  passing  of  the 
bill.     They  stood  thus : 

hi  favour  of  the  Bill. 
New  Hampshire,  1 ;   Massachusetts,  1 ;   Rhode  Island,  1 ; 
Connecticut,  2  ;  Vermont,  2  ;  New  York,  2  ;  New  Jersey,  1 ; 
Pennsylvania,  1;   Delaware,  2;   Maryland,  1;   South  Caro- 
lina, 1.— Total,  15. 

Jigainst  the  Bill. 

Virginia,  2;  North  Carolina,  1;  Kentucky,  2;  Tennessee, 
2  ;  Georgia,  1.— Total,  8. 

It  passed  in  the  House  of  Representatives  on  the  21st  of 


136  THE   ADMINISTRATION 

June,  1798,  by  forty-six  votes  against  forty.     Nineteen  mem- 
bers were  absent. 

For  the  Bill 

New  Hampshire,  3;  Massachusetts,  11;  Rhode  Island,  2 
Connecticut,  7 ;  Vermont,  1 ;  New  York,  5  ;  New  Jersey,  4 
Pennsylvania,  4;  Delaware,  1;  Maryland,  4;  Virginia,  1 
North  Carolina,  1;  South  Carolina,  2. — Total,  46. 

Against  the  Bill. 

Massachusetts,  1 ;  Vermont,  1 ;  New  York,  2 ;  Pennsyl- 
vania, 6  ;  Maryland,  3  ;  Virginia,  11 ;  Kentucky,  2 ;  North 
Carolina,  8  ;  Tennessee,  1 ;  South  Carolina,  3  ;  Georgia,  2. — 
Total,  40. 

From  whence  it  appears  evident,  that  the  passing  of  the 
Alien  Act  was  entirely  owing  to  the  New  England  faction. 
Not  one  senator  from  these  states  voted  against  it,  and  only 
one  representative  out  of  twenty-four  who  were  present.  On 
the  contrary,  eleven  members  from  Virginia  out  of  twelve 
who  attended  the  House,  exerted  every  effort  to  oppose  the 
bill.  In  the  Senate,  there  were  fourteen  members  to  the  north 
of  the  river  Potomac,  every  one  of  whom  supported  it.  Of 
the  nine  members  to  the  south  of  that  river,  two  voted  for  it, 
and  seven  against  it. 

John  Langdon,  senator  from  New  Hampshire,  was  absent 
at  the  passing  of  the  bill.  This  is  one  of  the  few  honest  men- 
whom  New  England  has  sent  to  Congress.  During  the  Re- 
volution his  services  were  conspicuous ;  a  firm  adherence  to 
republicanism  has  been  a  constant  and  uniform  trait  in  his  cha- 
racter ever  since.  But  Mr,  Langdon,  like  most  other  virtu- 
ous men,  had  the  misfortune  to  incur  the  displeasure  of  Mr. 
Adams.  The  following  letter  which  this  senator  wrote  to 
Samuel  Ringold,  of  Maryland,  previous  to  the  election  of  Mr. 
Jefferson,  unfolds  sufficiently  his  own  principles  as  well  as 
(hose  of  the  President.  It  is  one  of  those  precious  morsels 
of  political  information  which  deserve  a  place  in  every  publi- 
cation intended  to  record  the  vices  and  views  of  the  late  ad- 
ministration : 

"  Portsmouth,  October  10,  1800. 

"  Dear  Sir  : — Your  agreeable  favour  of  the  4th  instant 
has  this  moment  come  to  hand ;  I  am  greatly  rejoiced  to  see 
gentlemen  of  property  and  influence  coming  forward  at  this 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  137 

eventful  moment  in  the  common  cause  of  our  country ;  I  have 
no  doubt  we  shall  yet  be  saved, 

"  I  am  now  packing  my  baggage,  shall  set  out  in  the  stage 
to-morrow  morning  for  the  city  of  Washington  ;  hope  to  be 
in  Baltimore  the  beginning  of  next  month ;  this  prevents  me 
answering  your  letter  so  fully  as  I  could  wish,  having  only 
one  moment  to  spare. 

"  In  the  conversation  held  between  Mr.  Adams,  Mr.  Tay- 
lor, and  myself,  Mr.  Adams  certainly  expressed  himself  (as 
far  as  my  memory  serves  me)  in  the  very  words  mentioned 
in  your  letter,  viz.,  that  he  hoped,  or  expected  to  see  the  day 
when  Mr.  Taylor,  and  his  friend  Mr.  Giles,  would  be  con- 
vinced that  the  people  of  America  would  not  be  happy  with- 
out an  heretlitary  chief  magistrate  and  senate,  or  at  least  for 
life. 

"  Believe  me  sincerely,  your  obedient  servant, 

"  John  Langdon.* 

"  Samuel  Ringold." 

It  may  be  remembered  that  Mr.  Callender  requested  time 
might  be  granted  him  to  serve  a  subpoena  on  Mr.  Langdon,  as 
also  on  several  others,  whose  evidence  he  believed  would  suf- 
ficiently prove  the  most  material  of  his  charges  against  Mr. 
Adams.  But  this  necessary  postponement,  which  would  have 
shown  the  President  in  his  proper  colours,  was  peremptorily 
refused  by  the  federal  court.  This  circumstance,  and  the  con- 
duct of  Judge  Chase  on  that  occasion,  shall  be  more  particu- 
larly investigated  when  we  come  to  narrate  the  trial  of  Mr. 
Callender. 

Mr.  Langdon,  to  his  other  virtues,  adds  that  of  a  charitable 
and  generous  mind — few  of  his  countrymen  possess  this  virtue 
in  an  equal  degree.  Inattentive  to  the  spirit  of  party  and  po- 
litical intrigue,  his  principal  study  and  greatest  ambition  are 
to  reward  industry  and  obtain  the  applause  of  good  men. 
On  all  occasions  he  has  stood  forth  and  exerted  himself  in  the 
cause  of  the  distressed  and  injured  citizen.  In  short,  which- 
ever way  we  view  Mr.  Langdon,  we  find  him  fertile  in  every 
great  and  good  qualification. 

Leaving  Mr.  Langdon,  we  enter  a  barren  waste  when  we 

*  John  Langdon  was  an  uncle  to  the  Editor. 

12* 


138  THE   ADMINISTRATION 

venture  to  explore  the  characters  of  the  other  senators  from 
New  England. 

Theodore  Sedgwick,  of  Massachusetts,  and  James  Hill- 
house,  of  Connecticut,  were  the  principal  authors  of  the  alien 
and  sedition  acts ;  they  also  voted  for  Hamilton's  plan  of  fund- 
ing the  domestic  debt.  A  transaction  more  detestable  than 
this  scheme  can  hardly  be  conceived,  when  it  is  known  that 
both  these  men  had  made  considerable  purchases  in  the  certifi- 
cates of  the  old  army. 

Foster,  of  Rhode  Island,  is  one  of  the  weakest  men  in  the 
United  States.  He  voted,  if  we  may  believe  his  friends,  for 
the  plans  of  the  President,  without  comprehending  their  ten- 
dency or  import.  His  constituents,  who  sent  him  to  Congress, 
and  who  were  acquainted  with  the  narrow  extent  of  his  ta- 
lents, ought  only  to  be  censured. 

Elijah  Paine,  from  Vermont,  presents  a  character  of  a  dif- 
ferent complexion.  He  displays,  on  every  occasion,  a  natural 
fierceness  which  it  is  impossible  to  temper  or  disguise.  Though 
a  stranger  to  real  wisdom,  he  is  possessed  both  of  selfish 
cunnir)g  and  a  talent  for  intrigue.  He  can  threaten  or  cringe 
to  his  opponents  as  circumstances  require ;  but  in  general,  his 
behaviour  borders  on  rudeness,  and  his  oratory  is  savage  in 
the  extreme. 

Uriah  Tracey  may  be  regarded  as  the  Burke  of  Connecti- 
cut. Though  neither  possessed  of  the  talents,  the  erudition, 
or  the  splendid  eloquence  of  that  British  senator,  he  rivals 
him  in  anti-jacobin  abuse  and  vindictive  declamation  against 
the  French  nation.  He  would  wade  up  to  the  knees  in  blood 
to  extirpate  the  republicans  of  France.  He  has  declared  in 
Congress,  that  if  he  had  his  wish,  he  would  arm  every  man, 
woman  and  child  in  America  against  every  man,  woman  and 
child  in  France.  These  were  not  words  uttered  in  the  heat 
of  passion,  in  the  unthinking  moment  of  pleasure,  or  over  the 
intoxicating  fumes  of  Braintree  claret ;  they  were  pronounced 
in  a  solemn  exhortation  to  the  senators  of  the  United  States, 
and  accurately  recorded  by  Mr.  Lloyd,  the  stenographer,  who 
was  present. 

Mr.  Bingham,  of  Philadelphia,  senator  for  Pennsylvania,  is 
a  merchant  of  immense  property,  a  high-flying  federalist,  and 
devoted  to  the  British  interest.  He  is  ambitious'  of  being 
thought  a  man  of  science  and  a  lover  of  the  arts,  but  no  man 
has  less  claim  to  these  pretensions  than  Mr.  Bingham.     The 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.      "  139 

ability  of  reading  his  own  language,  and  of  directing  the 
clerks  of  his  counting-house,  constitutes  his  whole  stock  of 
learning.  Although  the  virtues  of  honesty  and  a  generous 
heart  are  not  the  most  conspicuous  traits  in  his  character,  yet 
he  was  the  friend  of  Mr.  Adams,  and  companion  to  the  am- 
bassador Listen. 

The  charges  which  have  been  adduced  against  James  Ross, 
the  colleague  of  Mr.  Bingham,  are  too  numerous  to  admit  of 
insertion  in  their  full  extent.  I  shall  only  briefly  specify 
those,  the  truth  of  which  even  his  friends  are  compelled  to 
allow. 

This  senator  voted,  in  the  convention  of  Pennsylvania,  on 
the  2d  of  February,  to  strike  out  of  the  constitutional  regula- 
tions about  holding  offices,  the  words  "  who  acknowledges  the 
being  of  a  God,  and  a  future  state  of  rewards  and  punish- 
ments." 

He  stayed  away  from  the  Senate  without  any  cause  for  nine- 
teen weeks  and  four  days,  so  that  Pennsylvania,  which  had 
only  two  votes  in  the  Senate,  was  left  with  no  more  than  one 
vote  in  that  body.  (Journal  of  the  Senate,  January  8,  April 
26,  and  July,  1798.)  By  this  means  he  escaped  the  odium  of 
voting  for  the  alien  and  sedition  bills. 

Mr.  Ross  voted  for  the  British  treaty;  for  increasing  the 
salaries  of  the  officers  of  government  when  the  people  were 
groaning  under  the  weight  of  new  taxes ;  he  voted  also  for  a. 
standing  army. 

At  the  table  of  Messrs.  Hollines  and  Rainey,  merchants,  at 
Philadelphia,  when  "  The  Constitution  of  the  United  States" 
was  given  as  a  toast,  he  left  the  room. 

Mr.  Ross  has  been  proved  to  be  a  deist — see  a  letter  from 
Mr,  Jones,  late  chaplain  to  General  Wayne,  inserted  in  the 
Aurora,  1st  October,  1797. 

General  Lloyd,  of  Maryland,  is  the  last  of  the  federal  sena- 
tors I  shall  at  present  remark.  This  man,  in  the  year  1799, 
entered  into  a  contract  with  the  secretary  of  the  navy  to  furnish 
staves  to  the  amount  of  1500  dollars ;  he  received  the  money  in 
hand,  and  engaged  to  send  the  staves  as  soon  as  he  got  home.  A 
twelvemonth  elapsed,  and  no  staves  came  to  hand  ;  upon  in- 
quiry being  made,  it  was  discovered  that  General  Lloyd  pos- 
sessed no  wood  fit  for  that  purpose.  The  money  was  never 
returned,  but  the  honest  general  was  compelled,  by  the  present 
administration,  to  give  a  bond  for  the  sura,  bearing  interest. 


140  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

The  senators  who  opposed  the  bills  were  characters  very 
different.  Mr.  Henry  Tazewell,  and  General  Mason,  of  Vir- 
ginia, were  of  this  party.  I  cannot  represent  these  men  in 
juster  terms  than  Mr.  Callender  has  done.  "  Mr.  Henry 
Tazewell,"  says  this  wTiter,  "was  too  honest  to  he  purchased, 
and  too  firm  to  be  bullied  ;  too  watchful  to  be  surprised,  and 
too  shrewd  to  be  deceived.  This  gentleman  was  long  an 
effective  antagonist  to  the  stratagems  of  senatorial  deceit,  and 
the  brutality  of  senatorial  despotism. 

"  With  a  happy  temper,  an  invulnerable  character,  an  in- 
dependent fortune,  and  an  amiable  family  ;  with  every  physi- 
cal and  moral  circumstance  about  him  which  can  provoke  the 
envy,  or  challenge  the  esteem  of  mankind,  General  Mason  has 
presented  an  object  of  calumny  for  a  set  of  miscreants  whom 
his  good  sense  obhges  him  to  despise,  but  whom  his  good  na- 
ture will  hardly  suffer  him  to  detest.  Without  parade  or 
effort,  his  patriotism  flows,  like  a  natural  fountain,  from  the 
sweetness  and  rectitude  of  the  primitive  elements  of  his  mind. 
Had  the  majority  of  the  Senate  voted  and  acted  like  General 
Mason,  this  country,  to  borrow  the  language  of  Demosthenes, 
might  have  escaped  from  an  Iliad  of  misforhines.^^ 

Of  the  twenty-six  representatives  from  New  England,  only 
three  made  a  figure,  or  even  were  heard  of,  during  the  Revo- 
lution. These  were  General  Shepard,  General  Varnum,  and 
General  Skinner.  General  Varnum  was  the  only  member 
who  voted  against  the  alien  bill.  General  Skinner  was  not 
present,  or  most  probably  he  would  have  acted  with  the  same 
patriotism.  As  for  General  Shepard,  who  voted  for  it,  his 
best  friends  allow  his  only  merit  consists  in  that  species  of 
personal  courage  which  fits  the  mercenary  assassin,  but  becomes 
not  the  republican  soldier — Shepard  could  fight  with  the  same 
courage  in  the  cause  of  despotism  as  in  that  of  liberty.  Strong 
in  body  but  weak  in  intellect,  he  only  appreciates  those  quali- 
ties which  characterize  the  barbarian  ;  while  he  holds  in  ridi- 
cule the  more  generous  virtues  which  adorn  the  mind  and 
enlarge  the  understanding  of  the  civilized  patriot.  In  short, 
nature  could  not,  without  difficulty,  produce  a  being  more  ig- 
norant and  wretched  in  point  of  reasoning,  than  this  New 
England  general. 

Mr.  Samuel  Sewall,  of  Massachusetts,  was  considered  a 
lory  during  the  Revolution.  He  figured  in  the  bankrupt  list, 
and  has  therefore  little  to  fear  from  the  worst  misfortunes  that 


OF    JOHN   ADAMS.  14l 

can  befall  his  country.  When  he  attempts  to  speak,  his  in- 
solence and  virulence  of  expression  are  unequalled  by  the  bil- 
lingsgate of  the  lowest  miscreant  who  bawls  at  Westminster 
for  royal  favour.  But  his  character  being  known,  his  efforts 
are  disregarded,  and  his  inflammatory  jargon  suffers  a  merited 
contempt. 

Dwight  Foster,  member  from  the  same  state,  was  also  a 
tory.  This  man  being  conscious  of  his  own  weakness,  seldom 
speaks  but  when  he  lisps  an  unmeaning  sentiment  in  honour 
of  John  Adams  at  some  federal  hall  of  riotous  debauch.  Sloth 
and  indolence,  or  a  game  at  cards,  are  his  favourite  amuse- 
ments. His  hatred  to  the  French  is  reported  principally  to 
proceed  from  the  lively  sentiment  in  discourse  which  distin- 
guishes that  nation,  and  which  by  no  means  accords  with  the 
phlegmatic  humour  of  Mr.  Foster. 

John  Allen,  of  Connecticut,  is  as  remarkable  for  the  un- 
couth and  vulgar  extravagance  of  his  expressions,  as  he  is  for 
his  tall  hectic  appearance.  He  has  declared  in  a  public  as- 
sembly, that  the  federal  constitution  was  not  worth  a  damn, 
and  that  he  would  be  glad  to  give  it  a  kick.  He  gave  up  his 
seat  in  Congress  for  the  sake  of  being  chosen  into  the  Assem- 
bly of  Connecticut ;  but  his  behaviour,  when  a  representative, 
disgusted  even  the  federalists,  and  he  was  overpowered  by  a 
republican  candidate,  which  circumstance,  it  is  said,  had  such 
an  effect  upon  his  nerves,  as  almost  to  deprive  him  of  the 
weak  and  tender  capacity  of  reasoning  which  he  formerly 
possessed. 

Mr.  George  Thatcher,  member  also  from  Massachusetts, 
when  in  the  third  Congress  was  almost  never  known  to  open 
his  lips.  At  that  time  he  supported  the  character  of  a  rea- 
sonable man ;  but  observing  that  silence  was  not  the  way  of 
gaining  the  favour  of  the  President  and  advancing  in  the  list 
of  preferment,  he  studied  for  a  whole  summer  the  art  of  anti- 
jacobin  declamation  with  such  success,  that  he  delivered  in 
the  Congress  after,  a  thundering  speech,  intending  to  prove 
that  Barras  was  either  mad  or  drunk,  when  he  made  his  fare- 
well address  to  Mr.  Monroe.  His  friends  were  astonished  at 
his  powers,  and  dignified  him  with  the  title  of  the  American 
Barras.  Mahce,  however,  who  sheds  her  venom  upon  the 
best  of  characters,  accounts  for  this  rapid  and  remarkable 
change  in  the  manners  of  Mr.  Thatcher  by  the  powerful  at- 
traction of  British  gold,  and  even  hints  at  a  promise  from  the 


143  THE   ADMINISTRATION 

ambassador  Liston,  if  Blount's  conspiracy  had  taken  effect. 
But  it  is  much  more  probable  that  the  love  of  vanity  and  ap- 
plause, and  a  desire  to  rise  in  the  estimation  of  Mr.  Adams, 
were  the  principal  motives  which  induced  this  New  England 
member  to  pass  from  the  humble  path  of  reserve  and  decency 
into  the  boisterous  ocean  of  noise  and  petulance. 

Harrison  G.  Otis  is  another  member  from  the  royal  state  of 
Massachusetts,  who  laboured  with  all  the  trick  of  a  quibbling 
attorney,  to  get  the  alien  bill  passed  into  a  law.  This  man 
is  not  entirely  divested  of  fancy,  but  he  is  a  stranger  to  argu- 
ment, and  unacquainted  with  the  virtues  of  truth  and  candour. 
The  interest  of  British  merchants,  it  is  reported,  procured  him 
to  be  one  of  the  directors  of  the  Bank  of  the  United  States, 
and  several  pecuniary  favours  which  he  has  granted  these  gen- 
tlemen in  return,  prove  that  he  possesses,  in  an  eminent  de- 
gree, the  qualifications  of  gratitude  and  a  bountiful  heart  to 
his  friends.  He  is  neither  devoid  of  filial  affection,  if  we  may 
judge  from  his  petty  manoeuvres  to  procure  an  addition  of  two 
hundred  dollars  to  the  salary  of  his  father.  But  the  fear 
which  he  expresses  of  Frenchmen,  and  his  hatred  at  Irish- 
men, are  the  two  striking  characteristics  of  his  mind.  In  the 
summer  of  1798,  he  so  much  dreaded  a  French  invasion,  that 
it  is  said,  he  would  have  removed  into  some  of  the  back  set- 
tlements had  it  not  been  for  the  persuasion  of  Dwight  Foster 
and  George  Thatcher.  No  man,  says  Mr.  Callender,  can  be 
more  ambitious  to  be  the  scavenger  of  his  party  than  this  ca- 
lumniator of  the  Irish  nation.  Mr.  Otis  has  since  obtained 
his  wish  ;  for  no  man  is  more  employed  in  rallying  and  collect- 
ing together  the  scattered  dregs  of  federalism  than  Harrison 
G.  Otis. 

The  late  Mr.  Josiah  Coit,  of  Connecticut,  who  voted  both 
for  the  alien  and  sedition  bills,  wished  at  first  to  be  considered 
impartial ;  but  on  this  account  he  was  attacked  with  the  ut- 
most fury  by  the  treasury  newspapers.  William  Cobbett 
railed  at  him  under  the  name  of  the  Connecticut  Bear  ;  Timo- 
thy Pickering  used  to  say,  a  doubtful  friend  was  more  danger- 
ous than  a  professed  enemy,  and  so  was  Mr.  Coit;  Mr.  Adams 
said  he  never  wished  to  keep  his  mouth  shut  but  in  the  pre- 
sence of  Mr.  Coit.  To  do  away  with  these  prejudices  which 
Mr.  Coit  perceived  the  federal  faction  possessed  towards  him, 
he  made  a  long  and  violent  invective  in  Congress  against  Mr. 


OF   JOHN   ADAMS.  143 

Jefferson,  and  afterwards  voted  for  every  measure  the  Presi- 
dent desired. 

Such  were  the  characters  of  the  principal  leaders  of  the 
New  England  faction,  who  ushered  into  existence  the  ahen 
bill,  and  gave  a  stab  to  the  independence  of  America  which 
will  be  long  felt  and  remembered.  I  shall  now  slightly  trace 
a  few  of  the  federal  representatives  in  the  other  states,  who 
were  no  less  active  in  promoting  the  power  of  the  President 
and  infringing  upon  the  rights  of  the  people. 

General  Wilhams,  of  the  state  of  New  York,  stands  first  in 
the  list  of  these  federalists.  This  man,  in  the  early  period  of 
his  life,  was  for  several  years  tumbler  to  a  quack  doctor,  who 
travelled  through  the  United  States,  vending  his  nostrums. 
In  these  itinerant  speculations,  General  Williams,  who  is  re- 
markable for  activity  and  strength  of  body,  used  to  carry  upon 
his  shoulders  all  the  stage  apparatus  and  several  chests  of 
medicine.  When  the  revolutionary  war  broke  out,  he  enlisted 
in  the  army,  and  by  his  valour  more  than  his  honesty  rose  to 
the  rank  he  now  holds.  In  1776,  he  was  elected  a  senator 
from  the  state  of  New  York,  but  was  expelled  two  years  after- 
wards for  the  crimes  of  perjury,  forgery,  and  corruption,  as 
may  be  seen  by  the  journals  of  that  assembly.* 

*  The  following'  are  the  charges  which  were  preferred  against  him  by  the 
Senate  of  New  York,  on  the  24th  of  October,  1778  : 

1.  That  John  Williams,  Esq.,  has  ordered  regimental  courts  martial,  for 
the  trial  of  persons  upwards  of  fifty  years  of  age,  and  others ;  and  for  of- 
fences not  cognizable  before  any  court  martial  of  the  militia,  authorized  by 
the  law  of  this  state,  in  which  case  the  supposed  delinquents  have  been 
fined  in  different  sums,  from  four  shillings  up  to  thirty  pounds ;  and  that  in 
consequence  thereof,  their  personal  property  had  been  distrained,  and  sold  at 
an  under  value,  to  their  great  loss  and  impoverishment,  and  without  being 
duly  convened  at  such  court  martial,  and  furnished  with  an  opportunity  of 
defending  themselves. 

2.  That  Lieutenant-Colonel  Webster,  of  the  said  John  Williams's  regi- 
ment, was  not  only  not  consulted  about  the  appointment  of  such  courts  mar- 
tial, but  was  never  appointed  or  requested  by  the  said  John  Williams,  to  sit 
in,  or  attend  at  either  of  them  ;  although  the  said  John  Williams  had  fre- 
quent and  ready  admission  at  the  said  courts  martial. 

3.  That  he  not  only  subjects  persons,  by  means  of  such  pecuniary  pun- 
ishments as  aforesaid,  to  heavy  forfeitures,  but  also  for  effectually  levying 
them,  threatens  many  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  county  to  try  them  for  tlieir 
lives,  unless  they  submit  to  the  penalties  imposed  by  such  courts  martial  as 
aforesaid  ;  declaring,  to  their  great  distress,  that  he  has  it  in  his  power  to 
strip  them  of  all  their  property. 

4.  That  he  has  made  false  abstracts  for  the  militia,  who  have  been  in  ac- 
tual service  under  him,  whereby  he  has,  to  the  prejudice  of  the  continent, 


144  THE   ADMINISTRATION 

The  federalists  exclaim  against  the  private  characters  of 
those  men  who  figured  in  the  National  Assembly  and  Con- 
vention of  France ;  while  they  pass  over  in  silence  the  vices 
of  their  own  party.  But  let  them  examine  the  life  and  actions 
of  this  beloved  friend  of  Mr.  Adams,  and  compare  them  with 
the  deeds  of  the  blackest  jacobin  who  ever  graced  the  bloody 

received  much  greater  sums  than  it  was  ever  conceived  were  due  to  such 
mihtia ;  and  has  withheld  from  persons  belonging  to  his  regiment,  pay  that 
was  actually  due  them,  and  received  by  him  for  their  use. 

5.  That  in  the  trial  of  sundry  persons,  before  such  courts  martial  as 
aforesaid,  for  supposed  offences,  he  has  caused  the  said  courts  to  inquire  into 
facts,  which,  if  they  ever  happened,  must  have  been  perpetrated  long  before 
the  militia  law  took  place;  thus  making  a  law,  which  was  only  intended  to 
apply  to  cases  posterior  in  their  occurrence  to  the  law  itself,  have  retrospect 
to  facts,  which  if  real,  must  have  occurred  before  the  passing  thereof. 

6.  That  when  the  continental  troops  abandoned  Ticonderoga,  and  re- 
treated from  the  enemy,  and  they  advanced  into  the  country,  he  sent  one 
Jonathan  Baker  to  Major  Skeene,  in  the  enemy's  service,  and  furnished  him 
with  hard  money  to  bear  his  expenses ;  that  Baker  returned  from  Major 
Skeene  with  a  manifesto  and  proclamation  from  General  Burgoyne,  calculated 
to  enforce  the  submission  of  the  inliabitants  ;  which  manifesto  and  procla- 
mation were  brought  into  the  committee  and  by  them  suppressed. 

7.  That  afterwards,  when  the  enemy  had  advanced  as  far  as  Fort  Ann, 
and  the  danger  of  the  inhabitants  thereby  increased,  he  called  the  people  of 
his  regiment  togetlier,  and  told  them  that  they  must  take  care  of  themselves, 
intimating  thereby  his  declining  to  command  them ;  and  that  afterwards, 
having  collected  them  in  his  barn,  he  told  them  they  had  but  one  of  three 
things  to  choose,  to  wit,  either  to  fly  for  their  lives,  or  to  take  up  arms  and 
fight  the  enemy,  or  submit  to  them  and  take  protections.  And  that  after- 
wards, when  Captain  M'Crocker,  a  continental  officer,  arrived  on  the  spot,, 
he,  the  said  John  Williams,  abandoned  the  command  of  his  regiment  to  the 
said  officer.  (Page  136,  Journal  of  the  Senate  of  the  State  of  New  York, 
for  1 778.) 

On  the  28th  January,  1779,  General  Williams,  after  a  full  investigation 
of  these  charges,  was  found  guilty  of  those  contained  in  the  second  and 
fourth  articles,  and  in  some  instances,  of  those  in  the  first  article.  (Page 
159,  Journal  of  the  Senate.)  On  the  8th  of  February,  1779,  he  was  ex- 
pelled by  the  following  minute:  (Page  166,  Journal  of  the  Senate.)  The 
crimes  of  which  John  Williams,  Esquire,  stands  adjudged  by  the  resolutions 
of  this  Senate,  of  the  29th  of  January  last,  liold  him  up  as  entirely  desti- 
tute of  integrity,  evidenced  by  his  imjust  misapplication  of  military  autho- 
rity, his  flagrant  peculation  on  the  United  States  of  North  America,  his  dis- 
honest attempts  to  deprive  the  militia  under  his  command  of  their  just  pay, 
and  his  after  attempts  to  cover  his  injustice  by  undue  applications  of  a  great 
part  of  the  moneys  which  he  had  received  from  tlie  pay  office  of  the  said 
United  States,  upon  false  and  fraudulent  pay  abstracts,  fabricated  and  at- 
tested by  himself.  In  this  accumulated  and  just  view  of  his  conduct,  he 
appears  to  this  Senate  wholly  unworthy  to  represent  the  good  people  of  this 
state  in  the  dignified  and  important  place  of  a  senator  thereof 

Resolved,  therefore,  that  the  said  John  Williams,  Esquire,  be,  and  he  is 
hereby  expelled  this  Senate. 


OF    JOHN   ADAMS.  145 

list  of  Robespierre,  and  they  will  find  that  John  Williams 
is  infinitely  their  superior  in  perfidy  and  low  chicanery.  It  is 
inconceivable  how  this  man  ever  came  to  be  elected  a  member 
of  Congress,  or  how  the  House  of  Representatives  suffered 
him  to  profane  their  presence ;  unless  we  suppose  that  an  in- 
terval of  time  had  cast  a  shade  over  his  villany,  and  that  in 
the  dearth  of  honesty  the  rogue  crept  in. 

Jonathan  Dayton,  of  New  Jersey,  the  late  speaker  of  Con- 
gress, is  notorious  from  Boston  to  Georgia.  The  deeds  of  the 
other  members  of  Congress  were  scarcely  known  beyond  the 
circle  of  their  respective  states,  but  the  speculations  of  this 
man  have  rung  throughout  the  western  world.  They  are  un- 
folded in  sixteen  letters  to  one  Francis  Childs,  which  were 
made  public  by  a  bill  of  complaint  which  Dayton  and  one 
Lawrence  presented  to  the  chancellor  of  New  York,  against 
Childs.    The  letters  will  speak  for  themselves  ;*  for  any  com- 

*   To  the  Honouraile  Robert  R.  Livingston,  Esquire,  Chancellor  of  the 
State  of  New  York. 

The  bill  of  complaint  of  Jonathan  Hampton  Lawrence,  and  Jonathan 
Dayton,  humbly  complaining-,  show  unto  your  honour,  your  orators,  Jonathan 
H.  Lawrence,  and  Jonathan  Dayton,  of  the  city  of  New  York,  merchants, 
trading  and  using-  commerce,  together  with  Francis  Childs,  under  the  style 
or  firm  of  Lawrence,  Dayton,  and  Co,  That  some  time  in  or  about  the 
thirteenth  day  of  May,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  seven  hundred 
and  ninety-six,  the  said  Francis  Childs,  and  a  certain  William  Denning,  jr., 
applied  to  your  orators  to  endorse  two  promissory  notes  for  them  ;  the  one 
drawn  by  the  said  Francis  Childs  for  the  sum  of  eighteen  thousand  eight 
hundred  and  ten  dollars,  the  other  drawn  by  the  said  William  Denning,  jr., 
for  the  sum  of  six  thousand  six  hundred  dollars,  botli  dated  on  the  said 
thirteenth  of  May,  in  the  year  last  aforesaid,  and  payable,  with  interest,  in 
eighteen  months  after  date ;  and  your  orators  show,  that  in  compliance  with 
such  request,  they  endorsed  the  said  notes  with  their  said  firm,  and  delivered 
the  same  to  the  said  William  Denning,  jr.,  and  Francis  Childs.  And  your 
orators  show,  that  the  said  several  promissory  notes  were  delivered  by  the 
said  Francis  Childs  and  William  Denning,  jr.,  to  a  certain  Thomas  Marston, 
in  pursuance  of  a  colourable  agreement  for  the  sale  of  land-ofliice  warrants  ; 
vs'hich,  as  your  orators  are  informed  by  the  said  William  Denning,  jr.,  was 
an  usurious  agreement  for  the  loan  of  money  at  an  interest  greatly  exceeding 
the  interest  of  seven  per  cent,  per  annum.  And  tiiat  the  said  notes  were 
made  and  given  by  them,  and  received  by  the  said  Thomas  Marston,  to  s-e- 
cure  the  said  sum,  and  the  illegal  and  usurious  interest  thereof,  contrary  to 
the  form  of  the  statute  in  such  cases  made  and  provided ;  whereby  your 
orators  are  advised,  the  said  several  notes  are  void  and  of  no  effect.  And 
your  orators  furtlier  show,  that  at  and  for  some  considerable  time  after  the 
said  thirteenth  day  of  May,  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  ninety -six,  the 
said  Francis  Childs,  and  the  said  William  Denning,  jr.,  were  and  continued  to 
be  solvent ;  but  that  your  orators  did  not  pay  the  said  notes  and  endorsements, 
to  secure  themselves  against  the  said  endorsements  by  suits  against  the  sai4 

13 


]46  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

ment  upon  such  a  scheme  would  only  tend  to  render  stale  and 
less  flagrant  the  rascality  of  the  transaction.  Some  crimes 
are  so  horrible  in  their  nature  as  will  not  endure  the  lash  of 

William  Denning  and  Francis  Childs,  they  being  assured  by  the  said  Wil-liam 
Denning,  jr.,  that  the  said  corrupt  agreement  could  be  proved  by  evidence  in 
his  possession,  and  that  the  said  evidence  should  be  produced ;  the  said 
William  Denning,  jr.,  having  formally  forbidden  your  orators  to  pay  the  said 
note,  on  the  ground  of  such  corrupt  agreement.  But  now,  so  it  is,  may  it 
please  your  honour,  that  the  said  Francis  Childs,  and  William  Denning,  jr., 
having  become  insolvent,  the  said  Thomas  Marston  delayed  commencing 
any  prosecution  against  your  orators,  until  the  said  William  Denning  and 
Francis  Childs  became  insolvent ;  but  about  a  year  after  the  said  notes  be. 
came  due,  commenced  a  suit  in  the  Supreme  Court  of  this  state,  against 
your  orators,  as  endorsers  of  the  several  notes.  And  the  said  Francis  Childs 
and  William  Denning,  v^^ell  knowing  their  inability  to  pay  the  said  notes,  in 
case  they  should  be  taken  up  by  your  orators,  but  combining  and  confede- 
rating themselves  to  and  with  the  said  Thomas  Marston,  and  to  and  with 
divers  other  persons,  at  present  unknown  to  your  orators,  whose  names,  when 
discovered,  they  pray  may  be  inserted  in  this  their  bill  of  complaint,  with 
proper  and  apt  words,  to  charge  them  as  parties  thereto,  in  this  respect, 
how  to  injure  and  aggrieve  your  orators,  refuse  to  produce  the  testimony  of 
the  original  agreement  and  consideration  for  the  said  notes ;  and  the  said 
Thomas  Marston  refuses  to  discover  whether  any,  and  what  sums  of  money 
were  left  in  his  hands,  by  the  said  Francis  Childs  or  William  Denning,  jr., 
or  either  of  them,  which  ought,  in  equity,  to  have  been  endorsed  as  a  pay- 
ment thereon.  All  which  actings  and  doings  of  the  said  confederators,  are 
contrary  to  equity  and  good  conscience,  and  tend  to  the  manifest  injury  and 
oppression  of  your  orators.  In  tender  consideration  whereof,  and  forasmuch 
as  your  orators  are  wholly  remediless  in  the  premises,  by  the  court  rules  of 
the  common  law,  the  said  suit  being  now  pending  against  them,  and  your 
said  orators  being  unable  to  plead,  on  account  of  the  want  of  such  precise 
information  of  the  evidence  of  the  said  original  agreement  as  the  said  con- 
federates possess,  but  which  they  now  refuse  to  communicate,  and  that 
the  rather,  as  the  information  relative  to  such  evidence,  together  with 
the  delay  in  bringing  the  said  suit,  tended  to  prevent  your  orators  from 
securing  themselves  against  the  said  endorsements.  To  the  end,  there- 
fore, that  the  said  Thomas  Marston,  Francis  Childs,  and  William  Denning, 
jr.,  and  the  rest  of  the  confederators,  when  discovered,  may,  upon  their 
several  and  respective  corporeal  oaths,  true,  full,  and  perfect  answer  make, 
to  all  and  singular  the  premises,  in  as  full  and  ample  manner  as  if  the  same 
were  here  again  repeated,  and  they  thereto  interrogated.  And  that  the  said 
suits  at  law  against  your  orators  may  be  enjoined,  and  that  they  may  have 
such  farther  and  other  relief,  as  to  your  honour  shall  seem  meet,  and  be 
agreeable  to  equity  and  good  conscience.  May  it  please  your  honour,  to 
grant  unto  your  orators,  the  most  gracious  writ  of  the  people,  of  injunction 
to  the  said  Thomas  Marston,  his  attorneys,  counsellors,  solicitors,  and  agents, 
and  every  of  them,  to  be  directed,  thereby  commanding  them,  under  a  cer- 
tain pain,  therein  to  be  expressed,  absolutely  to  desist  from  further  prosecuting 
the  said  suit  at  law  against  your  orators,  until  the  said  defendants  shall  have 
fully  answered  this  bill,  and  your  honour  shall  make  other  order  herein  to 
the  contrary.  And  may  it  also  please  your  honour,  to  grant  unto  your 
orators,  the  most  gracious  writ  of  the  people,  of  injunction  to  the  said 


OF    JOHN   ADAMS.  147 

censure,  and  the  actions  of  Dayton  are  of  this  class.  Mr. 
Callender  says  there  appears  to  be  something  about  this  fede- 
rahst  which  even  treachery  cannot  trust. 

Thomas  Marston,  Francis  Ciiilds,  and  William  Denning,  jr.,  and  their  con- 
federates, when  discovered,  commanding'  them  and  every  of  them,  at  a  cer- 
tain day,  and  under  a  certain  pain,  therein  to  be  expressed,  to  be  and  appear 
before  your  honour,  in  this  honourable  court,  to  answer  all  and  singular, 
and  to  stand,  to  perform,  and  abide,  such  order  and  decree  therein,  as  may 
be  ctgreeable  to  equity  and  good  conscience :  and  your  orators  will  ever 
pray.  J.  H.  LAWRENCE. 

Sworn  this  second  day  of  June,  1800,  before  me, 

JAMES  M.  HUGHES,  Master  in  Chancery. 

I  certify  that  I  have  perused  the  within  bill,  and  in  my  opinion  a  writ  of 
injunction  ought  to  issue,  agreeably  to  the  prayer  thereof,  the  suit  at  law 
not  being  at  issue.  JAMES  M.  HUGHES,  Master  in  Chancery. 

Dated  2d  June,  1800. 

I  certify  the  preceding  to  be  a  true  copy  of  a  bill  filed  in  my  office,  July  5, 
1800.  ISAAC  L.  KIP,  Clerk  of  Chancery. 


Answer  of  T.  Marston  to  the  above  Complaint. 

{The  several  answers  of  Thomas  Marston,  defendant, 
who  is  impleaded  with  Francis  Childs  and  William 
Denning,  junior,  to  the  hill  of  complaint  of  Jonathan 
H.  Lawrence,  and  Jonathan  Dayton,  complainants. 

IN  CHANCERY. 

This  defendant  now,  and  at  all  times  hereafter,  saving  and  reserving  to 
himself  all,  and  all  manner  of  benefit,  and  advantage  of  exception,  that  may 
be  had  or  taken,  to  the  many  errors,  uncertainties,  and  manifest  insufficiencies, 
in  the  complainant's  said  bill  of  complaint,  contained  for  ansvs'cr  thereto,  or 
unto  so  much  thereof  as  this  defendant  is  advised  is  material  or  necessary 
to  make  answer  unto,  he  answereth  and  saith,  that  some  time  in  the  month 
of  April,  or  the  beginning  of  May,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand 
seven  hundred  and  ninety-six,  this  defendant  holding  certain  land-office 
warrants,  he  was  applied  to  by  Francis  Childs,  named  in  the  said  bill  of 
complaint,  through  his  agent,  George  Knox,  to  sell  the  same  warrants  to 
iiim  ;  that  this  defendant  agreed  with  the  said  agent  to  sell  the  said  warrants 
at  and  after  the  rate  of  fifty-five  dollars  for  cacli  hundred  acres ;  that  the 
number  of  warrants  amounted,  as  near  as  this  defendant  can  recollect,  to  four 
hundred  and  sixty-two,  covering  in  the  whole  forty-six  thousand  two  hun- 
dred acres  of  land.  And  this  defendant  further  saith,  tliat  the  amount  of  the 
consideration  to  be  given  for  the  said  warrants,  was  twenty-five  thousand 
four  hundred  and  ten  dollars  ;  and  that  the  same  this  defendant  agreed  to 
accept  in  notes,  payable  within  eighteen  months,  with  lawful  interest ;  and 
this  defendant  further  answering,  saith,  that  on  the  thirteenth  day  of  May, 
in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  ninety-six,  the 
agreement  for  the  sale  of  the  said  land-office  warrants  was  completed,  and, 


148 


THE  ADMINISTRATION 


Four  members  from  Pennsylvania  voted  for  the  alien  act ; 
and  Mr.  Hartley,  who  was  then  absent,  voted  for  the  sedition 
act. 

as  near  as  he  can  recollect,  he  delivered  the  said  warrants  to  the  said  agents, 
or  a  clerk  of  the  said  Francis  Cliilds,  and  at  the  same  time,  this  defendant 
received  a  promissory  note,  dated  the  said  tliirteenth  day  of  May,  in  the 
said  year  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  ninety-six,  made  by  the  said 
Francis  Childs,  in  favour  of  Lawrence,  Dayton,  and  Co.,  for  the  sum  of 
eighteen  thousand  eight  hundred  and  ten  dollars,  payable  in  eigjiteen  months, 
with  interest,  which  note  was  endorsed  by  said  Lawrence,  Dayton,  and  Co., 
to  William  Denning,  jr.,  and  by  the  said  William  Denning,  jr.,  endorsed 
to  this  defendant.  And  this  defendant  further  saith,  that  for  the  residue 
of  the  said  consideration  for  the  said  warrants,  lie  received  one  other  pro- 
missory note,  bearing  date  the  said  thirteenth  day  of  May,  in  the  year  one 
thousand  seven  hundred  and  ninety-six,  made  by  the  said  William  Den- 
ning, jr.,  in  favour  of  Lawrence,  Dayton,  and  Co.,  for  the  sum  of  six  thousand 
six  hundred  dollars,  payable  in  eighteen  months,  with  interest,  which  note 
was  endorsed  by  the  said  Lawrence,  Dayton,  and  Co.,  to  this  defendant.  And 
this  defendant  further  saith,  that  the  said  agreement  for  the  purchase  of  the 
eaid  land-office  warrants,  as  aforesaid,  was  an  honest  and  bona  fide  transac- 
tion, and  not  a  corrupt  or  usurious  agreement;  neither  are  the  considera- 
tions expressed  in  the  said  promissory  notes,  usurious  or  illegal ;  neither  were 
the  said  notes  given  for  the  loan  of  money,  at  an  interest  exceeding  the  in- 
terest of  seven  per  cent,  per  annum  ;  but  the  same  were  given  to  secure  to  this 
defendant  the  payment  of  the  amount  of  the  consideration  money  agreed  to 
be  given  to  this  defendant,  for  the  said  land-office  warrants,  and  for  no  other 
purpose.  And  this  defendant  further  answering,  saith,  that  some  time  after 
the  said  notes  became  due,  he  caused  a  suit  to  be  instituted  in  the  Supreme 
Court  of  Judicature  of  this  state  against  the  complainants  upon  the  said 
note  ;  that  as  this  defendant  hath  been  informed  by  his  attorney,  and  whic-h 
information  he  believes  to  be  true,  in  such  suit  it  was  plead  in  abatement  of  • 
the  same,  that  the  said  Francis  Childs  was  their  partner  ;  and  thereupon  the 
said  suit  was  discontinued,  and  the  suit  alluded  to  in  the  complainant's  bill  of 
complaint,  instituted,  and  is  now  depending.  And  this  defendant  further 
saith,  that  he  has  not  received  at  any  time,  eitlier  from  the  complainants,  the 
said  Francis  Childs,  or  the  said  William  Denning,  jr.,  any  payment  whatever, 
on  account  of  the  said  notes,  or  cither  of  them  ;  but  that  the  sum  of  twenty 
five  thousand  four  liundred  and  ten  dollars,  the  amount  of  the  said  notes, 
with  the  lawful  interest  thereon,  from  the  said  thirteenth  day  of  May,  in  the 
year  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  ninety-six,  is  now  justly  due  this 
defendant.  And  this  defendant  humbly  insists,  that  the  allegations  of  the 
said  complainants,  in  their  said  bill  of  complaints,  are  mere  pretexts  to 
avoid  paying  a  just  debt.  And  this  defendant  further  saith,  that  as  the 
agreement  for  the  sale  and  delivery  of  t!ie  said  land-office  warrants,  was  a 
verbal  one,  from  the  length  of  lime  elapsed  since  the  making  of  it,  he  can- 
not, from  his  recollection,  set  forth  any  further  or  more  relating  thereto  than 
what  he  hath  already  done  in  this  his  answer.  And  this  defendant  further 
saith,  that  he  denies  all,  and  all  manner  of  unlawful  combination  and  con- 
federacy, wherewith  he  is  charged,  without  that  there  is  any  other  matter, 
cause,  or  thing,  in  tlie  complainant's  said  bill  of  complaint  contained,  mate- 
rial or  effectual  in  the  law,  for  this  defendant  to  make  answer  unto,  and  not 
/lerein  and  hereby  well  and  sufficiently  answered,  avoided,  traversed,  or  de- 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  149 

William  Craik,  of  Maryland,  was  originally  a  man  of  some 
moderation,  and  possessed  of  a  considerable  share  of  political 
knowledge.     By  both  parties  he  was  heard  with  deference 


State  of  New  York, 
in  Chancery. 


nied,  is  true,  to  the  knowledg-e  and  belief  of  this  defendant,  all  which  mat- 
ters and  things  this  defendant  is  ready  and  willing-  to  aver,  maintain,  and 
prove,  as  this  honourable  court  shall  direct ;  and  humbly  prays  to  be  hence 
dismissed,  with  his  reasonable  costs  and  charades  in  the  law,  in  this  behalf, 
most  wrongfully  sustained.  "    THOMAS  MARSTON. 

Sworn  the  1st  of  July,  1800,  before 

THOMAS  COOPER,  Master  in  Chancery. 

Answer  of  Francis  Childs,  (fc. 

'  The  several  answers  of  Francis  Childs,  defendant, 
who  is  impleaded  with  Thomas  Marslon  and  Wil- 
liam Denning,  junior,  to  the  bill  of  complaint  of 
Jonathan  H.  Lawrence  and  Jonathan  Dayton,  com- 
plainants. 

This  defendant,  saving  to  himself,  now,  and  at  all  times  hereafter,  all, 
and  all  manner  of  benefit,  and  advantage  of  exception,  that  may  be  had 
or  taken,  to  the  many  untruths,  errors,  uncertainties,  and  manifest  insuffi- 
ciencies, in  the  complainants'  said  bill  of  complaint,  contained  for  answer 
thereunto,  or  unto  so  much  thereof  as  this  defendant  is  advised  is  material 
or  necessary  for  this  defendant  to  make  answer  unto,  he  answereth  and 
saith,  that  some  time  previous  to  the  thirteenth  day  of  May,  in  the  year  of 
our  Lord  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  ninety-six,  this  defendant  and 
the  complainants,  Jonathan  H.  Lawrence  and  Jonathan  Dayton,  became 
partners  in  trade,  under  the  firm  and  style  of  Lawrence,  Dayton  and  Co. 
That  the  said  Jonathan  Dayton  was  then  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives in  Congress,  and  resided,  at  that  time,  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia, 
and  from  his  situation  in  public  life,  well  knowing  the  advantages  which 
would  result  from  speculating  in  land-office  warrants,  projected  a  specula- 
tion, and  wrote  to  this  defendant,  in  the  city  of  New  York,  to  purchase  a 
quantity  of  paper  of  that  description  ;  that  thereupon,  this  defendant  learn- 
ing  that  Thomas  Marston,  of  the  city  of  New  York,  gentleman,  had  a 
number  of  land-office  warrants  to  dispose  of,  this  defendant  applied  by  his 
agent,  to  the  said  Thomas  Marston,  for  the  purchase  of  the  said  warrants, 
which  were  in  number  four  hundred  and  sixt)'-two.  And  this  defendant 
agreed  with  the  said  Tliomas  Marston,  to  allow  for  tlie  same,  at  and  afler 
the  rate  of  fifly-five  dollars  for  each  hundred  acres  of  land  contained  in  the 
said  warrants,  to  be  paid  within  eigliteen  months,  with  interest.  And  this 
defendant  further  saith,  that  the  said  warrants  were  to,  and  did  actually, 
cover  forty-six  thousand  two  lumdred  acres  of  land.  And  this  defendant 
further  saith,  that  at  the  time  the  said  speculation  was  on  foot,  he  com- 
municated the  same  to  the  said  Jonathan  U.  Lawrence,  who  expressed 
a  wish  to  be  concerned  therein ;  that  thereupon  this  defendant  wrote  to  the 
said  Jonathan  Dayton  upon  the  subject,  who  approved  of  the  said  Jonathan 
H.  Lawrence  being  concerned  in  the  said  speculation.  And  this  defendant 
further  saith,  that  William  Denning,  junior,  of  the  city  of  New  York,  also 
knowing  of  the  said  speculation,  did  apply  to  this  defendant,  to  let  him, 
the  said  William  Denning,  junior,  into  a  share  of  the  said  purchase  and 
speculation  ;  tliat  thereupon  this  defendant  consulted  with  the  said  Jonathan 

13  * 


150  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

and  respect ;  but  this  did  not  please  Mr.  Adams,  and  a  friendly 
hint  was  given  to  him  by  secretary  Pickering  that  neither 
praise  nor  profit  could  be  got  by  such  conduct, 

H.  Lawrence,  wlio  was  the  acting  partner  of  the  house  of  Lawrence,  Day- 
ton and  Co.,  and  who  consented  to  the  said  William  Denning,  junior,  bt-- 
coming  interested  in  the  said  purchase  and  speculation  witii  them.  And 
this  defendant  further  answering,  saitli,  that  he,  immediately  thereafter,  by 
his  said  agent,  concluded  the  said  agreement  with  the  said  Thomas  Mars- 
ton,  and  informed  hiin  that  the  said  William  Denning,  junior,  was  to  be 
concerned  with  this  defendant,  the  said  Jen  .than  H.  Lawrence  and  Jonathan 
Dayton,  in  tlie  said  purchase.  And  this  defendant  iurther  answering,  saith, 
that  in  order  to  secure  to  the  said  Thomas  Marston,  the  payment  of  the 
consideration  money,  agreed  to  be  paid  to  the  said  Thomas  Marslon,  for  the 
said  warrants,  at  the  time  aforesaid,  and  at  the  rate  aforesaid,  amounting 
in  the  whole  to  the  sum  of  twenty-five  thousand  four  hundred  and  ten  dol- 
lars, this  defendant,  in  consequence  of  a  previous  understanding  between 
him  and  the  said  Jonathan  H.  Lawrence  for  that  purpose,  and  at  his  request, 
did,  on  the  tiiirteenth  day  of  May,  in  the  year  one  thousand  seven  hundred 
and  ninety-six,  make  a  certain  promissory  note  to  Slessrs.  Lawrence,  Day- 
ton and  Co.,  payable  to  them,  or  order,  in  eighteen  months  after  date,  for 
the  sum  of  eighteen  tliousand  eight  hundred  and  ten  dollars,  with  interest, 
(.that  sum  being  the  amount  of  the  said  warrants  which  fell  to  the  share  of 
Lawrence,  Dayton  and  Co.,  on  such  purpose)  which  note  was  endorsed  by 
the  said  Jonathan  11.  Lawrence,  for  Lawrence,  Dayton  and  Co.  to  the  said 
William  Denning,  junior,  and  by  the  said  William  Denning,  junior,  endorsed 
to  the  said  Thonjas  Marston.  And  this  defendant  further  saith,  that  for  the 
residue  of  the  consideration  money  lor  the  said  warrants,  the  said  William 
Denning,  junior,  did  make  a  certain  other  note  to  the  said  Lawrence,  Day- 
ton and  Co.,  payable  in  eighteen  months,  for  the  sum  of  six  thousand  six 
hundred  dollars,  with  interest,  (that  sum  being  the  amount  of  the  said  war- 
rants, at  the  rate  aforesaid,  which  fell  to  the  share  of  tlie  said  Williain 
Denning,  junior),  which  said  last  mentioned  note  was  endorsed  by  the  said 
Jonathan  H.  Lawrence,  for  the  said  Lawrence,  Dayton  and  Co.  to  the  said 
Thomas  Marston.  And  tliis  defendant  further  saith,  that  said  notes  being 
thus  drawn,  endorsed  and  delivered  to  the  said  Thomas  Marston,  the  said 
land  warrants,  at  the  same  time,  were  delivered  by  the  said  Thomas  Mar- 
ston to  a  clerk  of  this  defendant,  and  this  defendant  delivered  the  same  to 
the  said  Jonathan  H.  Lawrence,  and  who,  to  the  best  of  this  defendant's 
recollection  and  belief,  entered  the  same,  or  such  parts  thereof  as  belonged 
to  the  said  Lawrence,  Dayton  and  Co.,  in  the  books  of  the  said  company, 
and  delivered  the  same,  which  fell  to  the  share  of  the  said  William  Dennincr, 
junior,  to  him.  And  this  defendant  further  saitli,  that  he  is  informed  that 
the  said  William  Denning,  junior,  some  short  time  after,  sold  and  disposed 
of  the  said  land  warrants  which  fell  to  his  share,  to  a  profit ;  and  that  the 
said  Lawrence  and  Dayton,  though  not  for  the  benefit  of  Lawrence,  Day- 
ton and  Co.  located  a  part  of  the  said  warrants  which  fell  to  their  share,  on 
lands  of  an  immense  value.  And  this  defendant  further  answering,  saith,  that 
the  said  agreement,  for  the  said  purchase  of  the  said  land  warrants,  was 
not  a  corrupt  or  usurious  agreement ;  neither  were  the  considerations  ex- 
pressed in  the  said  notes  usurious  or  illegal ;  neitlier  were  the  said  notes 
given  for  the  loan  of  money,  at  an  interest  exceeding  the  interest  of  seven 
per  cent,  per  annum  ;  but  the  same  were  given  to  secure  to  the  said  Thomas 


OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  151 

For  the  speculations  of  General  Morgan,  of  Virginia,  I 
must  refer  the  reader  to  Captain  Stephenson's  printed  letters. 
Morgan   held  an    office   in   the  Pittsburgh   expedition,   and 

Marston  the  consideration  money  to  be  paid  for  the  said  warrants,  which 
were  purchased  upon  good  faith,  and  a  fair  transaction.  And  this  defendant 
further  saitli,  that  the  said  note,  so  as  aforesaid  drawn  by  this  defendant, 
was  not  for  his  own  private  benefit  or  account,  but  on  account  of  the  said 
Lawrence,  Dayton  and  Co.  And  that  before  and  since  the  filing  of  the  said 
bill  of  complaint,  the  said  Jonathan  H.  Lawrence  has  acknowledged  the 
same  to  this  defendant.  And  this  defendant  further  saith,  tliat  before  the 
said  notes  became  due,  he  went  to  Europe ;  and  that  before  he  went  to  Eu- 
rope, conceiving  himself  not  separately  answerable  for  the  payment  of  the 
said  note  so  drawn  by  him  as  aforesaid,  he  never  made  any  arrangements 
for  the  payment  thereof  when  the  same  became  due ;  but  this  defendant 
saith,  that  when  he  went  to  Europe,  he  left  in  the  hands  of  the  said  Jona- 
than H.  Lawrence  and  Jonathan  Dayton,  personal  property  sufficient  to 
have  paid  his  proportion  of  the  said  notes,  which  property  might  easily  have 
.  been  turned  into  money,  and  the  notes  paid  off  and  discharged,  had  the  said 
Jonathan  H.  Lawrence  and  Jonathan  Dayton  been  disposed  so  to  do.  And 
this  defendant  further  saith,  that  he  has  been  informed,  and  verily  believes, 
that  after  the  said  William  Denning,  junior,  had  given  his  note  as  afore- 
said, and  before  the  same  became  due,  the  said  William  Denning,  junior, 
became  insolvent. 

And  this  defendant  further  saith,  that  the  said  speculation  in  the  said 
land  warrants,  was  a  project  and  contrivance  of  the  said  Jonathan  Dayton, 
whilst  he  was  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives  in  Congress,  as  this 
defendant  can  abundantly  show  by  letters  from  the  said  Jonathan  Dayton, 
to  him  upon  the  subject,  and  copies  of  which  are  hereunto  annexed.  And 
this  defendant  furth.er  answering,  saith,  that  he  cannot  bat  confess  that  the 
whole  amount  of  principal  and  interest  on  the  said  notes,  are  now  honestly 
due  to  the  said  Thomas  Marston,  agreeable  to  the  tenor  of  the  said  notes, 
and  that  the  said  notes  ought  long  since  to  have  been  paid  ofl^:  And  this  de- 
fendant denies  that  any  payment  whatever  has  been  made  by  him  to  the 
said  Thomas  Marston,  on  account  of  the  said  notes  or  either  of  them  ;  and 
insists  that  the  allegations  of  the  said  complainants  as  contained  in  their 
bill  of  complaint,  arc  mere  shifts  used  by  them  to  delay  or  get  rid  of  the 
payment  of  a  just  debt :  And  this  defendant  further  answering,  saith,  that 
he  knows  not  of  his  own  knowledge,  when  the  suit  mentioned  in  the  com- 
plainants' bill  of  complaint  was  instituted  upon  the  said  notes,  but  he  has 
been  informed  and  believes,  that  during  his  absence  in  Europe,  a  suit  was 
commenced  upon  the  said  notes,  against  the  said  Jonathan  H.  Ijawrence 
and  Jonathan  Dayton,  and  that  to  such  suit,  the  said  complainants  plead  in 
abatement,  that  this  defendant  was  not  a  party  to  the  said  suit:  and  that 
thereupon  the  said  suit  was  discontinued,  and  a  suit  commenced  anew  in 
the  Supreme  court  of  this  state  upon  the  said  notes,  in  which  suit  this  de- 
fendant is  made  one  of  the  defendants,  and  which  suit,  as  this  defendant  is 
informed,  is  the  one  now  alluded  to  in  the  complainants'  said  bill  of  com- 
plaint. And  this  defendant  further  saith,  that  as  the  agreement  respecting 
the  purchase  of  the  said  land-nffice  warrants,  from  the  said  Thomas  Mars- 
ton, was  not  reduced  to  writing,  lie  can  declare  or  discover  no  other  agree- 
ment than  the  one  before  in  this  his  answer,  set  forth  in  that  behalf. 
And  this  defendant  denies  all,  and  all  manner  of  unlawful  combinations 


152  THE   ADMINISTRATION 

shared  very  deeply  in  the  profits  of  that  job.  Want  of  health 
prevented  his  attendance  when  the  alien  and  sedition  bills 
passed,  or  he  would,  without  any  hesitation,  have  voted  for 
the  royal  pair. 

and  confederacy  wherewith  he  is  cliarged — without  that,  that  there  is  any 
other  matter,  cause  or  thing  in  the  complainants'  said  bill  of  complaint, 
contained  material  or  effectual  in  the  law  for  this  defendant  to  make  answer 
unto,  and  not  herein  and  hereby  well  and  sufficiently  answered,  avoided,  tra- 
versed or  denied,  is  true  to  the  knowledge  or  belief  of  this  defendant,  all 
which  matters  and  things  this  defendant  is  ready  and  willing  to  aver, 
maintain  and  prove  as  this  honourable  court  shall  direct,  and  humbly  prays 
to  be  hence  dismissed  with  his  reasonable  costs  and  charges  in  tlie  law,  in 
this  behalf  wrongfully  sustained.  FRANCIS  CHILDS. 

Sworn  this  26th  day  of  June,  1800,  before  me, 

THOMAS  COOPER,  Master  in  Chancery. 

LETTER.     (No.  1.) 

Dear  Sir, — I  transmit  herewith  Finlay's  Commercial  Register,  which  may 
be  useful  to  you  and  L.  D.  &  Co.  as  matter  of  information.  I  hope  to  hear 
from  you  upon  the  subject  of  the  warrants,  when  the  mail  which  left  New 
York  yesterday  arrives  here.  A  large  company  is  forming  itself  here,  for 
the  purchase  of  United  States  lands,  and  a  part  of  their  capital  is  to  be  2000 
military  land  warrants;  but  it  will  be  impossible  for  the  company  to  procure 
them  without  paying  a  very  high  price.     Yours  in  haste, 

JONA.  DAYTON. 

P.  S.  You  need  not  mention  my  name. 

Francis  Childs,  Esa.,  New  Yoik, 

Free.     JONA.  DAYTON. 

(No.  II.) 

Philadelphia,  January  27,  1796. 

Dear  Sir, — I  have  been  very  directly  informed  that  military  land  warants 
have  been,  within  a  few  days,  sold  in  New  York,  upon  time,  at  seventy-five 
dollars  per  hundred  acres.  Will  you  employ  some  broker,  who  is  in  that  line, 
to  inquire  how  much  can  be  had  in  cash  for  them,  to  the  amount  of  two  hun- 
dred warrants,  or  20,000  acres,  and  how  mnch  upon  time,  witli  or  without 
the  legal  interest.  Do  not  mention  my  name  to  the  broker,  or  any  other 
person;  nor  make  it  known  that  it  is  my  wish  to  sell,  as  such  information 
might  possibly  have  an  influence  to  produce  a  fall.  The  committee  have 
reported  a  bill  for  the  sale  of  lands,  in  the  North-Western  territory ;  have 
fixed  the  price  at  two  dollars  per  acre,  and  have  admitted  military  warrants, 
in  payment  for  all  purchasers,  in  the  proportion  of  one-seventh.  As  soon  as 
it  comes  from  the  press  I  will  transmit  it  to  you.  The  same  committee  are 
preparing  two  other  bills,  the  one  for  sale  of  lands  in  the  South-Western  ter- 
ritory, and  the  other,  for  the  grant  of  the  military  tracts  upon  the  location 
of  military  warrants.  You  will  oblige  me  by  writing  on  this  subject  by 
Monday's  mail.  JONA.  DAYTON. 

P.  S.  Mr.  Mitchell  was  one  who  gave  seventy-five  dollars. 

F.  Childs,  Esq. 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  153 

James  Machir  is  a  Scots  tory,  and  cautiously  withdrew 

himself  to  the  country  before  the  bills  were  brought  forward. 

Thomas  Evans,  also  of  Virginia,  voted  for  both,  and  de- 

(No.  III.) 

Fhiladelphia,  January  29,  1796. 

Dear  Sir, — I  send  you  a  copy  of  t!ie  bill  for  the  sale  of  lands  in  the 
North- Western  Territory ;  it  wouU  bo  well  for  Mr.  Morton  to  publish  it,  that 
any  persons  may  be  at  liberty  to  make  such  remarks,  either  by  letters  to 
members,  or  otherwise,  as  suggest  themselves.  Has  Capt.  Waddell  sailed  ? 
and  did  he  sail  before  the  receipt  of  my  letters  ?  It  is  possible  that  the  pub- 
lication of  the  enclosed  bill,  on  Monday,  may  so  affect  the  market  for  war- 
rants as  to  raise  them  on  Monday  evening-.  I  wish,  therefore,  you  would 
write  to  me  by  Tuesday's  mail.  If  your  broker  should  be  offered  more 
than  fifty-two  dollars  in  cash,  or  in  proportion  for  thirty  or  sixty  days,  you 
may  direct  him  to  make  engagements  for  two  hundred  warrants,  or  20,000 
acres,  to  be  delivered  in  eight  days ;  or  you  can  probably  borrow  them  from 
Capt.  Watson,  or  some  other  friend,  until  I  can  send  them  from  this  place. 
Your  attention  to  this  will  oblige  your  friend,  &c.  JONA.  D. 

Francis  Childs,  Esa. 

(No.  IV.) 

Fhiladelphia,  February  5.,  1796. 

Dear  Sir, — In  consequence  of  the  great  scarcity  of  cash,  it  may  perhaps 
be  more  beneficial  to  make  sale  of  the  warrants  upon  credit.  1  wish  the 
first  payment  of  four  thousand  dollars  to  fall  due  the  .30th  of  March,  and  the 
residue  at  such  convenient  times  thereafter  as  may  accommodate  the  pur- 
chaser. I  expect  an  opportunity  in  one  or  two  days  to  send  forwards  the 
two  hundred  warrants,  as  I  sliall  want  a  supply  of  money  in  a  few  days  be- 
yond what  I  have  at  command.  I  would  consent  to  your  taking  for  one- 
third  or  one-half  of  thein,  fifty  dollars  in  cash,  if  you  cannot  get  more,  as 
they  have  been  sold  in  New  York  for  seventy-five  dollars  on  a  year's  credit. 
It  is  best  to  request  your  agents  to  ask  high  enough  for  them,  and  to  know 
from  any  persons  offering  to  purchase  what  they  will  give. 

A  company  has  formed  itself  here,  which  will  absorb  sixteen  or  eighteen 
hundred  land  warrants,  amounting  to  160  or  180,000  acres.  I  have  desired 
Mr.  Meeker  to  sign,  in  name  of  J.  H.  Lawrence  &  Co,  such  number  of 
shares  as  amount  to  30,000  acres,  payable  in  warrants.  If  you  or  he  wish 
to  come  in,  it  is  so  arranged  that  you  can  come  in  for  a  part  of  the  30,000, 
after  the  plan  of  the  association  and  its  objects  are  made  known  to  you. 
Write  to  me  by  the  next  mail,  and  believe  me  yours,  with  esteem,     J.  D. 

Mr.  Childs. 

(No.  V.) 

Philadelphia,  Feb.  9,  1796. 
Dear  Sir, — I  have  received  yours  of  yesterday,  and  agreeably  to  my  pro- 
mise transmit  you  herewith  a  copy  of  the  bill  reported  by  the  committee,  for 
locating  military  land  warrants.  Is  it  necessary  that  I  should  send  you  the 
warrants  before  I  have  information  tliat  you  have  stipulated  for  their  sale  ? 
as  in  case  you  fail  I  should  wish  to  have  them  here,  to  take  advantage  of 
any  sudden  favourable  offer  in  this  place.  If,  however,  you  think  it  ad- 
visable, I  will  forward  them  by  the  first  good  opportunity,  although  the  one 


154  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

fended  them  in  a  pamphlet,  the  style  and  language  of  which 
were  not  ill  adapted  to  the  dignity  of  the  cause  he  had  under- 
taken. 

which  I  expected  by  Mr.  Ogden  has  failed,  he  having  returned  from  Tren- 
ton home  without  visiting  us  as  he  had  proposed.  What  terms  have  been 
offered  you  for  the  warrants  in  cash  or  on  time  ?  The  enclosed  bill  may  be 
printed  if  you  think  best. — Yours  with  esteem,  J.  D. 

P.  S.  Do  you  know  whether  James  Watson  still  holds  his  warrants  ? 

F.  Childs,  Esq. 

(No.  VI.) 

Philadelphia,  Feb.  10,  1796. 

Dear  Sir, — I  have  this  moment  received  yours  of  yesterday,  and  approve 
of  the  sale  at  fifty  dollars  for  tlie  whole  two  hundred.  A  good  opportunity 
must  be  sought  for  transmitting  them  to  you.  I  will  tliank  you  to  inform 
me  on  what  day  you  must  have  them,  so  that  if  a  good  conveyance  does 
not  previously  offer,  I  mast  send  a  person  purposely  with  them  to  reach  you 
within  the  time.  The  payment  in  ten  or  fifteen  days  will  answer  my  pur- 
pose well,  provided  you  are  certain  of  a  compliance  at  that  time,  and  the 
warrants  are  only  to  be  delivered  at  the  moment  of  payment.  You  will  please 
to  employ  the  money  as  you  propose  for  me,  if  to  be  done  safely  and  to  great 
advantage.  I  have  fifty  more  which  I  would  sell  at  fifty-five  dollars  for 
sixty  days  to  Mr.  M.,  if  he  can  give  you  a  good  endorser — perhaps  John 
Stites.  Inform  me  the  day  I  must  send  them,  and  what  can  be  had  in  cash 
or  on  credit,  when  you  write  me.  I  am  holder  of  a  very  large  quantity, 
which  higher  prices  alone  can  tempt  me  to  sell ;  do  you  know  who  are  the 
buyers  generally  in  your  market? 

The  charters  you  request,  shall  be  procured  and  sent. — Yours, 

JONA.  DAYTON. 

Francis  Guilds,  Esq.  

(No.  VII.) 

Philadelphia,  February  15tk,  1796. 

Dear  Sir, — Mr.  Benjamin  Williamson  is  now  here,  and  will  leave  this  place 
on  Wednesday  morning.  I  shall  send  the  warrants  by  him,  and  he  has  pro- 
mised that  he  will  take  them  immediately  to  you  in  New  York,  so  that  you 
may  expect  them  on  Saturday  at  farthest.  Do  not  lose  sight  of  the  contract 
you  have  made,  for  I  am  aware  that  tliey  will  experience  a  temporary  fall, 
and  if  you  fear  any  disadvantage  from  the  delay,  it  may  be  possible  to  borrow 
them  ;  but  as  your  letter  mentions  that  you  arc  to  be  paid  in  twelve  or  fifteen 
days,  I  conclude  the  purchaser  will  think  himself  favoured  that  you  do  not 
call  upon  him  sooner.  Your  broker  or  agent  would  do  well  to  inquire 
whether  he  will  be  ready  to  pay  the  money,  and  receive  the  warrants  by 
Saturday,  or  if  it  is  preferred,  by  Monday.  Is  it  improper  for  you  to  tell 
me  who  the  purchaser  is  ?  I  am  promised  the  papers  which  you  wished  to 
have  to-day. — Yours  in  haste, 

Francis  Childs,  Esq.  JONA.  DAYTON. 

(No.  VIII.) 

Philadelphia,  February  23d,  1796. 
Dear  Sir, — I  have  received  your's  of  yesterday  :  I  am  of  opinion  that 
the  land-office  bill  will  pass,  the  difference  in  sentiment  which  occurs  in 


OP    JOHN   ADAMS,  155 

Mr.  Grove  was  the  only  member  from  North-Carolina  who 
supported  these  bills.  This  man,  to  use  the  words  of  Junius, 
is  only  "  the  Punch  of  the  puppet-show,  to  speak  as  he  is 
prompted  by  the  chief  juggler  behind  the  curtain." 

debate  appearing  to  turn  principally  upon  the  mode  and  system  rather  than 
\ipon  the  expedience  of  doing  it.  Warrants  cannot  be  got  here  at  fifty — no 
broker  or  other  person  will  engage  to  supply  two  or  three  hundred  under 
sixty  dollars  each,  but  they  bid  no  price  in  proportion  in  cash,  as  it  is  ex- 
tremely scarce.  I  have  not  sold  out  as  St.  and  Salt,  suspect ;  or  rather  I 
hold  more  than  two-thirds  of  all  I  had,  believing  that  they  cannot  eventu- 
ally fall.  I  may,  however,  sell  sixty  more,  but  not  for  lessjjthan  those  you 
disposed  of  for  me.  They  will,  I  am  sure,  soon  rise  in  New  York,  as  they 
arc  not  to  be  had  here  ;  and  the  Spanish  treaty,  which  is  arrived,  and  is  said 
to  have  secured  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  will  give  a  new  spring  to 
that   speculation.     You   will,  without  doubt,    close    the    business   of  your 

w 1  contract  as  soon  as  possible,  that  you  may  have  and  employ  the 

money  to  the  best  and  earliest  advantage.     In  great  haste,  yours, 

F.  Childs,  Esa.  J.  DAYTON. 

(No.  IX.) 

Philadelphia,  March  1,  1796. 

Dear  Sir, — Colonel  Samuel  Ward  has  probably  informed  you,  that  at  his 
request,  and  to  accommodate  Mr.  Comfort  Sands,  I  agree  to  give  up  the  bond 
and  mortgage  on  the  two  lots,  and  take  the  note  of  the  one,  endorsed  by 
the  other,  for  the  sum.  My  papers  are  in  the  hands  of  Mr.  Lawrence,  to 
whom,  with  you,  I  have  referred  the  business.  I  will  thank  you  for  your 
attention  to  it,  and  particularly  to  see  that  I  am  made  secure,  as  you  know 
infinitely  better  than  I  do  the  circumstances  of  the  merchants  or  men  of 
business.  If  Colonel  Ward  should  comply  witli  my  request,  and  anticipate 
the  payment  of  one  tliird  or  one  half,  by  giving  one  note  payable  on  the  30th 
of  March,  and  postponing  the  like  proportion  of  it  to  a  more  distant  time, 
it  will  oblige  me,  but  I  would  not  insist  upon  it  as  the  condition  of  my  com- 
pliance. Will  you  be  so  obliging  as  to  inform  Mr.  Lawrence  that  I  have 
received  his  letter  upon  the  subject  of  the  new  Insurance  Company  about  to 
be  established  in  New  York,  and  I  authorize  him  or  you,  if  you  think  it  ad- 
visable, and  subscribe  for  yourselves,  to  put  down  my  name  for  twenty 
shares  exclusively  of  the  subscription  for  the  company.  Have  you  yet  re- 
ceived the  money  for  the  w ts,  or  what  prevents  your  receiving  it  ? 

The  interest  itself  on  such  a  sum  is  of  some  consequence,  even  if  no  other 
injury  can  arise  from  delay.  Do  you  know  their  price  at  this  time  in  New 
York?  It  has  been  hinted  to  me,  that  the  long  expected  ratification  of  the 
British  treaty  is  arrived,  and  that  the  wliole  will  be  promulgated  by  procla- 
mation, in  this  evening's  paper.  The  Spanish  treaty  is  now  before  the 
Senate,  and  is  said  to  be  very  favourable.  It  will,  when  known,  undoubtedly 
give  a  new  spring  to  our  land-office  bill,  and  enhance  tlie  value  of  our 
western  lands.     Yours  with  regard,  JONA.  DAYTON. 

P,  S.  Mr.  Denman,  in  course  of  conversation,  has  just  mentioned  that  he 
sold  two  hundred  warrants  on  a  credit  of  thirty  days,  at  fifty-one  dollars. 
Have  you  made  the  change  in  the  original  contract ;  or  were  they  other 
w ts. 

F.  ClJILDS. 


156  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

The  members  from  South-Carolina  who  voted  for  the  alien 
and  sedition  acts,  were  Thomas  Pinckney,  Robert  G.  Harper 
and  John  Rutledge. 

(No.  X.) 

Philadelphia,  March  14,  1796. 

Dear,  Sir, — I  liave  drawn  upon  you  this  morning  in  favour  of  Matthias 
Denman,  for  four  thousand  dollars,  payable  in  fourteen  days  from  the  date. 

You  will,  of  course,  take  care  to  bring  within  your  reach  by  that  time  so 

much  of  the  proceeds  of  tlie  sales  of  my  w ts  as  will  enable   you  to 

discharge  the  bill.  Are  you  employing  the  money  to  advantage,  oris  it  still 
in  the  hands  of  the  purchaser?  and  if  so,  what  does  he  allow  for  the  use  of 
it  ?  How  long  notice  must  be  given  you,  if  I  should  find  it  my  interest  to 
draw  for  the  residue  ?  A  contract  which  I  have  lately  made,  will,  if  fulfilled 
by  the  other  party,  impose  on  me  an  obligation  to  pay,  by  instalments,  about 
3,500  dollars,  six  hundred  of  which  are  to  be  on  demand.  He  is  disposed  to 
make  a  considerable  abatement  from  the  residue  for  prompt  payment ;  but 
not  knowing  what  you  are  to  receive,  I  cannot  judge  whether  it  is  better  to 
leave  the  money  where  it  is.  You  have,  I  find,  organized  your  Insurance 
Company,  but  the  president  is  a  man  whose  name  I  never  before  heard.  Do 
you  know  anything  yet  respecting  Captain  Land  on,  or  do  you  expect  to  see 
before  you  hear  from  him  ?  Can  you  tell  the  highest  price  obtainable  in 
cash  or  on  credit,  with  approved  notes,  for  one  hundred  warrants  ?  It  has 
become  very  problematical  whether  the  rice  speculation  will  prove  as  ad- 
vantageous as  was  at  first  expected — what  think  you  of  it  ?  Have  you  heard 
from  Captain  Waddell  ?     Yours  with  esteem,  JONA.  DAYTON. 

Francis  Childs,  Esq. 

(No.  XI.) 

Philadelphia,  March  24,  1796. 

Dear  Sir, — By  Captain  Clay,  of  this  town,  who  left  Liverpool  the  22d 
ult.,  we  have  an  inundation  of  news — I  enclose  the  hand-bill  and  paper. 
You  will  readily  perceive  that  the  most  important  article,  under  the  head  of 
the  preliminary  convention  for  peace,  was  a  fabrication. 

I  advised  you,  in  a  former  letter,  of  my  having  drawn  upon  you  for  4000 
dollars,  in  favour  of  Mr.  Denman ;  I  have  since  heard  nothing  from  him  or 
you.  It  was  my  wish  to  have  been  informed,  likewise,  how  the  product  of 
the  warrants  is  situated,  and  what  compensation  is  to  be  allowed  for  its  use, 
as  a  very  handsome  offer  had  been  made,  which  I  could  not  accept  until  I 
had  advice  from  you.     With  sincere  regard,  yours, 

Francis  Childs,  Esq.  JONA.  DAYTON. 

(No.  XII.) 

Philadelphia,  March  29,  1796. 

[Extract.] 

Dear  Sir, — The  committee,  3^estcrday,  reported  the  land-office  bill,  con. 

formably  to  the  alterations  and  amendments  made  in  committee  of  the  whole 

house  ;  it  is  ordered  to  be  printed,  and  when  put  into  our  hands  a  copy  shall 

be  sent — my  opinion  is  that  the  bill  will  pass.     On  what  terms  are  the  400 

w ts  offered  you,  on  a  credit  of  six  and  twelve  months  ?     Not  so  large 

can  be  had  here  on  any  terms;  but  I  should  wish  to  compare   it  first  wilh 


■      OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  157 

The  political  character  of  Harper  is  well  known  ;  and 
probably  we  shall  have  his  secret  history,  when,  like  Alexan- 
der Hamilton,  he  will  be  obliged  to  give  to  the  world  his  amo- 

the  offers  in  this  place.  In  respect  to  the  English  treaty,  it  is  my  opinion 
that  every  question  relating  to  it,  in  every  shape,  will  have  an  unfavourable 
aspect  towards  it,  except  the  last  and  most  important  one,  viz.  that  of  making 
appropriations,  upon  which  occasion,  I  am  inclined  to  believe,  there  will  be 
a  majority  for  carrying  it  into  effect.  I  request  you,  however,  not  to  men- 
tion my  name  as  an  authority  for  it,  on  account  of  my  situation. 

Yours  with  esteem, 
F.  Childs,  Esq.  JONA.  DAYTON. 

(No.  XIII.) 

Philadelphia,  April  6,  1796. 
[Extract.] 
Dear,  Sir, — I  am  pleased  that  you  have  made  the  arrangements  which 
you  mention,  respecting  the  sum  of  5000  dollars,  which  remains  on  account 

of  the  w .     The  w you  mention  cannot,  in  my  opinion,  but  prove 

a  good  bargain  at  55,  on  a  credit  of  6  months ;  you  are,  however,  as  capa- 
ble of  judging  as  myself.  I  have  made  an  offer  for  200  here  myself,  at 
nearly  the  same  rate.  We  are  discussing  the  land-office  bill,  which  will 
undoubtedly  pass,  great  progress  having  been  made  in  it  yesterday. 

Yours  with  esteem, 
F.  Childs,  Esq.  J.  DAYTON. 

(No.  XIV.)  * 

Philadelphia,  April  19,  1796. 
Dear  Sir, — I  have  received  yours  of  the  15th.  There  were  many  rea- 
sons which  induced  a  wish  that  you  would  become  equally  concerned  with 
Mr.  Lawrence  and  myself,  in  the  house  about  to  be  formed  and  established 
in  New  York — it  was  therefore  with  pleasure  I  read  your  det'  r  ^nation. 
In  answer  to  your  inquiries  respecting  the  English  treaty,  I  assure  you  that 
I  entertain  an  opinion  different  from  the  leaders  of  both  parties — they  think 
that  a  majority  will  refuse  appropriations ;  I  do  not  think  so,  although  it  is 
highly  probable  that  such  will  be  the  first  vote  and  decision.  As  in  military 
so  in  political  contests,  an  unsteadiness  or  wavering  in  the  ranks  on  one 
side  always  augurs  an  unfavourable  issue  to  the  party  where  it  is  perceived, 
and  rarely  fails  to  produce  flight,  dismay,  and  defeat :  such  symptoms  are 
perceptible  in  the  phalanx  of  the  opposers  of  appropriations,  and  I  own  I 
shall  be  egregiously  mistaken  if  (when  it  becomes  a  question  of  nerve)  a 
sufficient  number  do  not  tread  back  their  ground  to  occasion  a  result  very 
different  from  that  which  present  appearances  indicate.  They  calculate  upon 
the  number  you  mention,  viz.  57,  and  say  that  they  are  certain,  and  cannot 
be  diminished,  but  will  probably  be  increased ;  this  would,  on  account  of 
absentees,  make  a  majority  of  15  ;  too  large  a  number  to  be  easily  operated 
upon  ;  but  this  is  no  common  case.  The  section  in  the  land-office  bill  which 
provided  for  the  admission  of  military  warrants  in  a  certain  proportion,  in 
payments,  was,  upon  my  suggesting  that  it  would  be  more  favourable  and 
acceptable  to  the  army,  to  have  a  tract  equal  to  the  Wabash  tract,  appro- 
priated for  military  rights  near  the  Scioto,  struck  out.     There  did  not  ap- 

14 


158  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

rous  intrigues,  in  order  to  divert  public  attention  from  con- 
templating the  schemes  he  had  formed  for  enslaving  his  coun- 
try- 

pear  to  be  a  single  member  opposed  to  give  such  a  tract  in  lieu  of  the  other 
plan,  and  the  bill  for  locating  military  warrants  will  be  so  amended.  The 
disadvantages  of  the  original  plan  were,  that  warrants  could  only  be  intro- 
duced in  proportion  as  the  land  sold,  for  two  dollars  and  upwards,  and  it 
could  not  be  expected  that  in  this  way,  more  than  one  thousand  warrants 
would  be  absorbed  in  any  one  year ;  as  600,0000  acres  was  the  largest 
quantity  calculated  to  be  sold  annually  at  those  prices,  and  the  sixth  part 
thereof  would  require  1000  warrants  or  100,000  acres.  On  the  other  plan, 
the  whole  number  which  any  man  possesses  may  be  located  and  realized  in 
twelve  months,  and  that  on  lands  good  and  well  situated.  The  prospect  of 
their  rising  in  value  is,  in  my  opinion,  fairer  tlian  it  ever  was,  and  I  have  since 
the  sale  made  by  you,  purchased  nearly  100  for  cash,  200  on  a  year's  credit 
with  legal  interest,  and  expect  to  get  2  or  300  more.  What  is  their  price 
with  yon,  on  a  year's  credit,  with  or  without  legal  interest  ?  Can  any  and 
what  number  be  had  upon  a  sudden  demand  and  occasion  ?  The  contents 
of  this  letter  are  of  such  a  nature  as  render  it  improper  to  be  seen  by  any 
except  yourself;  burn  it  therefore,  when  you  have  perused  it,  and  believe  me 

Sincerely  yours. 

(No,  XV.) 

Philadelphia,  April  19,  1796. 
Dear  Sir, — I  have  received  yours  of  yesterday.  The  alarm  which  you 
mention  to  prevail  in  the  city  of  New  York,  will  be  productive  of  good  ra- 
ther than  evil,  although  I  am  far  from  believing  that  the  present  state  of 
things  warrants  it.  The  shock  which  private  credit  is  receiving,  and  the 
fall  of  produce,  as  well  as  tlie  stagnation  of  commerce,  even  though  it  be 
temporary,  are  serious  evils.  Cannot  the  friends  of  Livingston,  Havens, 
Hathorn,  Van  Cortlandt,  and  Baylcy,  be  induced  to  remonstrate  seriously 
with  them,  against  their  opposition  to  making  the  proper  provision  for  car- 
rying the  treaty  into  effect.  Request  Mr.  Childs  to  make  the  attempt.  He 
or  his  friends  must  know  who  have  the  greatest  influence  with  those  gen- 
tlemen, and  they  will,  I  am  sure,  respect  nmch  more  the  advice  of  their 
friends  and  supporters,  immediately  addressed  to  them  personally,  than  that 
of  a  petition  directed  to  the  House  of  Representatives.  But  I  do  not  mean 
to  discourage  the  latter  mode  of  declaring  your  sentiments ;  but  I  recom- 
mend the  sending  persons  even  into  tlie  districts  of  the  members  I  have 
mentioned,  in  order  to  engage  influential  men  to  be  active.  There  will  be 
time  to  do  this,  for  the  discussions  will  probably  be  very  lengthy — or  if  they 
are  not,  the  first  vote  will  not  be  so  conclusive  but  that  we  may  change, 
whenever  a  few  will  come  over  from  the  first  majority.  That  majority  is 
diminishing — three  from  Maryland  and  the  one  from  Jersey  who  voted  for 
Livingston's  resolutions  will  now  vote  for  carrying  the  treaty  into  effect ;  two 
New  York  members,  and  two  or  three  are  wavering,  but  are  inclined 
to  the  Virginia  side,  if  the  stir  that  is  making  does  not  shake  their  nerves. 
Tell  Mr.  Childs  they  must  be  active,  and  appoint  respectable  committees  to 
correspond  in  all  directions,  excepting  south  of  the  Potomac.  Keep  up, 
for  a  time,  the  spirit  that  is  now  fermenting,  and  all  will  yet  be  well.  My 
opinion  is,  that  your  arrangements  and  establishment  in  New  York  sljould 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  159 

The  characters  of  Pinckney  and  Rutledge  I  reserve  until  I 
treat  of  the  election  of  Mr.  Jefferson  in  South-Carolina. 

go  forward,  for  I  cannot  persuade  myself  that  a  majority  will  persist  in 
their  opposition,  or  that  if  they  do,  the  consequences  will  be  so  important  as 
are  apprehended.  This  is  intended  for  you  and  Mr.  Childs  only,  as  I  would 
not  say  anything  which  would  tend  to  relax  the  laudable  exertions  which 
are  about  to  be  made.  The  purchase  you  hint  at,  may,  I  believe,  be  made 
advantageously,  if  you  can  hit  upon  the  price  when  it  is  at  its  lowest. 
Should  you  be  very  much  pressed  for  money,  I  can  accommodate  you  here 
for  a  number  of  days,  and  until  you  are  more  in  cash,  with  the  750  dollars. 

Yours  with  esteem, 

JONA.  DAYTON. 


(No.  XVI.) 

Philadelphia,  May  I3th,  1796. 

Dear  Sir, — Yours  of  yesterday  is  received.  The  three  thousand  dollars 
which  I  asked  to  be  remitted  from  Mr.  Denning  before  the  adjournments,  will 
not  probably  be  wanted  before  the  24th  or  25th,  as  our  session  will  necessa- 
rily be  prolonged  a  few  days  beyond  the  time  contemplated.  I  will  join  you 
in  the  purchase  of  the  four  hundred  and  sixty-two  w.  and  am  willing  that 
Mr.  Lawrence  should  be  concerned  also,  if  he  wishes  it.  Inquire,  when 
you  go  to  the  city  next  week,  whether  any  other  considerable  quantity  may 
be  had,  and  on  what  terms,  and  give  me  immediate  information,  and  at  the 
same  time,  where  you  will  be  on  each  day  next  week,  whether  in  E.  Town 
or  N.  York.  I  have  sometimes  thought  it  might  be  advisable  to  form  a 
company  to  purchase  all  the  floating  w.,  and  afterwards  locate  tliem  ;  but 
some  inconvenience  would  attend  such  a  partnership,  which  rather  deters 

me  from  it.     Who  are  these  in  the  city  that  are  purchasing  w with 

an  intention  to  hold  and  locate  them  ?  I  will  write  by  to-morrow's  mail  and 
*end  you  the  last  report  of  the  land-otfice  committee. — Yours, 

JONA.  DAYTON. 

P.  S.  Deliver  the  enclosed  Register  to  Mr.  Lawrence,  who  will  probably 
be  at  home  on  Sunday. 

F.   CiuLDS,  Esq. 

[Mr.  Dayton  has  since  withdrawn  his  suit,  after  paying  the  costs ;  which 
is  an  evident  proof  of  the  justice  of  the  answers  of  Mr.  Marston  and  Mr. 
Childs,  and  the  injustice  of  his  own  complaint.] 


160  THE    ADMINISTRATION 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Observations  U2)0?i  the  Alien  and  Sedition  Bills — Arrestment 
of  Dr.  Smith  and  Mr.  Burk — Origin  of  Dr.  Smithes 
acquaintance  with  Mr.  Adams — Trial  of  Colonel  Mathew 
Lyon — Barbarous  treatment  toivards  French  Prisoners — 
Case  of  Joseph  Ball  and  others. 

The  alien  and  sedition  bills  were  acts,  for  the  passing  of 
which  Mr.  Adams  deserves  to  be  dragged  and  impeached 
before  the  bar  of  the  Senate  ;  nor  will  Congress  perform  their 
duty  to  the  people,  if  they  sutfer  such  an  infringment  of  their 
rights  to  pass  unnoticed.  The  rebellion  of  Fries,  or  the  out- 
rages committed  by  the  Western  mob,  were  not  such  flagrant 
violations  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  as  those 
unwarrantable  deeds.  I  do  not  mean  to  perplex  the  reader 
with  a  tedious  argument  upon  a  subject  which  has  already 
been  so  fully  discussed ;  divine  inspiration  itself,  could  hardly 
throw  a  new  light  upon  it. 

The  9th  Sect,  of  Art.  1,  of  the  Constitution,  proves,  in  a 
sufficient  manner,  the  illegality  of  the  alien  bill.  "  The  mi- 
gration or  importation,"  says  that  clause,  "  of  such  p«^rsons 
as  any  of  the  States  now  existing,  shall  think  proper  to  ad- 
mit, shallnot  be  prohibited  by  the  Congress  prior  to  the  year 
one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  eight ;  but  a  tax  or  duty  may 
be  imposed  on  such  importation,  not  exceeding  ten  dollars  for 
each  person."  Judge  Iredell  wished  to  persuade  the  grand 
jury  of  Pennsylvania,  upon  the  trial  of  Fries,  that  this  clause 
was  only  intended  for  blacks  ;  but  even  allowing  his  idea  to 
be  just,  the  alien  bill  contained  no  exception  in  favour  of  ne- 
groes more  than  whites.  Aliens  of  every  description,  Euro- 
peans, Chinese,  and  Africans  were,  by  this  bill,  left  at  the 
mercy  of  the  President,  either  to  be  buried  in  a  dungeon  or 
sent  to  starve  on  some  inhospitable  shore.  Neither  time  nor 
money  was  allowed  the  unfortunate  stranger  who  had  incurred 
the  displeasure  of  Mr.  Adams,  to  enable  him  to  return  to  his 
native  country  ;  he  had  only  one  alternative,  either  to  rot  in 
jail  or  embark  upon  the  ocean,  perhaps  without  a  farthing  in 
his  pocket. 

It  is  amazing  with  what  effrontery  Judge  Iredell  laboured 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  161 

to  explain  away  the  above  clause.  "  It  is  believed,"  says  he, 
"  that  it  was  never  suggested  in  any  other  country,  that 
aliens  had  a  right  to  go  into  a  foreign  country,  and  stay  at 
their  will  and  pleasure,  without  any  leave  from  the  govern- 
ment." Supposing  this  to  be  the  case,  the  laws  of  other  na- 
tions could  not  supersede  and  do  away  an  express  article  in 
our  Constitution,  which  allowed  the  importation  of  aliens  for 
a  specified  time.  America,  however,  is  not  the  only  country 
which  held  out  this  protection  for  foreigners — in  Great  Bri- 
tain, before  the  alien  bill  passed,  they  enjoyed  the  same  privi- 
lege of  residence  as  citizens. 

Respecting  the  sedition  act,  it  is  entirely  incompatible  with 
the  following;  amendment  to  the  Constitution :  "  Congress 
shall  make  no  law  respecting  an  establishment  of  religion,  or 
prohibiting  the  full  exercise  thereof,  or  abridging  the  freedom 
of  speech,  or  of  the  press,  or  the  right  of  the  people  peace- 
ably to  assemble,  and  to  petition  the  government  for  a  redress 
of  grievances." 

Judge  IredelFs  sole  defence  of  this  bill  rests  upon  the  sup- 
position, that  it  was  not  intended  to  affect  the  hberty  of  the 
press,  and  he  is  forced  to  acknowledge,  that  the  above  clause 
in  the  sedition  act,  renders  void  any  law  which  Vt'ould  have 
that  tendency.  But  it  is  no  difficult  matter  to  prove,  not- 
withstanding the  ingenious  subtlety  of  the  judge's  argument, 
that  the  sedition  law  struck  directly  at  the  vitals  of  that  in- 
estimable right. — It  imposed  a  fine  of  two  thousand  dollars, 
upon  every  person  who  should  write  or  publish,  or  cause 
to  be  written  or  published,  a  libel  against  the  government  of 
the  United  States,  or  either  House  of  Congress,  or  against 
the  President ;  and  by  ihe  trials  which  took  place,  it  may  be 
seen,  that  any  publication  which  did  not  approve  of  the  mea- 
sures of  government,  and  the  conduct  of  the  Executive,  was 
construed  into  a  libel.  The  prosecutions  of  Lyon  and  Cal- 
lender,  of  Cooper  and  Holt,  are  the  best  commentary  upon 
the  sedition  law.  The  names  of  these  gentlemen  will  be  quo- 
ted in  support  of  the  liberty  of  the  press,  and  of  the  tyranny 
of  Mr.  Adams,  when  the  laboured  arguments  of  Paterson  and 
Peters,  of  Iredell,*  Addison,  and  Chase,  are  no  longer  remem- 
bered .f 

*  Judge  Iredell  died  a  few  moaths  after  the  trial  of  Fries, 
t  The  Essay  of  Hortensius,  and  Mr.  Wharton's  Treatise  on  Political  In- 
quiry, may  be  consulted  with  considerable  profit  on  this  subject. 

14* 


162  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

Dr.  James  Smith  and  Mr.  Burk,  of  New- York,  the  former 
a  citizen  and  the  latter  an  alien,  were  among  the  first  who 
were  arrested  upon  the  sedition  act.  They  were  the  editors 
of  a  newspaper  called  the  Time-Piece,  and  had  inserted  a  para- 
graph which  did  not  meet  with  the  approbation  of  the  Presi- 
dent. An  antipathy  of  a  long  standing  had  existed  between 
Mr.  Adams  and  the  Doctor.  Smith  is  a  native  of  America  ; 
he  went  to  Britain  before  the  declaration  of  our  independence, 
and  afterwards  passed  over  to  France.  There  he  got  ac- 
quainted with  Mr.  Adams  when  at  Paris,  in  the  year  1777. 
But  these  two  politicians  did  not  long  agree — the  open  re- 
publicanism of  the  Doctor  could  not  accord  with  the  sly  and 
Jesuitical  policy  of  the  American  negotiator  ;  they  were  also 
rivals  in  other  pursuits.  The  city  of  Paris  is  the  grand  thea- 
tre for  amusing  sport  and  amorous  intrigue.  Both  Mr, 
Adams  and  Doctor  Smith  were  desirous  of  exhibiting  their 
youthful  tal'ents,  and  of  displaying  to  the  metropolis  of  Eu- 
ropean fashion,  the  gallantry  of  the  new  world.  In  these 
respects  Dr.  Smith  had  infinitely  the  advantage  ;  his  lively 
wit  and  jeu-d'esprit  were  more  acceptable  to  the  Parisian 
ladies  than  the  dull  and  phlegmatic-  humour  of  Mr.  Adams, 
This  circumstance,  joined  to  a  difference  in  political  opinion, 
created  an  irreparable  breach  between  them,  which  was  not 
forgot  by  the  one  when  raised  to  the  elevated  station  of  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States,  or  by  the  other  in  the  more  humble 
capacity  of  a  newspaper  editor.  When  Mr.  Adams  heard  of 
the  Doctor's  intention  to  return  to  his  native  country,  at  the 
commencement  of  the  present  war,  he  exhibited  signs  of  dis- 
pleasure and  uneasiness  ;  probably  he  dreaded  that  some  of 
the  frohcs  in  which  he  acted  the  part  of  a  lifeless  Punch  at 
the  palace  of  Vergennes,  would  be  brought  to  light;  and  that 
Americans  would  hear  with  surprise,  that  instead  of  a  diplo- 
matic character,  they  had  sent  a  buffoon  to  the  Court  of 
Versailles. 

Whether  from  American  or  British  influence,  certain  it  is, 
that  Doctor  Smith  could,  "with  the  greatest  difficulty  procure 
an  American  captain  to  carry  him  to  New-York,  and  even 
after  he  had  engaged  with  one,  the  vessel,  either  by  accident 
or  design,  run  aground  upon  the  English  coast,  and  notice 
was  sent  to  the  British  ministry  and  the  American  ambassa- 
dor that  Smith  was  on  board ;  but  no  public  steps  for  his  de- 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  163 

tention  being  taken,  he  was  allowed  to  proceed  for  his  native 
country. 

Burk  knowing,  as  he  was  an  alien,  that  he  would  not  only 
receive  the  punishment  which  a  federal  court  would  gener- 
ously bestow,  but  be  afterwards  compelled  to  leave  the  United 
States,  thought  it  most  prudent  to  take  himself  off  without 
waiting  for  the  issue  of  a  trial.  The  Time-Piece  was,  in 
consequence,  dropped,  and  this  being  the  point  which  Mr. 
Adams  wished  to  accomplish,  the  trial  of  Dr.  Smith  was 
never  brought  forward. 

Although  the  sedition  law  had  now  for  some  time  been 
employed  in  holding  the  citizens  in  subjection,  and  preventing 
them  from  a  mutual  communication  of  their  griefs  and  inju- 
ries, yet  it  was  never  supposed,  that  Mr.  Adams  would  ven- 
ture to  extend  the  same  scourge  of  power  to  the  Representa- 
tives of  the  people.  This  was  a  step  for  wdiich  he  could 
borrow  no  precedent  even  from  England,  the  government  of 
which  he  so  much  admired — he  was  also  conscious  of  the 
danger  of  the  attempt,  and  proba-bly  would  never  have  tried 
the  experiment,  had  it  not  been  for  the  urgent  entreaties  of  his 
secretaries,  Timothy  Pickering  and  Oliver  Wolcott.  These 
active  inquisitors  entertained  an  implacable  aversion  towards 
Colonel  Mathew  Lyon.  They  dreaded  the  open  honesty  of 
his  tongue,  and  the  rough  though  just  censure  of  his  pen. 
They  knew  while  this  patriot  was  at  large,  it  would  be  im- 
possible to  cancel  truth  and  lull  into  lethargy  the  citizens 
of  Vermont  and  the  Eastern  states.  But  were  he  deprived 
of  the  use  of  his  literary  arms,  even  for  a  few  months,  they 
had  hopes  that  in  this  time,  they  might  draw  the  chains  of 
slavery  so  far  over  his  unhappy  countrymen,  as  afterwards 
to  defy  both  the  force  of  patriotism  and  the  love  of  liberty 
to  remove. 

The  loss  of  no  occurrence  in  the  judiciary  courts  of 
America,  ought  so  much  to  be  regretted  as  an  accurate  state- 
ment of  his  trial.  The  rigid  discipline  practised  in  the  Fede- 
ral court,  in  which  Judge  Paterson  presided,  prevented  even 
the  printer  of  the  Vergennes  Gazette  from  taking  notes. 
The  miserable  account,  therefore,  printed  in  most  of  the  public 
papers,  was  the  production  of  one  of  Lyon's  jury,  whose 
name,  like  that  of  the  traitor  Arnold,  must  fill  every  honest 
mind  with  indignation  and  scorn. 


.164  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

Thus  circumstanced,  it  is  only  practicable  to  relate  the 
leading  occurrences  that  took  place  on  that  occasion  : 

On  Friday,  the  5th  of  October,  1798,  the  grand  jury  of 
Vergennes  brought  into  court  an  indictment  containing  three 
counts  against  Colonel  Mathew  Lyon,  Representative  for 
Vermont.  The  first  of  which  charged  Mr.  Lyon,  with  wri- 
ting a  letter  to  Mr.  Spooner,  printer  of  the  Windsor  paper, 
published  on  the  31st  of  July  last,  containing  artful  and 
indirect  accusations  against  the  President  of  the  United 
States  ;  importing  corruption  in  his  appointment  of  men  to 
office,  displacing  and  "  rejecting  men  of  age,  experience,  wis- 
dom, and  independency  of  sentiment,"  and  insinuating  that  he 
is  devoted  to  a  fondness  for  "  ridiculous  pomp,  idle  parade, 
and  selfish  avarice."  The  second  and  third  counts  were  for 
uttering,  publishing,  and  printing,  of  certain  parts  of  a  letter, 
said  to  be  from  an  American  diplomatic  character  in  France, 
(commonly  called  the  Barlow  letter)  "  abusing,  in  a  most 
virulent  manner,  the  President  and  Senate  of  the  United 
States  ;  and  particularly  for  their  conduct  towards  France." 

The  indictment  contained  inuendoes  in  common  form,  and 
averments  of  the  "intention  of  the  defendant  to  stir  up  sedi- 
tion, and  to  bring  the  President  and  government  of  the  United 
States  into  contempt,  &c." 

Mr.  Lyon  was  apprehended  and  brought  before  the  court 
on  Saturday  morning,  put  to  plead,  and  desired  to  name  his 
counsel.  He  pleaded  not  guilty,  and  informed  the  court  thai 
he  had  sent  to  Bennington  for  Jonathan  Robinson,  and  David 
Fay,  Esqrs.  to  be  his  counsel,  but  that  he  did  not  expect  them 
until  Monday — he  was,  therefore,  admitted  to  bail,  and  the 
court  put  the  cause  over  to  Monday.  Accordingly,  on  that 
day  at  11  o'clock,  Mr.  Lyon  was  called  ;  he  observed  that 
his  counsel  had  not  arrived,  and  requested  a  postponement : 
the  court  adjourned  to  11  o'clock  ;  he  again  requested  a  post- 
ponement, and  the  court,  after  some  hesitation,  adjourned  to 
12  o'clock. 

At  12  the  court  opened,  and  Mr.  Lyon  informed  the  court 
that  he  chose  to  proceed  to  trial,  although  his  counsel  from 
Bennington  had  not  arrived.  He  sent  for  Judge  Israel  Smith 
to  advocate  his  cause,  who  declined  being  particularly  assigned 
as  counsel,  but  at  Mr.  Lyon's  desire  he  sat  by  him  during  the 
trial  and  advised. 

After  a  statement  of  the  case  by  Charles  Marsh,  the  attor- 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  165 

ney  of  the  United  States,  Mr.  Lyon  entered  upon  his  defence. 
He  began  by  observing,  1st,  That  the  court  had  no  jurisdiction 
of  the  cause,  for  that  the  law  of  Congress  was  unconstitutional 
and  void.  2d,  That  the  publications  were  innocent ;  and  3d, 
That  the  contents  were  true.  This  he  said  he  would  prove  by 
Judge  Paterson,  and  his  friend  Judge  Smith.  He  accordingly 
asked  Judge  Paterson  if  he  had  not  frequently  dined  with  the 
President,  and  observed  his  ridiculous  pomp  and  parade  :  The 
latter  shook  his  head,  smacked  his  lips,  and  recalled  to  his 
memory  the  convivial  debauch.  "Mr.  Lyon,"  says  he,  "I 
have  sometimes  dined  with  the  President,  but  in  place  of  pomp 
and  parade,  have  seen  a  great  deal  of  hospitality  without 
much  ceremony."  Mr.  Lyon  then  inquired  whether  he  did 
not  see  more  pomp  and  servants  there  than  at  the  tavern 
where  he  lodged  at  Rutland.  The  judge,  conscious  that 
there  was  some  difference  between  the  table  of  Braintree,  and 
the  humble  fare  of  a  country  tavern,  with  the  privilege  of 
half  a  bed,  made  no  reply,  but  smoked  a  segar.  Judge  Smith 
was  not  examined  ;  and  Mr.  Lyon  proceeded  to  read  several 
parts  of  the  publications  complained  of,  upon  which  he  made 
several  pertinent,  and  judicious  remarks.  The  cause  was 
then  argued  by  Mr.  Marsh,  on  the  part  of  the  United  States, 
and  by  Mr.  Lyon  for  himself. 

The  charge  of  judge  Paterson  was  neither  candid  nor  per- 
spicuous, but  abounded  in  sophistry :  if  it  had  been  preserved 
it  would  afford  an  illustrious  specimen  of  federal  talents,  and 
federal  rectitude. 

The  jury  retired  at  8  o'clock  in  the  evening,  and  brought 
in  their  verdict  of  guilty  about  9. 

The  court  called  on  the  prisoner  to  show  cause  wherefore 
judgment  should  not  be  pronounced  against  him;  also  to  give 
any  information  he  pleased  that  might  serve  to  reduce  the  fine. 
Mr.  Lyon  requested  time  until  the  next  morning,  which  the 
court  accordingly  granted. 

On  Tuesday,  when  the  court  met,  he  informed  them,  "  that 
he  very  lately  possessed  property  which  he  estimated  at 
twenty  thousand  dollars,  and  had  conveyed  it  to  certain  per- 
sons who  were  bound  for  his  debts,  amounting  to  about  sixteen 
hundred  dollars — he  did  not  know  that  he  could  command  two 
hundred  dollars  by  his  property,  but  he  confessed  he  was 
worth  more  than  any  sura  it  was  in  the  power  of  the  court  to 
impose  on  him  as  a  fine." 


166  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

He  also  complained  "  that  the  juries  were  packed,  and 
brought  from  towns  which  were  known  to  be  inimical  to  him, 
for  the  purpose  of  crushing  him ;  that  he  was  hurried  on  to 
trial,  and  therefore  was  not  prepared." 

Judge  Paterson,  after  commenting  upon  the  heinous  crime 
of  attempting  to  ridicule  the  President,  passed  sentence  on  him 
in  the  following  words  : — 

"  Mathew  Lyon,  it  is  the  pleasure  of  this  court  that  you 
be  imprisoned  four  months,  pay  costs,  and  a  fine  of  one  thou- 
sand dollars,  and  stand  committed  until  the  judgment  be  com- 
plied with." 

Colonel  Lyon  was  then  conducted  out  of  court,  and  thrown 
into  a  dungeon  six  feet  square,  where  he  was  left  to  starve 
during  a  rigorous  winter.  The  character  of  this  patriot  can- 
not be  better  described  than  in  the  words  of  Dr.  Graham,  in 
his  sketch  of  Vermont : 

"  Fairhaven  joins  on  Skeensborough,  and  is  the  most  flour- 
ishing town  in  the  state  ;  it  owes  its  consequence  to  its  founder. 
Colonel  Lyon,  whose  enterprise  and  perseverance  in  carrying 
on  manufactories,  has  been  of  infinite  utility  to  the  public,  to 
the  gratitude  of  which  he  has  the  strongest  claims.  He  has 
erected  a  furnace  for  casting  all  kinds  of  hollow  iron  ware,  and 
two  forges,  a  slitting-mill  for  the  making  of  nail  rods,  a  paper- 
mill,  a  printing-press,  and  corn  and  saw-mills. — It  is  a  curious 
fact,  that  Colonel  Lyon  has  executed  a  good  deal  of  printing 
at  his  office,  on  paper  manufactured  by  himself,  of  the  bark  of 
the  bass-wood  tree,  and  which  is  found  to  answer  every  pur- 
pose for  common  printing.  He  has  held  some  of  the  first  offi- 
ces in  the  state,  and  no  man  in  it  can  be  more  qualified  to  do 
so,  as  his  knowledge  of  the  finances,  and  situation  of  the 
country  is  scarcely  to  be  equalled  ;  nor  does  his  integrity  ever 
suffer  him  to  lose  sight  of  the  real  good  of  the  people — his 
friendship  and  generosity  are  as  great  as  his  ambition — his 
passions,  and  all  his  pursuits  flow  from  the  noblest  feelings  of 
the  heart ;  they  are  all  exerted  for  the  benefit  of  mankind, 
and  not  only  endear  him  to  my  esteem,  but  secure  to  him  the 
respect  and  affection  of  all  those  who  are  happy  in  his  ac- 
quaintance, or  who  have  a  knowledge  of  his  character. 

The  cruelty  of  Jacobinism  has  been  compared  to  the  hor- 
rors of  the  Jersey  prison-ship;  but  the  barbarity  of  either  will 
hardly  bear  a  comparison  with  the  federal  tortures  that  were 
practised  under  the  name  of  economy,  upon  the  crews  of  two 


OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  167 

French  vessels,  the  Sanspareil  and  the  Jaloux.  These  ships 
had  been  captured  by  some  of  Mr.  Adams's  armed  cruisers, 
and  the  men  confined  from  the  2()th  of  September  until  the  6th 
of  November,  1798,  in  the  small  prison  of  Newcastle.  The 
following  extract  from  a  letter  inserted  in  the  Aurora,  de- 
scribes their  treatment  and  their  situation  :  "  They  have  not 
been  allowed  a  basket  to  contain  the  provisions  which  private 
hinnanity  bestowed  upon  them  ;  a  single  pot  serves  for  every 
species  of  vessel  for  sixty  men :  locked  up  at  night,  they  are 
under  the  necessity  of  making  use  of  their  hats,  their  shoes, 
their  handkerchiefs  and  their  shirts,  to  contain  those  excre- 
tions from  which  nature  has  not  exempted  an  individual  of  the 
animal  creation.  They  have  been  without  a  separate  apart- 
ment for  the  sick,  nor  have  they  been  granted  the  most  trifling 
utensil  to  prepare  or  administer  to  the  sick,  the  few  medicines 
which  they  have  left.  They  are  totally  destitute  of  warm 
clothing,  and  the  naked  floor  of  the  room,  often  wet,  is  the 
place  where  they  may  repose  during  the  night.  Men  not  long 
from  a  tropical  climate,  men  long  estranged  from  the  rigours 
of  a  northern  winter,  may,  without  being  deemed  unreasona- 
ble, call  this  treatment  cruel. 

"  Two  of  their  number  have  literally  perished  since  their 
confinement  in  the  prison.  One  died  through  want,  it  not  be- 
ing in  the  power  of  his  companions  to  administer  medicines; 
and  the  other  fell  a  victim  to  the  severity  of  the  cold.  Two 
others  must  have  paid  the  last  debt  to  nature  had  it  not  been 
for  the  humane  attention  of  the  inhabitants  of  Newcastle,  to 
whom  they  owe  their  protracted  existence.  These  acts  of 
humanity  were  attributed  by  a  pettifogger  of  the  same  place, 
to  some  lurking  remains  of  friendship  for  the  French  ;  but  his 
wickedness  was  of  no  avail."  The  letter  adds,  that  the  peo- 
ple of  Newcastle  supplied  them  with  clothes,  without  which, 
they  say,  that  many  of  them  must  have  perished.  On  the 
day  the  letter  was  wrote,  they  were,  for  the  first  time,  visited 
by  Mr.  Robert  Hamilton,  Commissary  of  Prisoners ;  they 
complained  to  him,  but  were  answered,  "  that  government  al- 
lowed nothing,  and  if  they  had  no  friends  they  might  perish." 

Whatever  barbarities  may  have  been  committed  by  the 
French  upon  their  prisoners,  the  following  fact  ought  to  make 
Americans  blush :  A  cartel  in  the  end  of  1798,  was  sent 
from  this  country  to  Bourdeaux  with  seventy  French  prison- 
ers.    They  were  shut  up  in  a  small  steerage,  with  hardly 


168  THE  ADMINISTRATION 

water  and  meat  for  six  men.  Twelve  died  of  hunger  during 
the  passage,  six  after  being  landed,  and  the  others  were  so 
sick  and  so  much  enfeebled  that  little  hopes  were  entertained  of 
their  recovery. 

I  only  mention  these  circumstances  with  the  view  of  show- 
ing the  danger  of  vesting  an  unlimited  confidence  in  the 
officers  of  government.  The  best  men  and  the  warmest  pa- 
triots ought  to  be  watched  with  a  jealous  eye.  Wealth  and 
power  render  callous  the  most  tender  passions,  and  shade 
with  a  mantle  of  vice  the  brightest  virtues. 

Among  the  federal  frauds  committed  this  year,  the  case  of 
Joseph  Ball  deserves  particular  notice.  This  man,  with  seve- 
ral others,  were  holders  of  bills  of  credit,  issued  in  pursuance 
of  a  resolution  of  Congress,  dated  March  18th,  1780.  These 
bills  were  to  be  paid  out  of  the  funds  of  individual  states  ;  but 
as  credit  of  this  nature  was  not  sufficient  for  circulating  the 
paper,  Congress  passed  an  act  which  contains  the  following 
clause:  "that  the  said  new  bills,  issue  on  the  funds  of  indivi- 
dual states  for  that  purpose  established,  and  be  signed  by  per- 
sons appointed  by  them,  and  that  the  faith  of  the  United 
States  be  also  pledged  for  the  payment  of  the  said  bills,  in 
case  any  state,  on  whose  funds  they  shall  be  emitted,  should, 
by  the  events  of  war,  be  rendered  incapable  of  redeeming 
them." 

A  memorial  respecting  these  bills  was  presented  to  the  House 
of  Representatives  in  the  month  of  March,  1798,  by  Ball  and' 
others  concerned.  A  committee  was  appointed  to  examine 
their  claims.  This  committee,  in  their  report,  quotes  the 
above  clause,  and  then  adds  the  following  observations : 
*'  The  interest  accruing  on  them  (viz.  the  bills)  was  to  have 
been  paid  by  the  United  States  annually,  if  called  for,  in  bills 
of  exchange  on  Europe,  and  the  amount  charged  to  the  states 
respectively.  It  does  not  appear,  however,  that  any  such 
payments  were  made."  The  interest  was  several  times  called 
for,  but  never  paid  ;  so  that  in  the  beginning  Congress  broke 
their  bargain. 

The  report  then  remarks,  that  the  greater  part  of  those 
bills  had  been  redeemed  by  the  states  which  stood  indebted 
for  them,  and  adds,  that  "  the  bills  for  which  payment  is  now 
demanded,  are  chiefly  of  those  issued  by  the  states  of  New 
Hampshire,  Massachusetts,  and  Rhode  Island.  This  species 
of  paper  has  never  been  considered  as  forming  any  part  of  the 


OF    JOHN  ADAMS.  '  169 

debt  of  the  United  States ;  in  the  various  arrangements  which 
have  been  made  since  the  establishment  of  the  present  govern- 
ment relative  to  the  debt  of  the  United  States,  no  provision 
has  ever  been  made  for  those  bills."  This  appears  a  strange 
assertion,  for  the  endorsement  upon  each  of  them  stood  thus : 
"  The  United  States  insure  the  payment  of  the  within  bill, 
and  will  draw  bills  of  exchange  for  the  interest,  annually,  if 
demanded."  At  the  end  of  eighteen  years  this  interest  is  de- 
manded ;  and  the  committee  report,  that  the  endorsers  are  not 
obliged  to  pay  it  although  the  endorsement  is  not  denied. 

The  committee  next  observe,  that  on  January  16th,  1795, 
Mr.  Wolcott  reported  to  Congress  upon  these  bills,  which 
the  holders  had  lodged  for  payment  at  the  Treasury  office. 
The  total  amount  of  the  principal  sums  was  ninety  thousand 
five  hundred  and  seventy-five  dollars.  The  secretary's  plan 
of  redemption  I  shall  give  in  his  ovi'n  words,  viz.,  that  these 
bills  "  should  be  provided  for  by  taking  the  principal  sum  of 
them,  without  interest,  on  loan,  at  five  per  cent,  payable 
quarter-yearly,  redeemable  at  the  pleasure  of  the  United 
States,  and  payable  in  thirty  years. 

As  Mr.  Wolcott  admits  the  claim  was  just,  the  interest 
certainly  became  as  much  due  as  the  principal  sum.  At  the 
same  time  when  the  committee  made  their  report,  the  simple 
interest  amounted  to  near  the  original  sum.  In  1798,  the 
money  had  been  owing  for  eighteen  years,  and  the  bills  were 
to  bear  an  interest,  according  to  the  original  terms  of  agree- 
ment, at  five  per  cent.  The  interest,  therefore,  came  to 
eighty-one  thousand  five  hundred  and  nine  dollars  and  sixty 
cents — if  it  had  been  paid  annually,  as  in  justice  it  ought  to 
have  been,  it  would  have  amounted  vastly  higher  ;  for  the 
creditors  would  then  have  reaped  the  advantage  of  compound 
interest.  Supposing  this  to  have  been  the  case^  the  account 
will  stand  thus  : 

Dollars. 
Principal  sum  90,574 

Compound  Interest  for  fourteen  years  and  a  hundred 

and  five  days,  at  5  per  cent.  90,674 

Do.  Interest  for  the  next  four  years  about  41,200 

Total  sum,     222,148 
If  this  collective  sum   be  divided  into  five  equal  parts,  the 
interest  will  make  exactly  three  out  of  these  five  parts.     In 
15 


170  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

other  words,  if  Mr.  Wolcott's  plan  had  been  adopted,  the 
creditors  would  have  been  practically,  and  in  substance,  de- 
frauded cut  of  three-fifths  of  their  money.  They  w'ould  have 
been  just  in  the  situation  of  a  man  who  receives  a  bankrupt 
composition  of  eight  shillings  per  pound. 

Upon  this  scheme  of  the  secretary,  Mr.  Ball,  and  the  other 
bill-holders  would  have  made  a  most  pitiful  bargain.  It 
would  have  been  singular  in  any  other  man  but  Mr.  Wolcott 
to  have  proposed  such  a  heavy  reduction,  after  acknowledging 
in  the  strongest  and  fullest  terms,  the  justice  of  the  whole 
debt.  But  the  nefarious  inconsistencies  of  the  ci-devant  secre- 
tary of  the  treasury  are  notorious.  The  committee  then  pro- 
ceed thus :  "  Good  faith  demands  that  the  United  States 
should  supply  the  omissions  of  the  states  which  issued  the 
bills,  by  providing  themselves  at  the  least  for  the  interest  upon 
them  ;  but  it  is  not  easy  to  pronounce  on  what  terms  they 
ought  to  be  provided  for" — it  is  granted,  however,  by  the 
committee,  that  Congress  were  bound  to  provide  for  the  inter- 
est on  some  terms  or  other.  •'  It  is  a  well-known  fact,"  con- 
tinues the  report,  "  that  these  bills  sunk  in  the  same  vortex 
of  depreciation  with  the  old  continental  bills,  and  while  they 
continued  to  circulate,  were  generally  in  the  ratio  of  forty  of 
the  old  for  one  of  the  new. 

This  unfortunate  depreciation,  which  operated  upon  all  the 
paper-money  notes,  and  certificates,  issued  during  the  war, 
necessitated  the  United  States  to  adopt  principles  relative  to 
them,  which  cannot  apply  in  case  of  ordinary  contract.  The 
states,  individually,  have  assumed  similar  privileges,  and  in 
making  provision  for  the  bills  in  question,  in  some  instances 
have  considered  them  as  depreciated  currency.  The  commit- 
tee are  informed,  that  all  the  states  who  issued  bills  of  this 
description,  have  already  made  provision  for  their  redemption 
either  at  their  nominal  amount,  or  a  certain  ratio  of  deprecia- 
tion, except  the  state  of  Rhode  Island  ;  and  they  think,  it  is 
fairly  to  be  presumed,  that  the  states  have  made  as  liberal  a 
provision  as  the  nature  of  the  case  demanded.  The  United 
States  have  once  made  allowances  to  the  several  states,  in  set- 
tlements of  their  accounts  for  the  supplies  for  which  those  bills 
were  issued ;  should  they  make  any  further  provision,  they 
must  consider  the  several  states  as  indebted  to  them  for  the 
amount  of  such  provision. 

"  From  an  attentive  consideration  of  all  the  circumstances 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  171 

of  this  case,  which  the  committee  have  endeavored  fully  to 
examine  and  present  to  the  view  of  the  House,  they  are  of 
opinion,  that  it  wuil  not  be  expedient  for  Congress  to  make 
any  provision  for  the  payment  of  the  said  bills,  or  any  interest 
thereon  ;  they  therefore  recommend,  that  the  petitioners  re- 
spectfully have  leave  to  withdraw  their  petitions." 

The  House  of  Representatives  agreed  to  the  report,  and 
Ball  and  his  fellow  sufferers  were  obliged  to  submit  to  the 
fraud. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Meeting  of  Congress — Speech  of  the  President — Remarks 
— Impeachment  of  Blount — Gerry's  Dispatches — Story  of 
the  female  spy  and  her  tubs  of  seditious  papers — Jlcts 
passed  by  Congress. 

On  Monday  the  3d  of  December,  the  third  session  of  the 
fifth  Congress  commenced  ;  but  eight  members  being  absent 
from  the  Senate  of  the  number  necessary  to  form  a  quorum, 
the  President  did  not  meet  them  until  the  8th.  A  melancholy 
gloom  was  diffused  over  the  countenances  both  of  the  Senators 
and  the  Representatives.  They  had  assembled  at  the  close 
of  the  greatest  pestilence  America  had  yet  experienced,  and 
there  were  few  of  them  who  had  not  to  lament  the  loss  of 
some  particular  friend  or  acquaintance.  Even  the  President 
himself,  whose  feelings  are  not  the  most  tender,  seemed  deeply 
affected,  and  for  the  first  time,  appeared  to  sympathise  with 
the  sufferings  of  the  people.  This  temporary  compassion 
might,  however,  have  proceeded  from  a  different  cause. 
Amidst  the  flattering  compliments  of  Timothy  Pickering, 
Oliver  Wolcott,  and  a  train  of  fiederal  courtiers,  it  was  im- 
possible Mr.  Adams  could  disguise  from  himself,  that  he  had 
incurred  the  contempt  and  hatred  of  every  man  of  honesty 
and  virtue  in  the  United  States.  The  dungeon  in  which  the 
Vermont  patriot  was  starving,  must,  in  the  solitary  moments 
of  silent  reflection,  have  stared  him  in  the  face,  and  reminded 
him  of  the  fate  his  crimes  deserved.  The  just  apprehension 
of  a  guilty  conscience,  heightened,  perhaps,  by  the   calamity 


172  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

with  which  Ameiica  had  been  afflicted,  and  not  the  praise- 
worthy compassion  of  a  generous  mind,  was  most  probably 
the  cause  of  that  unusual  diflidence  and  appearance  of  sorrow 
which  he  exhibited  in  delivering  the  following  speech  : 

"  Gentlemen  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 

"  While  with  reverence  and  resignation  we  contemplate  the 
dispensations  of  Divine  Providence,  in  the  alarming  and  de- 
structive pestilence  with  which  several  of  our  cities  and  towns 
have  been  visited,  there  is  cause  for  gratitude  and  mutual 
congratulations  that  the  malady  has  disappeared,  and  that  we 
are  again  permitted  to  assemble  in  safety,  at  the  seat  of  go- 
vernment, for  the  discharge  of  our  important  duties — but 
when  we  reflect  that  this  fatal  disorder  has,  within  a  few 
years  made  repeated  ravages  in  some  of  our  principal  sea- 
ports, and  with  increased  malignancy ;  and  when  we  consider 
the  magnitude  of  the  evils  arising  from  the  interruption  of 
public  and  private  business,  whereby  the  national  interests  are 
deeply  affected,  I  think  it  my  duty  to  invite  the  legislature  of 
the  union  to  examine  the  expediency  of  establishing  suitable 
regulations  in  aid  of  the  health-laws  of  the  respective  states ; 
for  these  being  formed  on  the  idea,  that  contagious  sickness 
may  be  communicated  through  the  channels  of  commerce, 
there  seems  to  be  a  necessity  that  Congress,  who  alone  can 
regulate  trade,  should  frame  a  system,  which,  while  it  may 
tend  to  preserve  the  general  health,  may  be  compatible  with 
the  interests  of  commerce,  and  the  safety  of  the  revenue. 

"  While  we  think  on  this  calamity,  and  sympathise  with 
the  immediate  sufferers,  we  have  abundant  reason  to  present 
to  the  Supreme  Being,  our  annual  obligations  of  gratitude,  for 
a  liberal  participation  in  the  ordinary  blessings  of  his  provi- 
dence:  to  the  usual  subjects  of  gratitude  I  cannot  omit  to  add 
one  of  the  first  importance  to  our  well  being  and  safety — I 
mean  the  spirit  w-hich  has  arisen  in  our  country  against  the 
menaces  and  aggressions  of  a  foreign  nation.  A  manly  sense 
of  national  honour,  dignity,  and  independence  has  appeared, 
which,  if  encouraged  and  invigorated  by  every  branch  of  the 
government  will  enable  us  to  view,  undismayed,  the  enter- 
prises of  any  foreign  power,  and  become  the  sure  foundation 
of  national  property  and  glory. 

"The  course  of  the  transactions  in  relation  to  the  United 
States  and  France,  which  have  come  to  my  knowledge  during 


OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  173 

your  recess,  will  be  made  the  subject  of  a  future  communica- 
tion. That  communication  will  confirm  the  ultimate  failure 
of  the  measures  which  have  been  taken  by  the  government  of 
the  United  States,  towards  an  amicable  adjustment  of  differ- 
ences with  that  power.  You  will,  at  the  same  time,  perceive 
that  the  French  government  appears  solicitous  to  impress  the 
opinion,  that  it  is  averse  to  a  rupture  with  this  country,  and 
that  it  has  in  a  quaUfied  manner,  declared  itself  willing  to  re- 
ceive a  minister  from  the  United  States,  for  the  purpose  of  re- 
storing a  good  understanding.  It  is  unfortunate  for  profes- 
sions of  this  kind,  that  they  should  be  expressed  in  terms 
which  may  countenance  the  inadmissible  pretension  of  a  right, 
to  describe  the  qualifications  which  a  minister  from  the  United 
States  should  possess,  and  that  while  France  is  asserting  the 
existence  of  a  disposition  on  her  part  to  conciliate  with  since- 
rity the  differences  which  have  arisen,  the  sincerity  of  a  like 
disposition  on  the  part  of  the  United  States,  of  which  so  many 
demonstrative  proofs  have  been  given,  should  even  be  indi- 
rectly questioned.  It  is  also  worthy  of  observation,  that  the 
decree  of  the  Directory,  alleged  to  be  intended  to  restrain  the 
depredations  of  French  cruisers  on  our  commerce,  has  not  given, 
and  cannot  give  any  relief;  it  enjoins  them  to  conform  to  all 
the  laws  of  France,  relative  to  cruising  and  prizes,  while 
these  laws  are  themselves  the  sources  of  the  depredations  of 
which  we  have  so  long,  so  justly,  and  so  fruitlessly  complained. 

"  The  law  of  France,  enacted  in  January  last,  which  sub- 
jects to  capture  and  condemnation  neutral  vessels  and  their 
cargoes,  if  any  portion  of  the  latter  are  of  British  fabric  or 
produce,  although  the  entire  property  belong  to  neutrals,  in- 
stead of  being  rescinded,  has  lately  received  a  confirmation  by 
the  failure  of  the  proposition  for  its  repeal.  While  this  law, 
which  is  an  unequivocal  act  of  war  on  the  commerce  of  the 
nation  it  attacks,  continues  in  force,  those  nations  can  see  in 
the  French  government  only  a  power  regardless  of  their  essen- 
tial rights,  of  their  independence  and  sovereignty,  and  if  they 
possess  the  means,  they  can  reconcile  nothing  with  their  inte- 
rest and  honour  but  a  firm  resistance. 

"  Hitherto,  therefore,  nothing  is  discoverable  in  the  con- 
duct of  France,  which  ought  to  change  or  release  our  mea- 
sures of  defence ;  on  the  contrary,  to  extend  and  invigorate 
them,  is  our  true  policy.  We  have  no  reason  to  regret  that 
those  measures  have  been  thus  far  adopted  and  pursued,  and 
10  * 


174  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

in  proportion  as  we  enlarge  our  view  of  the  portentous  and 
incalculable  situation  of  Europe,  we  shall  discover  new  and 
cogent  motives  for  the  full  development  of  our  energies  and 
resources. 

"But  in  demonstrating  by  our  conduct,  that  w^e  do  not  fear 
war,  in  the  necessary  protection  of  our  rights  and  honour,  we 
shall  give  no  room  to  infer  that  we  abandon  the  desire  of 
peace.  An  efficient  preparation  for  war  can  alone  insure 
peace.  It  is  peace  that  we  have  uniformly  and  perseveringly 
cultivated  ;  and  harmony  between  us  and  France  may  be  re- 
stored at  her  option ;  but  to  send  another  minister,  without 
more  determinate  assurances  that  he  would  be  received,  would 
be  an  act  of  humiliation  to  which  the  United  States  ought  not 
to  submit ;  it  must  therefore  be  left  to  France,  if  she  is  indeed 
desirous  of  accommodation,  to  take  the  requisite  steps;  the 
United  States  will  readily  observe  the  maxims  by  which  they 
have  hitherto  been  governed  ;  they  will  respect  the  sacred 
rights  of  embassy ;  and  with  a  sincere  disposition  on  the  p.irt 
of  France,  to  desist  from  hostility,  to  make  reparation  for  the 
injuries  heretofore  inflicted  on  our  commerce,  and  to  do  justice 
in  future,  there  will  be  no  obstacles  to  the  restoration  of  a 
friendly  intercourse.  In  making  to  you  this  declaration,  I 
give  a  pledge  to  Fiance  and  to  the  world,  that  the  executive 
authority  of  this  country  still  adheres  to  the  humane  and 
pacific  policy  which  has  invariably  governed  its  proceedings, 
in  conformity  with  the  wishes  of  the  other  branches  of  the 
government  and  of  the  people  of  the  United  States.  But 
considering  the  late  manifestations  of  her  policy  towards  for- 
eign nations,  I  deem  it  a  duty  deliberately  and  solemnly  to 
declare  my  opinion,  that  whether  we  negotiate  with  her  or 
not,  vigorous  preparations  for  war  will  be  alike  indispensable. 
These  alone  will  give  us  an  equal  treaty,  and  insure  its  ob- 
servance. 

''  Among  the  measures  of  preparation  which  appear  expe- 
dient, I  take  the  liberty  to  recal  your  attention  to  the  naval 
establishment.  The  beneficial  effects  of  the  small  naval 
armament,  provided  under  the  acts  of  the  last  session,  are 
known  and  acknowledged  ;  perhaps  no  country  ever  experi- 
enced more  sudden  and  remarkable  advantages  from  any  mea- 
sure of  policy  than  we  have  derived  from  the  arming  for  our 
maritime  protection  and  defence.  We  ought,  without  loss  r.f 
time  to  lay  the  foundation  for  an  increase  of  our  navy,  to  a 


OF    JOHN   ADAMS.  175 

size  sufficient  to  guard  our  coasts  and  protect  our  trade. 
Svich  a  naval  force,  as  is  doubtless  in  the  power  of  the  United 
States  to  create  and  maintain,  would  also  afford  to  them  the 
best  means  of  general  defence,  by  facilitating  the  safe  trans- 
portation of  troops  and  stores  to  every  part  of  our  extensive 
coasts.  To  accomplish  this  important  object,  a  prudent  fore- 
sight requires  that  systematical  measures  be  adopted  for  pro- 
curing, at  all  times,  the  requisite  timber  and  other  supplies. 
In  what  manner  this  shall  be  done  I  leave  to  your  considera- 
tion. 

"  I  will  now  advert,  gentlemen,  to  some  matters  of  less  mo- 
ment, but  proper  to  be  communicated  to  the  national  legisla- 
ture. 

"  After  the  Spanish  garrisons  had  evacuated  the  posts 
which  they  occupied  at  the  Natchez  and  the  Walnut  Hills, 
the  Commissioner  of  the  United  States  commenced  his  ob- 
servations to  ascertain  the  point  near  the  Mississippi,  which 
terminated  the  northern-most  part  of  the  thirty-first  degree 
of  north  latitude.  From  thence  he  proceeded  to  run  the 
boundary  line  betweeen  the  United  States  and  Spain.  He 
was  afterwards  joined  by  the  Spanish  Commissioner,  when 
the  work  of  the  former  was  confirmed  ;  and  they  proceeded 
together  to  the  demarcation  of  the  lin?.  Recent  information 
renders  it  probable,  that  the  northern  Indians,  either  instiga- 
ted to  oppose  the  demarcation,  or  jealous  of  the  consequences 
of  suffering  white  people  to  run  a  line  over  lands  to  which 
the  Indian  title  had  not  been  extinguished,  have,  ere  this  time, 
stopped  the  progress  of  the  Commissioners — and  considering 
the  mischiefs  which  may  result  from  continuing  the  demarca- 
tion in  opposition  to  the  will  of  the  Indian  tribes,  the  great 
expense  attending  it,  and  that  the  boundaries  which  the  Com- 
missioners have  actually  established,  probably  extend  at  least 
as  far  as  the  Indian  title  has  been  extinguished,  it  will  per- 
haps, become  expedient  and  necessary  to  suspend  further  pro- 
ceedings, by  recalling  our  commissioner. 

"  The  commissioners  appointed  in  pursuance  of  the  fifth 
article  of  the  treaty  of  Amity,  Commerce,  and  Navigation 
between  the  United  States  and  his  Britannic  Majesty,  to  de- 
termine what  river  was  truly  intended  under  the  name  of  the 
river  St.  Croix,  mentioned  in  the  treaty  of  peace,  and  forming 
a  part  of  the  boundary  therein  described,  have  finally  decided 
that   question.     On    the   2oth  of  October,  they  made   their 


176  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

declaration,  that  a  river  called  Scoodiac,  which  falls  into  Passa- 
maquoddy  Bay,  at  its  north-western  quarter,  was  the  true  St. 
Croix  intended  in  the  treaty  of  peace,  as  far  as  its  great 
fork,  where  one  of  its  streams  comes  from  the  westward  and 
the  other  from  the  northward,  and  that  the  latter  stream  is 
the  continuation  of  the  St.  Croix  to  its  source.  This  decision, 
it  is  understood,  will  preclude  all  contention  among  individual 
claimants,  as  it  seems  that  the  Scoodiac,  and  its  northern 
branch,  bound  the  grants  of  land  which  have  been  made  by 
the  respective  adjoining  governments.  A  subordinate  ques- 
tion, however,  it  has  been  suggested,  still  remains  to  be  de- 
termined. Between  the  mouth  of  the  St.  Croix,  as  now  set- 
tled, and  what  is  usually  called  the  Bay  of  Fundy,  lie  a  num- 
ber of  valuable  islands.  The  commissioners  have  not  con- 
tinued the  boundary  line  through  any  channel  of  these  islands; 
and  unless  the  Bay  of  Passamaquoddy  be  a  part  of  the  Bay 
of  Fundy,  this  further  adjustment  of  boundary  will  be  neces- 
sary. But  it  is  apprehended  that  this  will  not  be  a  matter 
of  any  difficulty. 

"  Such  progress  has  been  made  in  the  examination  and  de- 
cision of  cases  of  capture  and  condemnation  of  American 
vessels,  which  were  the  subject  of  the  seventh  article  of  the 
treaty  of  Amity,  Commerce,  and  Navigation  between  the  Uni- 
ted States  and  Great  Britain,  that  it  is  supposed  the  commis- 
sioners will  be  able  to  brino-  their  business  to  a  conclusion  in 
August  of  the  ensuing  year. 

"  The  commissioners,  acting  under  the  21st  article  of  the 
treaty  between  the  United  States  and  Spain,  have  adjusted 
most  of  the  claims  of  our  citizens,  for  losses  sustained  in  con- 
sequence of  their  vessels  and  cargoes  having  been  taken  by 
the  subjects  of  his  Catholic  Majesty,  during  the  war  between 
France  and  Spain. 

"  Various  circumstances  have  occurred  to  delay  the  execu- 
tion of  the  law  for  augmenting  the  military  establishment ; 
among  these  the  desire  of  obtaining  the  fullest  information  to 
direct  the  best  selection  of  officers.  As  this  object  will  now 
be  speedily  accomplished,  it  is  expected  that  the  raising  and 
organizing  of  the  troops  will  proceed  without  obstacle  and 
with  effect. 

"  Gentlemen  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 
"  I  have  directed  an  estimate  of  the  appropriations  which 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  177 

will  be  necessary  for  the  service  of  the  ensuing  year  to  be  laid 
before  you,  accompanied  with  a  view  of  the  public  receipts 
and  expenditures  to  a  recent  period.  It  will  afford  you  satis- 
faction, to  infer  the  great  extent  and  solidity  of  the  public 
resources,  from  the  prosperous  state  of  the  finances,  notwith- 
standing the  unexampled  embarrassments  which  have  attended 
commerce.  When  you  reflect  on  the  conspicuous  examples 
of  patriotism  and  liberality  which  have  been  exhibited  by  our 
mercantile  fellow-citizens,  and  how  great  a  proportion  of  the 
public  resources  depends  on  their  enterprise,  you  will  naturally 
consider,  whether  their  convenience  cannot  be  promoted  and 
reconciled  with  the  security  of  the  revenue,  by  a  revision  of  the 
system,  by  which  the  collection  is  at  present  regulated. 

"  During  your  recess,  measures  have  been  steadily  pursued 
for  effecting  the  valuations  and  returns  directed  by  the  act  of 
the  last  session,  preliminary  to  the  assessment  and  collection 
of  a  direct  tax.  No  other  delays  or  obstacles  have  been  ex- 
perienced, except  such  as  were  expected  to  arise  from  the 
great  extent  of  our  country,  and  the  magnitude  and  novelty 
of  the  operation ;  and  enough  has  been  accomplished  to  assure 
a  fulfihuent  of  the  views  of  the  legislature. 

"  Gentlemen  of  the  Senate,  and 

Gentlemen  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 

"I  cannot  close  this  address  without  once  more  adverting 
to  our  political  situation,  and  inculcating  the  essential  import- 
ance of  uniting  in  the  maintenance  of  our  dearest  interests  ; 
and  I  trust,  that  by  the  temper  and  wisdom  of  your  proceed- 
ings, and  by  a  harmony  of  measures,  we  shall  secure  to  our 
country  that  weight  and  respect  to  which  it  is  so  justly  en- 
titled." 

This  speech  of  Mr.  Adams  forms  the  fourth  specimen  of  the 
political  oratory  which  graced  the  Presidential  chair  during 
the  anglo-federal  administration.  Among  the  many  forms  and 
usages  which  America  has  borrowed  from  her  mother  country, 
that  of  a  president's  speech,  at  the  beginning  of  every  session, 
appears  to  be  one  of  the  most  unfortunate,  though  one  which 
has  been  cultivated  with  the  greatest  zeal. 

A  few  lines  of  a  complimentary  address  to  the  parliament 
of  Britain,  the  studied  composition  of  the  minister  of  state, 


178  THE   ADMINISTRATION 

but  delivered  by  tbe  king,  has  given  rise  to  the  annual  habit 
of  an  hoar's  declamation  from  the  President  of  America,  how- 
ever trivial  the  circumstances  of  his  communication  may  be,  or 
hovs^ever  unfitted  our  chief  magistrate  himself  is  for  such  a 
task.  Although  the  speeches  of  our  present  President  will 
ever  form  a  conspicuous  figure  in  the  annals  of  rhetoric,  it  is 
not  to  be  supposed  his  successors  will  all  have  the  same 
strength  of  mind  or  power  of  language.  The  addresses  of 
the  venerable  Washington  are  no  longer  remembered,  and  the 
lengthy  orations  delivered  by  Mr.  Adams  are  now  read  with 
disgust;  but  the  province  of  impartial  history  requires  their 
insertion.  A  careful  perusal  of  them  will  also  repay  the. pa- 
tient reader,  who  wishes  to  be  acquainted  with  the  designs  of 
the  late  administration,  as  they  show  the  character  of  Mr. 
Adams  in  a  more  conspicuous  light  than  all  his  other  produc- 
tions. 

The  main  topic  of  this  last  speech  is  our  late  difference  with 
France.  Mr.  Adams  says,  "  that  the  Directory  questioned 
the  sincerity  of  our  administration  towards  peace."  They 
certainly  did  so,  and  upon  the  best  grounds.  Our  love  for 
peace  was  never  to  be  demonstrated  by  any  evident  partiality 
to  the  measures  of  Grenville  and  Pitt,  and  by  virulence  and 
contumely  towards  the  republicans  of  France.  A  desire  for 
peace  surely  was  not  to  be  displayed  by  appointing  men  for 
our  envoys  whose  principles  were  known  to  be  of  a  monar- 
chical bias.  It  was  not  a  demonstration  of  wisdom,  or  of  our 
aversion  to  hostilities,  to  prevent  one  of  those  ministers  from 
treating,  with  whom  the  Directory  were  ready  to  treat.  The 
voidance  of  a  treaty  entered  into  wdth  France,  and  the  break- 
ing off  of  all  intercourse  with  her  when  she  was  assailed  on 
every  side  by  the  armies  of  tyrants,  were  not  the  most  manifest 
marks  of  our  affection  to  her;  yet  the  rhetoric  of  Mr.  Adams 
passes  over  these  circumstances,  and  discovers  in  the  views  of 
France,  new  and  cogent  motives  for  the  full  development  of 
our  energies  and  resources. 

The  House  of  Representatives  were  occupied  their  usual 
time  in  preparing  an  answer  to  the  President. 

On  Friday,  the  4th  of  December  they  took  into  considera- 
tion a  proposition  made  by  Mr.  Harper,  for  printing  20,000 
copies  of  the  Alien  and  Sedition  laws,  which  was  agreed  to. 


OF  JOHN  ADAMS. 


179 


On  the  18th  of  December,  the  Senate  formed  itself  into  a 
court  of  impeachment  for  the  purpose  of  trying  William 
Blount  for  crimes  and  misdemeanours  against  the  United 
States  ;  but  Mr.  Blount  having  not  appeared,  they  postponed 
the  trial  until  Monday,  the  24th  of  December,  when  Messrs. 
Dallas  and  Ingersoll,  the  counsel  for  Mr.  Blount,  put  in  their 
plea  against  the  charge  exhibited.  Mr.  Harper,  in  behalf  of 
the  managers,  prayed  for  time  to  be  allowed  them  for  making 
their  replication,  and  Thursday,  the  od  of  January,  was  fixed 
upon  for  that  purpose.    . 

On  this  day,  the  impeachment  of  Mr.  Blount  was  resumed 
in  the  Senate.  The  court  being  formed,  Mr.  Bayard,  who 
was  chairman,  presented  a  replication  in  behalf  of  the  repre- 
sentatives, setting  forth,  that  as  the  arguments  stated  by 
Blount's  counsel  respecting  the  House  of  Representatives  not 
having  power  to  prefer  the  articles  of  impeachment,  and  the 
Senate  power  to  try  them,  were  insufficient,  their  plea  on  that 
account  ought  not  to  be  sustained,  but  that  Mr.  Blount  should 
be  compelled  to  answer  to  the  articles  of  impeachment. 

Mr.  Ingersoll,  counsel  for  the  defendant,  said  that  the 
managers  had  favoured  him  and  Mr.  Dallas  with  a  copy  of  the 
replication,  to  which  they  had  agreed  to  oppose  a  demur, 
which  he  presented,  and  the  same  was  read. 

Mr.  Bayard  entered  into  a  lengthy  examination  of  the  plea 
put  in  by  Mr.  Blount's  counsel ;  he  said  their  first  objection  to 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  Senate  over  the  crimes  with  which  the 
defendant  was  charged,  was  the  privilege  of  a  jury.  He  ob- 
jected to  the  necessity  of  a  jury  in  impeachments  more  than 
in  courts  martial ;  that  the  House  of  Representatives  had  ex- 
amined the  evidences  in  this  case,  and  had  solemnly  given  in- 
quest of  the  guilt  of  the  accused,  and  exhibited  articles  of  im- 
peachment ;  but  that  the  necessity  of  a  jury,  if  proved,  might 
be  answered,  as  the  Senate  had  power  to  issue  process  for 
bringing  a  jury  from  the  district  where  the  crime  was  com- 
mitted— besides,  in  cases  of  impeachment,  there  might  be  two 
trials,  and  who  ever  heard  of  two  juries  pronouncing  verdict 
on  one  accusation  ? 

Again,  he  objected  that  a  senator  was  not  a  civil  officer  in 
the  United  States,  and  therefore  not  constitutionally  impeach- 
able. He  went  into  an  elaborate  examination  of  those  parts 
of  the  constitution  whereon  the  meaning  was  presumable  by 
common  law,  and  the  same  presumption  must  be  taken  wilh 


180  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

respect  to  a  senator's  real  situation.  Who  then  on  the  pre- 
sumption of  common  law  was  impeachable?  Agreeable  to  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  Houses  of  Lords  and  Commons,  in  England, 
it  would  be  in  the  power  of  the  Senate  and  Representatives  to 
declare  who  should  be  impeached ;  they  were  competent  to  it. 
The  situation  of  a  senator  was  at  times  legislative,  executive, 
and  judicial.  He  referred  to  the  sense  of  Congress  in  1787, 
when  the  government  of  the  S.  W.  Territory  (now  Tennessee) 
was  established  ;  then  it  was  the  opinion  of  that  house,  that 
the  members  of  the  legislature  and  Senate  were  civil  officers  ; 
and  it  was  not  a  little  remarkable,  that  Mr.  Blount  voted  in 
favour  of  that  point  which  his  counsel  now  disputed.  He 
confessed  he  was  aware  that  the  counsel  would  oppose  to  this 
principle,  that  part  of  the  constitution  which  they  had  not 
named  in  their  plea,  where  it  gave  the  President  power  to 
choose  all  civil  officers.  It  would  be  said  that  a  senator  was 
not  a  civil  officer,  because  not  chosen  by  the  President ;  but 
he  said,  the  clause  alluded  to,  had  the  words  "  under  the  go- 
vernment," which  plainly  implied  that  there  w^ere  offices  in  the 
government — the  Senate  are  the  government.  Against  that 
he  supposed  it  might  be  said  that  the  constitution  provided 
that  no  civil  officer  should  be  a  member  of  either  house,  mean- 
ing no  officer  of  the  President's  appointing  ;  now,  if  that  was 
not  the  meaning,  he  insisted  the  speaker  could  not  be  a  mem- 
ber of  the  House  of  Representatives.  He  agreed  that  it  was 
not  the  distinct  parts,  but  the  main  and  general  meaning  of  the 
constitution,  that  the  honourable  council  should  be  guided  by  in 
their  decision  of  the  point  of  jurisdiction  before  them.  Regard- 
ing this,  he  particularly  mentioned  a  part  where  it  was  said,  that 
no  person  who  had  obtained  a  title  from  any  foreign  prince,  should 
enjoy  any  office  in  the  United  States.  If,  therefore,  a  senator 
was  not  to  be  considered  as  an  officer  in  the  government,  a 
dangerous  principle  might  be  introduced  contrary  to  the  real 
intention  of  the  constitution,  as  they  may  enjoy  titles  ;  but 
this  could  not  be  supposed  to  be  its  meaning.  Another  objec- 
tion to  the  jurisdiction  mentioned  in  the  plea  was,  that  the  de- 
fendant was  not  now  a  senator.  He  hinted  at  this  argument, 
in  order  to  show  that  any  officer  might  evade  a  trial  by  resign- 
ing his  situation  as  soon  as  a  crime  was  committed. 

It  was  also  argued  in  the  plea,  that  the  crime  charged  was 
not  during  the  execution  of  any  trust,  or  for  malconduct  in 
office.     To  this  Mr.  Bayard  only  replied  that  a  judge,  heading 


OP    JOHN    ADAMS.  181 

an  insurrection,  did  not  commit  the  crime  in  office;  but  this 
could  be  no  excuse  from  punishment.  As  to  the  last  plea  of 
the  competency  of  common  law  jurisdiction,  he  opposed  the 
principle. 

The  President  then  told  the  counsel  that  they  might  reply ; 
but  Mr.  Ingersoll  requested,  as  the  hour  of  adjournment  was 
arrived,  and  as  the  counsel  wished  to  prepare  an  answer  to  the 
observations  of  Mr.  Bayard,  that  it  might  be  postponed  until 
Friday. 

This  day  having  met,  Mr.  Dallas  delivered  a  very  long, 
argumentative,  and  ingenious  speech,  in  defence  of  the  plea 
"which  had  been  filed  in  behalf  of  the  defendant,  and  in  an- 
swer to  the  speech  of  Mr,  Bayard.  Mr.  Dallas  commenced 
his  speech  at  half  past  eleven,  and  did  not  close  it  till  past 
three. 

On  Saturday,  Mr.  Ingersoll  finished  the  defence  in  support 
of  the  plea,  against  the  jurisdiction  of  the  court ;  after  which 
Mr.  Harper  made  a  reply,  in  support  of  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
Senate.  The  court  then  adjourned  until  Monday,  when  the 
question  was  determined  by  fourteen  votes  to  eleven  against 
the  jurisdiction — so  that  the  impeachment  fell  to  the  ground. 

Although  it  is  to  be  regretted  that  such  a  conspirator  as 
Blount  should  have  escaped  the  punishment  due  to  his  crimes, 
yet  the  decision  was  certainly  favourable  to  the  rights  of  the 
people ;  for  if  Once  the  right  of  impeaching  members  of  Con- 
gress had  been  established,  it  would  have  proved  a  powerful 
engine  of  tyranny.  The  names  of  those  members  who  voted 
for  this  dreadful  prerogative,  ought  therefore  to  be  marked  as 
inimical  to  the  liberty  of  this  country.  These  were,  Chipman, 
Davenport,  Goodhue,  Latimer,  Livermore,  Lloyd,  Paine,  Ross, 
Sedgwick,  Stockton,  and  Tracey. 

On  the  18th  of  January,  the  President  communicated  to 
Congress  several  papers  relative  to  the  affairs  of  the  United 
States  with  the  French  republic,  consisting  of  a  letter  from 
Mr.  Pickering  to  Mr.  Gerry,  dated  25th  June,  1798,  a  letter 
from  Mr.  Gerry  to  Mr.  Pickering,  dated  1st  October,  1798, 
after  his  arrival  in  this  country,  and  the  correspondence  which 
took  place  in  Paris  between  Mr.  Gerry,  and  the  minister  for 
foreign  affairs,  M.  Talleyrand. 

Mr.  Pickering  censures  Mr.  Gerry  in  rather  severe  and  un- 
justifiable terms,  for  not  having  taken  his  departure  from 
France  along  with  Generals  Pinckney  and  Marshall.  "  The 
16 


182  THE  ADMINISTRATION 

respect,"  says  he,  "  due  to  yourselves,  and  to  your  country, 
irresistibly  required  that  you  should  turn  your  backs  to  a 
government  that  treated  both  with  contempt ;  a  contempt  not 
diminished  but  aggravated  by  the  flattering  but  insidious  dis- 
tinction in  your  favour,  in  disparagement  of  men  of  so  respect- 
able talents,  untainted  honour,  and  pure  patriotism,  as  Generals 
Pinckney  and  Marshall,  and  in  whom  their  government  and 
their  country  reposed  entire  confidence  ;  and  especially  when 
the  real  object  of  that  distinction  was  to  enable  the  French 
government,  trampling  on  the  authority  and  dignity  of  our 
own,  to  designate  an  envoy  with  whom  they  would  condescend 
to  negotiate.  It  is  therefore  to  be  regretted  that  you  did  not 
concur  with  your  colleagues  in  demanding  passports  to  quit 
the  territories  of  the  French  Republic  some  time  before  they 
left  Paris."  Mr.  Pickering  also  adds,  that  "  the  President 
will  never  send  another  minister  to  France  without  assurances 
that  he  will  be  received,  respected,  and  honoured  as  the  rep- 
resentative of  a  great,  free,  powerful,  and  independent  na- 
tion." 

Mr.  Gerry,  in  answer  to  the  secretary  of  state,  justifies  his 
conduct  upon  the  following  grounds  : — 

"  In  consequence  of  his  letter,  (the  minister  of  foreign  af- 
fairs) to  the  envoys,  of  the  18th  of  March,  he  renewed  his 
proposition  to  me  to  treat  separately ;  and  again  received  a 
negative  answer.  He  then  proposed  that  I  should  remain  at 
Paris,  until  the  sense  of  the  government  could  be  obtained  ; 
declaring,  as  before,  that  an  immediate  rupture  would  be  the 
consequence  of  my  departure.  To  have  left  France  under 
such  circumstances  was  a  measure  which  I  could  not  justify. 
The  power  of  declaring  war  was  not  entrusted  with  the  su- 
preme executive  of  the  United  States,  much  less  with  a  minis- 
ter ;  and  to  have  thus  provoked  it,  would,  in  my  mind,  have 
been  tantamount  to  a  declaration  thereof.  Indeed,  to  have 
plunged  the  nation  into  a  war  suddenly,  even  if  it  was  inevi- 
table, appeared  to  me  in  other  respects  unwarrantable.  Con- 
gress, who  alone  had  a  right  to  adopt  this  measure,  might,  by 
such  a  premature  step,  have  been  defeated  in  their  previous 
arrangements,  and  subjected  to  other  manifest  inconveniences, 
and  the  executive  might  have  been  placed  on  grounds  less  ad- 
vantageous for  forming  alliances,  &c.,  whereas,  my  detention 
at  Paris  gained  time,  if  this  was  requisite,  and  could  not  pro- 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  188 

crastinate  a  declaration  of  war,  if  the  United  States  were  pre- 
pared for  it.     Other  considerations  had  their  weight. 

"France,  at  that  time,  was  making  very  formidable  pre- 
parations, with  a  professed  design  to  overthrow  the  British 
government ;  and  such  were  the  exertions  and  enthusiasm  of 
her  citizens,  armies,  and  administration,  as  to  spread  a  general 
alarm  throughout  Great  Britain.  It  was  evident,  then,  to 
common  observation,  that  should  France  succeed,  she  would 
acquire  by  the  powerful  navy  and  resources  of  Britain,  such 
strength  as  to  be  able  to  give  law  to  Europe,  and  to  regions 
more  remote  ;  and  it  was  rational  to  suppose  that  a  coalition 
would  be  formed  of  such  European  powers  as  were  not  in  the 
interest  or  under  the  influence  of  France,  to  put  an  end  to  the 
war,  by  offering  their  mediation,  and  declaring  their  intention 
to  oppose  the  power  which  should  refuse  it — the  temporising 
negotiations  at  Rastadt  had  this  aspect;  moreover,  the  inter- 
nal affairs  of  France  were  in  an  agitated  state,  and  threatened 
civil  commotions.  If  then,  on  the  one  hand,  a  new  coalition 
against  France,  a  change  in  her  government,  or  even  a  suc- 
cessful resistance  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain  had  happened, 
a  favourable  opportunity  would  have  presented  itself  to  the 
United  States  for  obtaining  of  her  a  just  and  advantageous 
treaty ;  and  this  would  have  been  lost  by  a  previous  rupture 
in  consequence  of  my  departure.  If,  on  the  other  hand,  Great 
Britain,  unaided,  had  fallen,  the  United  States  would  have 
been  in  a  much  better  condition  at  peace  than  at  war  with  the 
most  formidable  power  the  world  had  exhibited.  In  such  an 
event  they  could  have  but  small  hopes  of  resisting  France, 
and  it  might  have  been  deemed  madness  in  them  even  to  have 
attempted  it.  For  these  reasons  I  thought  it  ray  indispen- 
sable duty  to  remain  a  short  time  at  Paris." 

Mr.  Gerry,  in  this  letter,  informs  the  secretary  of  state,  that 
when  he  left  Paris,  from  the  best  information  he  could  obtain, 
the  Executive  Directory  were  very  desirous  of  a  reconciha- 
tion  between  the  two  countries.  "  Every  impediment,"  he 
says,  "  was  adopted  by  the  French  minister  to  prevent  my 
departure." 

The  displeasure  of  the  French  at  Mr.  Gerry's  departure, 
evidently  appears  from  the  correspondence  that  took  place  be- 
tween Mr.  Talleyrand  and  Mr.  Gerry. 

The  first  of  Talleyrand's  letters  to  Mr.  Gerry,  after  the 


184  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

departure  of  the  other  envoys,  is  couched  in  the  most  friendly 
and  pacific  terras ;  it  is  dated  the  3d  of  April,  1798. 

"  To  Mr.  Gerry,  Envoy  Extraordinary  of  the  United  States 
of  Jimerica,  to  the  French  Republic. 

"  I  suppose,  sir,  that  Messrs.  Pinckney  and  Marshall  have 
thought  it  useful  and  proper,  in  consequence  of  the  intimations, 
which  the  end  of  my  note  of  the  18th  of  March,  1798,  pre- 
sents, and  the  obstacles  which  their  known  opinions  have  in- 
duced to  the  desired  reconciliation,  to  quit  the  territories  of 
the  Republic.  In  this  supposition,  I  have  the  honour  to  point 
out  to  you  the  5th  or  the  7th  of  this  decade,  to  resume  our 
reciprocal  communications  upon  the  interests  of  the  French 
Republic  and  the  United  States  of  America. 

"  Receive,  I  pray  you,  the  assurance  of  my  perfect  consi- 
deration. 

"  Ch.  Mau.  Talleyrand." 

From  the  following  letters  of  Talleyrand,  it  would  also 
seem  that  he  was  entirely  unacquainted  with  the  mysterious 
interviews  that  took  place  between  our  envoys  and  the  gen- 
tlemen whom  they  were  pleased  to  designate  by  W.  X.  Y.  Z. 

"  May  30,  1799. 

"  To  Mr.  Gerry, — I  communicate  to  you,  sir,  a  London 
Gazette  of  the  15th  of  May  last ;  you  will  there  find  a  very 
stiange  publication.  I  cannot  observe,  without  surprise,  that 
intriguers  have  profited  of  the  insulated  condition  in  which 
the  envoys  of  the  United  States  had  kept  themselves,  to 
make  proposals  and  to  hold  conversations,  the  object  of  which 
was  evidently  to  deceive  you. 

"  I  pray  you  to  make  known  to  me  immediately  the  names 
denoted  by  the  initials  W.  X.  Y.  and  Z.,  and  that  of  the  wo- 
man who  is  described  as  having  had  conversations  with  Mr. 
Pinckney  upon  the  interests  of  America  ;  if  you  are  averse  to 
sending  them  to  me  in  writing,  be  pleased  to  communicate 
them  confidentially  to  the  bearer. 

"  I  must  rely  upon  your  eagerness  to  enable  the  govern- 
ment to  fathom  those  practices,  of  which  I  felicitate  you  on 
not  having  been  the  dupe,  and  which  you  must  wish  to  see 
cleared  up." 

"  June  1,  1798. 

"  To  Mr.  Gerry, — I  have  received,  sir,  your  letter  of 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  185 

yesterday.  You  inform  me,  1st.  That  the  Gazette  presented, 
contains  all  the  informal  negotiations  communicated  by  the 
envoys  to  their  government.  2d.  That  the  persons  referred 
to  have  not  produced  to  your  knowledge  any  authority,  any 
document  of  any  kind  whatever  to  accredit  themselves.  8d, 
That  three  of  the  individuals  mentioned,  (that  is  to  say,  in 
the  order  in  which  I  have  placed  them)  W.  X.  Y.  are  foreign- 
ers ;  and  the  fourth,  (that  is  to  say)  Z.  acted  only  as  mes- 
senger and  interpreter. 

"  Although  I  perceive  your  repugnance  to  naming  those 
individuals,  I  must  earnestly  request  you  to  yield  it  to  the  im- 
portance of  the  object.  Be  pleased,  therefore,  1st.  Either 
to  give  me  their  names  in  writing,  or  communicate  them 
confidentially  to  the  bearer.  2d.  To  name  the  woman 
whom  Mr.  Pinckney  mentions.  3d.  To  tell  me  whether 
any  of  the  citizens  attached  to  my  service  and  authorized  by 
me  to  see  the  envoys,  told  them  a  word  which  had  relation 
to  the  disgusting  proposition  which  was  made  by  X.  and  Y. 
to  give  any  sum,  whatever,  for  corrupt  distribution. 

Ju7ie  4,  1798. 
"  To  Mr.  Gerry, — Your  letter  of  yesterday.  Sir,  has  just 
been  handed  to  me.  You  may  render  to  me,  in  perfect  confi- 
dence, the  names  you  mention  to  me  under  your  hand  and 
seal — I  assure  you,  that  they  shall  not  be  published  as  coming 
from  you." 

Mr.  Gerry''s  Answer. 

"  The  names  of  the  persons  designed  in  the  communications 
of  the  envoys  extraordinary  of  the  United  States,  to  their 
government,  (published  in  the  Commercial  Advertiser  of  the 
11th  of  April,  last,)  are  as  follows  : 

"  X.  is  M .    Y.  is  Mr.  Bellamy.    Z.  is  Mr.  Houtval." 

Mr.  Gerry  has  inserted  the  proper  name  of  X.  in  this  docu- 
ment, as  given  to  Mr.  Talleyrand.  But  the  person  designated  by 
X.  not  having  (like  Y.)  avowed  himself,  the  promise  made  by 
the  envoys  to  him  and  Y.  "  that  their  nam-cs  should,  in  no  event, 
be  made  public,"  is  still  obligatory  on  the  executive,  in  respect 
to  X.  and  therefore  his  name  has  never  been  made  known. 

No  political  negotiation  ever  engaged  or  perplexed  public 
curiosity,  more  than  this  still  mysterious  correspondence  of  X. 
Y.  and  Z.  Whether  the  roguery  of  the  business  is  to  be 
16* 


186  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

placed  with  the  Directory,  with  Talleyrand,  "with  the  Ameri- 
can envoys,  or  with  the  concealed  persons,  is  a  point  upon 
which  no  satisfactory  proofs  can  yet  be  obtained.  To  form 
any  probable  opinion  respecting  it,  we  must,  as  in  every  other 
intricate  transaction,  examine  the  characters  and  views  of  the 
parties  concerned,  and  by  comparing  them  together  endeavour 
to  discover  upon  which  side  the  villany  lies. 

No  three  persons  could  have  been  sent  by  Mr.  Adams,  less 
acceptable  to  the  Directory  of  France,  than  Pinckney,  Mar- 
shall, and  Gerry.  Pinckney,  it  is  well  known,  was  refused 
before,  and  had,  on  that  account,  in  his  letters  to  Pickering, 
which  were  published,  and  which  the  French  must  have  seen, 
represented  that  people  in  the  worst  point  of  view.  Sending 
such  a  character  to  Paris  in  order  to  negotiate  a  peace,  w'as 
nearly  an  equal  insult  as  if  Mr.  Pitt  had  sent  to  America  the 
traitor  Arnold  in  order  to  represent  the  court  of  Britain. 
John  Marshall  was  an  improper  character  in  several  respects  ; 
his  principles  of  aristocracy  were  well  known.  Talleyrand, 
when  in  America,  knew  that  this  man  was  regarded  as  a 
royalist,  and  not  as  a  republican,  and  that  he  was  abhorred  by 
most  honest  characters.  Mr.  Gerry  was  the  least  exceptiona- 
ble of  the  three  ;  but  Gerry  was  never  by  nature  intended  for 
a  diplomatic  character,  no  more  than  Mr.  Adams  ;  they  were 
both  natives  of  that  soil  "  in  which  no  salutary  plant  takes 
root."  In  short,  if  Mr.  Adams  had  wished  to  declare  war 
against  France,  he  could  not  have  adopted  a  more  explicit 
mode  of  making  known  his  sentiments,  than  by  sending  this 
triumvirate  to  treat  for  a  peace.  The  French,  notwithstand- 
ing, appeared  to  manifest  every  desire  to  negotiate ;  the  Di- 
rectory, it  is  true,  did  not  admit  the  envoys  to  an  audience  ; 
but  the  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs  was  empowered  to  treat 
with  them,  and  every  effort  was  used  on  his  part  to  effect  a 
negotiation — but  they  neither  would  condescend  to  wait  upon 
him  together,  or  separately  ;  their  time  was  otherwise  occu- 
lted, either  in  chatting  with  X.  Y.  and  Z,  or  in  composing 
elaborate  epistles  to  Mr.  Pickering,  complaining  of  the  inso- 
lence of  Mr.  Talleyrand  and  the  roguery  of  the  Directory. 

Two  of  them,  Pinckney  and  Marshall,  at  length  departed, 
but  not  in  the  most  honourable  manner.  An  unhappy  female 
of  a  respectable  famJIy  in  Paris,  lost  her  reputation  in  their 
company;  her  parents,  to  screen  themselves  from  the  odium 
of  intriguing  with  the  ambassadors  of  a  foreign  country,  turned 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  187 

her  out  of  doors.  She  appHed  to  Pinckney  for  leave  to  ac- 
company him  to  America,  which,  it  is  said,  he  granted,  and 
fixed  a  day  for  their  departure,  but  went  off  without  either 
giving  her  notice,  or  a  compensation  for  the  loss  of  her  virtue. 
The  helpless  lady  was  obliged  to  solicit  the  charity  of  Mr. 
Gerry,  who  also  promised,  she  said,  to  conduct  her  to  Ame- 
rica, but  afterwards  left  her  as  Mr.  Pinckney.  When  all  the 
embassy  were  fled,  she  applied  to  the  captain  of  an  American 
vessel,  who,  on  the  faith  of  her  story,  gave  her  a  passage  to 
Charleston ;  but  she  had  no  sooner  arrived,  than  she  was  ap- 
prehended as  a  female  spy.  A  few  tender  and  affectionate 
cards,  which  had  been  addressed  to  her  by  her  lovers,  and 
which  she  carried  along  with  her  as  passports,  were  twisted 
into  bills  of  treason ;  two  or  three  small  trunks  containing 
wearing  apparel,  which  constituted  all  her  property,  were, 
with  the  same  facility,  framed  into  tubs  of  seditious  papers, 
for  the  purpose  of  distribution  among  the  slaves  of  the  southern 
states.  What  afterwards  became  of  the  unfortunate  lady, 
we  know  not;  whether  Pinckney  and  Marshall  recognized  her, 
or  whether  she  was  drove  to  the  hard  necessity  of  working 
for  her  own  support  and  that  of  a  helpless  infant,  the  only 
known  benefit  procured  to  the  United  States  from  the  embassy 
of  Pinckney,  Marshall,  and  Gerry. 

To  return  from  this  digression,  let  us  observe  the  conduct 
of  Mr.  Gerry.  This  gentleman  often  insinuates  and  sometimes 
even  asserts,  that  Talleyrand  told  him  he  might  rely  on  any 
information  given  by  Mr.  Y. ;  but  from  the  correspondence 
between  him  and  Talleyrand  respecting  their  names,  it  evi- 
dently appears  that  the  latter  was  totally  ignorant  of  any 
offers  ever  made  by  him.  As  Mr.  Gerry  has  never  attempted 
to  contradict  Talleyrand  in  this  matter,  but  seems  to  acquiesce 
m  it,  we  must  infer  that  the  whole  story  of  £50,000  sterling, 
as  a  douceur,  and  16,000,000  of  Dutch  rescriptions  by  way 
of  loan,  was  either  a  fabrication  of  X.  Y.  and  Z.,  or  of  our 
own  envoys,  or  perhaps  of  both.  If  there  was  any  reality  in 
the  said  bribe,  it  proceeded  from  a  very  different  quarter  than 
either  Talleyrand  or  the  Directory — X.  and  Y.  were  most 
probably  agents  for  the  privateers-men,  and  the  £50,000  was 
intended  for  their  pockets,  and  not  for  that  of  the  French 
minister.  Some  words  dropped  by  Mr.  X.,  and  related  by 
the  envoys  in  their  despatches,  appear  to  confirm  this  suppo- 
sition.    "  He  said  that  all  the  members  of  the  Directory  were 


188  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

not  disposed  to  receive  our  money ;  that  Merlin,  for  instance, 
was  paid  from  another  quarter,  and  would  touch  no  part  of  the 
douceur  which  was  to  come  from  us."  We  replied,  "  that 
we  had  understood  that  Merlin  was  paid  by  the  owners  of  pri- 
vateers; and  he  nodded  an  assent  to  the  fact."  A  late  pub- 
lication published  in  Paris,  in  vindication  of  the  conduct  of 
Talleyrand,  even  insinuates  that  Pinckney  was  leagued  with 
the  privateer  merchants;  and  that  most  of  the  privateers  fitted 
out  in  the  French  ports  were  the  property  of  Americans.  We 
trust  that  neither  Mr.  Pinckney  nor  any  of  our  consuls  were 
engaged  in  such  a  nefarious  trade,  although  it  must  be  allowed, 
there  were  several  citizens  of  the  United  States  who  enriched 
themselves  upon  the  spoils  of  their  countrymen.  The  same 
publication  affirms,  that  X.  and  Y.  were  the  proprietors  of 
several  privateers  at  Bourdeaux  and  Dunkirk.  If  this  be  true, 
it  is  not  surprising  that  they  should  have  exerted  every  scheme 
to  prevent  a  reconciliation.  At  all  events,  our  envoys  de- 
serve the  greatest  censure  for  having  been  duped  by  such 
swindlers. 

The  following  were  the  Acts  2)assed  this  Session  of  Con- 
gress : 

1.  An  act  for  the  punishment  of  certain  crimes  therein  spe- 
cified. 

2.  An  act  respecting  balances  reported  against  certain 
states,  by  the  commissioners  appointed  to  settle  the  accounts 
between  the  United  States  and  the  several  states. 

3.  An  act  to  alter  the  stamp  duties  imposed  upon  foreign 
bills  of  exchange  and  bills  of  lading,  by  an  act,  entitled  "An 
act  laying  duties  upon  stamped  vellum,  parchment,  and  paper," 
and  further  to  amend  the  same. 

4.  An  act  further  to  suspend  the  commercial  intercourse 
between  the  United  States  and  France,  and  the  dependencies 
thereof. 

5.  An  act  for  the  relief  of  Jonathan  Haskill. 

6.  An  act  to  authorize  the  reimbursements  of  moneys  ex- 
pended in  rendering  aid  to  sick  and  destitute  American  sea- 
men in  foreign  countries. 

7.  An  act  for  the  relief  of  Gazzan,  Taylor,  and  Jones,  and 
of  Samuel  Watt,  of  the  city  of  Philadelphia. 

8.  An  act  appropriating  a  certain  sum  of  money  to  defray 
the  expense  of  holding  a  treaty  or  treaties  with  the  Indians. 


OF    JOHN  ADAMS,  189 

9.  An  act  for  the  augmentation  of  the  navy. 

10.  An  act  authorizing  the  estabhshment  of  docks. 

11.  An  act  authorizing  the  purchase  of  timber  for  naval 
purposes. 

12.  An  act  respecting  quarantine  and  health  laws. 

13.  An  act  fixing  the  pay  of  the  captains  and  commanders 
of  ships  and  vessels  of  war  of  the  United  States. 

14.  An  act  to  amend  the  act,  entitled  "  An  act  to  provide 
for  the  valuation  of  lands  and  dwelling-houses,  and  the  enume- 
ration of  slaves  within  the  United  States." 

15.  An  act  providing  compensation  for  the  marshals,  clerks, 
attorneys,  jurors  and  witnesses  in  the  courts  of  the  United 
States,  and  to  repeal  certain  parts  of  the  acts  therein  men- 
tioned, and  for  other  purposes. 

16.  An  act  for  the  relief  of  Thomas  Lewis. 

17.  An  act  to  amend  an  act,  entitled  "  An  act  giving  effect 
to  the  laws  of  the  United  States  within  the  district  of  Ten- 
nessee," 

18.  An  act  making  appropriations  for  defraying  the  ex- 
penses which  may  arise  in  carrying  into  effect  certain  treaties 
between  the  United  States  and  several  tribes  or  nations  of  In- 
dians. 

19.  An  act  allowing  James  Mathers  compensation  for  ser- 
vices done  for  the  United  States,  and  expenses  incurred  in 
rendering  said  services,  as  sergeant-at-arms  to  the  Senate. 

20.  An  act  altering  the  time  of  holding  the  District  Court 
in  Vermont. 

21.  An  act  concerning  French  citizens  that  have  been  or 
may  be  captured,  and  brought  into  the  United  States. 

22.  An  act  giving  eventual  authority  to  the  President  of 
the  United  States  to  augment  the  army. 

23.  An  act  to  provide  for  the  security  of  bail  in  certain 
cases. 

24.  An  act  to  augment  the  salaries  of  the  officers  therein 
mentioned. 

25.  An  act  to  regulate  the  medical  establishment. 

26.  An  act  to  grant  an  additional  compensation  for  the 
year  1799,  to  certain  officers  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Re- 
presentatives of  the  United  States. 

27.  An  act  for  the  government  of  the  navy  of  the  United 
States. 

28.  An  act  to  establish  the  compensations  of  the  officers 


190  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

employed  in  the  collection  of  the  duties  on  imposts  and  ton- 
nage, and  for  other  purposes. 

29.  An  act  authorizing  the  augmentation  of  the  marine 
corps. 

30.  An  act  to  erect  a  beacon  on  Boon  Island. 

31.  An  act  to  regulate  and  fix  the  compensation  of  clerics. 

32.  An  act  to  establish  the  Post-Office  of  the  United 
States. 

33.  An  act  to  amend  the  act,  entitled  "  An  act  regulating 
the  grant  of  lands  appropriated  for  military  services,  and  foi 
the  society  of  the  United  Brethren  for  propagating  the  gospel 
among  the  heathens." 

34.  An  act  making  appropriations  for  the  support  of 
government  for  the  year  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and 
ninety-nine. 

35.  An  act  to  regulate  trade  and  intercourse  with  the  Indian 
tribes,  and  to  preserve  peace  on  the  frontiers. 

36.  An  act  in  addition  to  an  act  for  the  more  general  pro- 
mulgation of  the  laws. 

37.  An  act  authorizing  the  President  of  the  United  States 
to  fill  certain  vacancies  in  the  army  and  navy. 

38.  An  act  making  additional  appropriations  for  the  year 
1799. 

39.  An  act  vesting  the  power  of  retaliation  in  the  President 
in  certain  cases. 

40.  An  act  respecting  the  distillers  of  Geneva. 

41.  An  act  for  the  relief  and  support  of  American  seanaen. 

42.  An  act  to  alter  and  discontinue  certain  post-roads,  and 
to  estabhsh  others. 

43.  An  act  for  the  better  organizing  of  the  troops  of  the 
United  States. 

44.  An  act  authorizing  the  sale  of  lands  between  the  great 
and  little  rivers  Miami,  in  the  United  States  Territory,  N.  W. 
of  the  river  Ohio,  and  for  giving  pre-emption  to  certain  per- 
sons. 

45.  An  act  for  the  relief  of  Comfort  Sands,  and  others. 

46.  An  act  to  establish  the  salary  of  the  deputy  post-master 
general. 

47.  An  act  to  regulate  the  collection  of  duties  on  imposts 
and  tonnage. 

48.  An  act  for  the  support  of  the  naval  establishment  for 
the  year  1799. 


OP  JOHN  ADAMS.  191 

49.  An  act  for  the  support  of  the  military  establishment  for 
the  year  1799. 

50.  An  act  in  addition  to  the  act  for  the  relief  and  protec- 
tion of  American  seamen,  and  further  to  amend  the  same. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Dr.  Logan — Capture  of  Ulnsurgente — Murder  of  Keale 
Harvey — Trial  of  Dr.  Reynolds,  Duane,  and  others — .At- 
tack upon  the  Aurora  Office — Case  of  Ebeiiezer  Giles. 

In  summer,  1798,  soon  after  the  publication  of  our  envoy's 
despatches,  a  transaction  occurred,  that  unveiled  the  designs 
and  wishes  of  the  conspirators  for  a  French  war.  Dr.  George 
Logan,  a  native  of  Pennsylvania,  and  a  citizen  of  independent 
fortune,  set  out  from  Philadelphia  on  a  voyage  to  Europe. 

Having  landed  at  Hamburgh,  he  met  with  General  La 
Fayette,  who  procured  him  the  means  of  pursuing  his  journey  to 
Paris,  where  he  arrived  on  the  7th  of  August,  1798.  Upon 
inquiry  of  the  consul-general  of  the  United  States,  he  was  in- 
formed our  commissioners  had  left  that  city,  without  having 
accomplished  the  object  of  their  mission,  and  that  all  nego- 
tiation w^as  at  an  end.  Further,  that  an  embargo  had  been  laid 
on  all  American  shipping  in  the  ports  of  France,  and  that  many 
of  our  seamen  were  confined  as  prisoners. 

Dr.  Logan,  justly  supposing  that  there  was  no  law,  moral 
or  political,  which  could  prevent  him  from  benefiting  his 
country,  availed  himself  of  every  legal  means  to  procure  an 
interview  with  influential  characters.  Through  the  polite- 
ness of  a  foreigner  of  distinguished  talents,  whose  name  is  not 
mentioned,  Dr.  Logan  was  introduced  to  citizen  Merlin.  This 
Director,  and  man  of  science.  Dr.  Logan  frequently  visited 
afterwards  on  the  footing  of  a  private  friend.  On  one  of  these 
occasions  Merlin  informed  him,  that  France  had  not  the  least 
intention  to  interfere  in  the  public  affairs  of  the  United  States ; 
that  his  country  had  acquired  great  reputation  in  having  as- 
sisted America  to  become  a  free  republic,  and  that  they  never 
■would  disgrace  their  own  revolution  by  attempting  the  de- 


192  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

struction  of  the  United  States.  He  observed,  that  with  re- 
spect to  the  violation  of  our  flag,  it  was  common  with  all 
neutrals,  and  was  provoked  by  the  example  of  England,  and 
intended  to  place  France  on  an  equal  ground  with  her,  so  long 
as  she  should  be  permitted,  by  the  neutral  powers,  to  avail 
herself  of  their  resources.  But  that  the  government  of  France, 
averse  to  such  a  competition^  were  contemplating  measures  to 
make  their  laws  more  favourable  towards  neutral  nations.  In 
confirmation  of  this  declaration,  Dr.  Logan  received,  whilst  at 
Bordeaux,  a  letter  from  the  Consul-General  of  the  United 
States,  dated  Paris,  August  30th,  in  which  the  Consul  in- 
formed him  that  the  report  of  France  adopting  a  more  liberal 
system  in  regard  to  the  flag  and  property  of  neutrals,  was 
gaining  ground  every  hour. 

Dr.  Logan,  believing  that  this  manifestation  of  friendship 
on  the  part  of  the  republic  of  France,  would  be  highly  ac- 
ceptable to  his  country,  he  offered  his  services  to  Mr.  Skip- 
"with,  the  Consul-General,  to  be  the  bearer  of  his  despatches 
to  the  President  of  the  United  states.  A  duplicate  of  the 
same  despatches  had  been  forwarded  by  some  other  channel. 
When  Dr.  Logan,  therefore,  after  his  arrival,  presented  them 
to  Mr.  Pickering,  in  place  of  being  cordially  received  or 
thanked  for  his  trouble,  he  was  simply  informed  that  they 
were  of  no  importance,  as  their  contents  had  been  already  re- 
ceived. Insinuations  of  treason  were  thrown  out  against  him, 
and  agreeable  to  the  federal  custom,  Mrs.  Logan  was  also  re- 
viled, a  lady,  in  whose  character,  the  utmost  diligence  of  ma- 
lice has  not  been  able,  more  than  in  that  of  her  husband,  to 
discover  a  single  stain. 

To  these  slanderous  accusations.  Dr.  Logan  can  oppose  the 
blessings  of  hundreds  of  his  countrymen,  whom  he  has  saved 
from  the  risk  of  ruin.  At  Bourdeaux  he  received,  upon  Sep- 
tember 8th,  1798,  an  address  subscribed  by  fourteen  masters 
of  ships,  and  other  persons,  whose  property  he  had  preserved 
from  confiscation.  He  also  procured  freedom  for  a  consider- 
able number  of  seamen.  For  these  services,  at  the  sitting 
down  of  Congress,  in  December,  1798,  the  whole  federal  fac- 
tion broke  loose  upon  him.  Thatcher,  Harper,  and  Otis  at- 
tacked him  with  all  their  fury.  As  a  vindication  of  his  cha- 
racter, he  published  the  following  letter,  dated  Bourdeaux, 
September  8th,  1798 : 


OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  193 

"  Sir, — A  habit  of  trade,  of  many  years  standing,  with  the 
United  States  of  America,  has,  in  the  late  difficulties  between  the 
two  countries,  enabled  us  to  feel  how  much  we  are  indebted 
to  your  laudable  endeavours  to  prevent  this  country  from 
acting  hostilely,  after  the  late  occurrences  in  America ;  and 
how  much  we  are  beholden  to  you  in  particular,  for  the  con- 
vincing proof  of  the  good  intentions  of  this  government,  in 
taking  off  the  embargo  they  had  laid  on  all  American  vessels. 
Pray  excuse  this  abrupt  manner  of  delivering  our  sentiments  ; 
but  as  acting  for  our  friends  in  America,  we  find  ourselves 
more  particularly  obliged — we  feel  ourselves  gratified  in  thus 
assuring  you  of  our  esteem  ;  we  wish  you  a  successful  passage 
over  to  America,  and  remain,  Sir,  your  cordial  friends, 

"  Skinnkr,  Fenwick  &  Brown. 

«  To  Dr.  Logan,  of  Philadelphia." 

In  the  beginning  of  this  year  (1799),  hostilities  were  openly 
commenced  between  the  Republic  of  France  and  the  United 
States.  The  first  engagement  of  any  importance  between 
the  two  powers,  was  fought  on  the  9th  of  February,  by 
L'Insurgente  of  40  guns.  Captain  Bureaut,  and  the  Constella- 
tion of  38  guns,  Commodore  Truxtun.  Victory  proved  fa- 
vourable to  us,  and  L'Insurgente  was  captured  ;  but  the  glory 
of  the  day  w^as  clouded  by  an  unfortunate  accident,  the  death 
of  one  of  the  seamen  on  board  of  Truxtun's  vessel,  occa- 
sioned by  a  stab,  received  from  the  third  Lieutenant  of  the  Con- 
stellation. Neale  Harvey,  was  the  name  of  this  unfortunate 
young  man,  and  Andrew  Sterret,  that  of  the  officer.  Whether 
Harvey  actually  deserted  his  station  during  the  action,  is  a 
matter  not  ascertained.  But  humanity  must  incline  us  to  be- 
lieve that  Sterret  thought  so,  before  he  plunged  a  sword  into 
the  bowels  of  a  fellow-citizen.  The  affair,  however,  might 
have  been  buried  in  oblivion,  had  not  Sterret's  imprudence 
urged  him  to  publish  it  to  the  world,  in  a  letter  to  his  father. 
"  One  fellow  (says  Sterret)  I  was  obliged  to  run  through  the 
body,  and  so  put  an  end  to  a  coward.  You  must  not  think 
this  strange,  for  we  would  put  a  man  to  death  for  even  look- 
ing pale  on  board  this  ship."  On  this  occasion  we  must 
certainly  blame  both  the  silence  of  Truxtun  and  that  of  our 
administration.  The  duty  which  they  owed  to  their  country, 
ought  certainly  to  have  compelled  a  public  investigation  of 
17 


194  THE    ADMINISTKATION 

the  affair,  which,  it  is  to  be  hoped,  woukl  have  turned  out,  not- 
withstanding its  untoward  aspect,  to  Sterret's  honour;  and  re- 
moved from  the  character  of  that  brave  officer  a  stain  which 
will  ever  blot  the  most  praiseworthy  action  he  can  perform. 
But  Mr.  Adams  received  the  intelligence  with  equal  indif- 
ference as  Truxton  beheld  it ;  and  without  any  investigation 
which  we  know  of,  promoted  Mr.  Sterret  with  the  other  offi- 
cers. 

The  day  of  Truxtun's  victory,  which  w^as  on  Sunday,  is 
remarkable  on  another  account.  A  motion  was  to  have  been 
made  in  Congress  the  Monday  following,  for  a  repeal  of  the 
Alien  law  of  1798. — In  order  to  promote  this  repeal.  Dr.  Rey- 
nolds, Mr.  Duane,  and  several  other  gentlemen  of  Philadelphia, 
went  to  St.  Mary's  Church,  and  placed  upon  the  doors,  peti- 
tions to  Congress  for  that  purpose,  with  the  intention  of  re- 
ceiving the  signatures  of  those  of  the  congregation  who  were 
aliens.  No  proceeding  could  have  been  more  harmless,  and 
unexceptionable  than  this ;  but  the  appellation  of  alien  was 
synonymous  with  Jacobin  in  the  understanding  of  the  tory 
Christians.  The  alarm  of  sedition  and  treason  was  sounded 
in  the  church  ;  the  pious  priest  dropped  the  bible,  and  out 
rushed  the  federal  mob.  A  desperado,  of  the  name  of  Galla- 
gher, at  the  head  of  several  ruffians,  attacked  Reynolds, 
knocked  him  down,  then  kicked  him,  and  maltreated  his 
friends  in  the  same  manner.  The  petitions  were  torn  from 
the  door,  and  a  flaming  report  of  the  suppression  of  the  alien 
riot,  as  it  was  called,  appeared  in  the  federal  papers  next 
morning. 

The  federalists,  not  satisfied  with  their  victory,  were  deter- 
mined, if  possible,  to  accomplish  the  ruin  of  Reynolds  and  his 
companions.  They  therefore  accused  the  former,  of  an  inten- 
tion to  murder  Gallagher,  and  the  latter  of  a  riot  and  assault 
at  St.  Mary's  Church.  Their  trial  was  brought  forward  the 
22d  of  the  same  month,  and,  most  probably,  had  it  not  been 
for  several  republicans  who  fortunately  were  upon  the  jury, 
they  would  all  have  been  found  guilty,  and  received  the  pun- 
ishment which  a  partial  court  might  award  ;  but  the  sound 
judgment  of  a  few  prevailed  over  the  bigoted  prejudice  of 
the  many,  and  a  verdict  of  acquittal  was  in  consequence 
given. 

Enraged  at  this  verdict,  the  enemies  of  liberty  and  order  re- 
solved no  longer  to  be  trifled  with  by  the  forms  of  law^,  and  the 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  195 

caprice  of  a  jury.  A  band  of  upwards  of  thirty  took  the  oath 
of  vengeance.  The  names  of  the  leaders  of  this  conspiracy 
were,  John  Dunlap,  J.  B.  M'Kean,  Peter  Miercken,  George 
WiUing,  Joshua  B.  Bond,  Owen  Foulke,  Jonathan  Robeson, 
Edward  Shoemaker,  John  Singer,  William  Lewis,  and  James 
Simmons.  On  the  15th  of  May,  they  entered  the  office  of 
the  Aurora ;  one  party  with  pistols  in  their  hands,  acted  as 
sentinels  upon  the  compositors  and  pressmen,  while  another 
party  kept  at  bay  several  strangers  who  were  in  the  office. 
Peter  Miercken,  with  several  of  his  followers,  then  attacked 
Mr.  Duane,  the  object  of  their  malice.  The  former  knocked 
him  down,  while  the  latter  ruffians  held  his  hands.  Bleeding 
and  senseless,  they  dragged  him  down  stairs  into  Franklin 
court,  and  there  satiated  their  vengeance  by  repeating  their 
blows  upon  Mr.  Duane,  and  his  affectionate  son,  a  boy  of 
sixteen,  who  threw  himself  across  the  body  of  his  father,  to 
screen  him  from  the  blood-thirsty  barbarians. 

They  would  have  proceeded  to  havg  demolished  the  whole 
building,  had  not  the  republicans,  by  this  time,  received  notice 
of  the  savage  scene,  and  proceeded  to  the  relief  of  their  pa- 
triot. 

Notwithstanding  this  most  unprovoked  and  unwarrantable 
assault,  Mr.  Duane  found  it  impracticable,  during  the  admin- 
istration of  Mr.  Adams,  to  obtain  the  smallest  redress  for  the 
injuries  which  his  person  and  property  had  sustained ;  it  was 
not  until  the  month  of  April  last,  two  years  afterwards,  that 
their  trial  could  be  brought  forward.  The  only  compensa- 
tion he  then  received,  did  not  exceed  two  hundred  dollars. 

Among  the  various  insults  which  the  American  fiag  had 
suffered  during  this  and  the  preceding  year,  from  the  cruisers 
of  his  Britannic  majesty,  the  treatment  of  Ebenezer  Giles, 
commander  of  the  schooner  Betsey,  of  Beverley,  in  Massachu- 
setts, merits  particular  attention,  both  on  account  of  the  singu- 
lar barbarity  which  disgraced  the  British  on  that  occasion, 
and  the  tame  conduct  of  the  President,  and  Mr.  Pickering, 
when  they  heard  of  the  outrage  which  the  honour  of  their 
country  had  sustained.  The  protest  of  Captain  Giles  and  his 
crew,  give  the  fullest  account,  and  are  the  best  proofs  of  this 
unprovoked  attack  from  a  British  ship  of  war. 

"  Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts, 

"  By  this  pubhc  instrument,  be  it  made  known  and  manifest, 


196  THE  ADMINISTRATION 

that  on  the  21st  of  May,  1799,  before  me,  Joseph  Ward,  Esq., 
Notary  Public,  by  legal  authority  admitted  and  sworn,  and 
practising  in  Beverly,  in  said  county  of  Essex,  personally 
came  and  appeared,  Ebenezer  Giles,  commander  of  the  schoo- 
ner Betsey,  of  said  Beverly,  and  James  Wilson,  mate,  and 
Allen  Stickland  and  Joseph  Patch,  seamen,  belonging  to  the 
said  schooner,  who  after  being  severally  sworn  to  declare  the 
truth,  declared  on  oath,  that  they  were,  on  the  twenty-seventh 
day  of  April,  1799,  at  the  Island  of  St.  Vincent,  at  a  place 
called  La  You  Bay,  on  board  said  schooner,  there  waiting 
for  his  British  Majesty's  ship  of  war,  called  the  Daphne,  to 
pass  by,  who  was  previously  engaged  to  convoy  a  fleet  of 
merchantmen  from  that  island  to  St.  Christopher's ;  and  on 
Saturday,  the  27th  day  of  April  aforesaid,  about  twelve  o'clock 
at  noon,  the  convoy  hove  in  sight,  and  about  three  o'clock 
P.  M.,  we  came  to  sail,  and  stood  out  of  the  bay  ;  and  about 
twenty  minutes  past  three,  P.  M.,  the  ship  Daphne  stood 
athwart  our  stern,  and  hailed  us,  and  requested  to  know  if  we 
had  instructions  from  their  ship,  which  we  answered  in  the 
affirmative.  They  ordered  the  Betsey  to  bring  to ;  we  then 
being  by  the  wind  close  hauled,  hove  the  main-topsail  to  the 
mast,  and  put  the  helm  a-lee  ;  the  Daphne  still  continued  her 
course  close  by  the  land  ;  the  schooner  Betsey  lay  to  until 
about  half  the  fleet  convoyed  had  passed  by  them,  then  made 
sail  and  stood  on  with  the  fleet ;  at  about  4  o'clock,  P.  M. 
observed  the  Daphne's  boat  coming  towards  us ;  they  called 
to  us  to  heave  the  main-topsail  to  the  mast,  which  was  imme- 
diately done,  and  the  boat  came  under  our  lee-stem,  or  for- 
ward our  main  chains ;  we  hove  a  rope  to  the  boat,  which 
they  caught  in  midship  of  her,  which  boat  lay  stem  on  the 
schooner,  and  neglecting  to  pass  the  rope  into  the  bows  to 
catch  a  turn  to  wind  her,  as  Captain  Giles  wished  him  to  do 
in  a  polite  and  respectful  manner,  and  after  a  short  time,  they 
slipped  their  hold  and  dropped  astern.  We  then  hove  the 
fore-topsail  to  the  mast,  dropped  the  fore  and  main  peaks, 
and  let  fly  the  jib  sheets,  to  wait  for  the  boat  to  come  up  with 
us,  w^hich  she  did  in  four  or  five  minutes  ;  as  she  came  along- 
side. Captain  Giles  said  to  the  officer  on  board  the  boat,  "  my 
friend,  I  was  very  sorry  to  have  seen  you  drop  a-stern."  He 
answered,  *'you  damned  rascal,  do  not  call  me  your  friend." 
The  captain  of  the  Betsey  then  told  him,  that  he  hoped  he 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  197 

should  not  find  him  to  be  his  enemy,  and  particularly  the  ship 
Daphne.  The  officer  then  placed  one  of  his  men  from  the 
boat  on  board  the  schooner  to  the  helm,  and  ordered  all  our 
sails  set,  which  was  immediately  done,  and  stood  for  the 
Daphne,  and  still  continuing  to  treat  the  captain  of  the  Betsey 
with  insulting  and  abusive  language,  and  demanded  of  said 
Giles  his  instructions  which  were  received  from  the  Daphne, 
which  were  delivered  up  to  him.  As  we  came  a-breast  of  the 
ship,  the  officer  returned  on  board  the  ship,  taking  the  said 
instructions  with  him.  After  a  few  minutes,  some  person  on 
board  of  the  ship  informed  us  that  they  should  send  their  boats 
on  board  of  us  again.  The  boat  soon  came  alongside  of  us, 
and  commanded  captain  Giles  on  board  of  the  ship  immedi- 
ately. He  instantly  complied,  and  went  with  the  officer  on 
board  of  the  ship.  Immediately  after  he  arrived  on  board, 
the  said  James  Wilson,  Allen  Stickland,  and  Joseph  Patch,  on 
their  oath,  testify  and  swear,  that  they  saw  two  men  on  board 
of  the  said  ship  violently  beating  Captain  Giles,  one  of  them 
with  a  large  piece  of  rope,  and  the  other  with  his  fist,  and 
continued  to  do  so  for  the  space  of  more  than  thirty  minutes, 
to  the  best  of  their  judgment,  and  sometimes  by  the  violence 
of  the  blows  received,  he  was  struck  down ;  and  they  soon 
after  sent  Captain  Giles  on  board  of  the  Eetsey,  who,  when 
he  came  alongside,  was  not  able  to  stand  or  walk,  by  reason 
of  the  barbarous  treatment  he  had  received  on  board  the 
said  ship.  And  they  further  testify,  and  say  that  they  took 
Captain  Giles  on  board  his  schooner  in  the  cabin,  and  took 
off  his  jacket,  (as  he  was  not  able  to  take  it  off  himself)  and 
found  it  much  stripped  and  torn  by  force  of  the  blows  of  the 
rope's  end  ;  also  with  great  surprise  saw  blood  issuing  from 
his  mouth  and  nose,  occasioned  by  the  force  of  the  blows  of 
the  fist,  or  the  falls  on  the  said  ship's  deck  (to  them  uncertain 
which)  whilst  he  was  on  board;  and  on  further  examination 
found  his  back  and  arms  unmercifully  bruised,  and  turned 
black  with  large  wales  on  the  same,  occasioned  by  the  cruel 
and  most  unnatural  treatment  he  received  on  board  the  said 
ship;  and  further  say,  that  Captain  Giles  was  not  able,  for  the 
term  of  four  days  at  least,  to  come  on  deck,  or  do  his  duty ; 
neither  has  he  fully  recovered  his  health,  as  before  enjoyed,  to 
this  day. 

"  In  further  confirmation  of  the  above  written,  we  have 
17* 


198  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

hereunto  set  our  names,  after  being  first  sworn  to  the  truth  of 
the  foregoing  protest. 

Ebenezer  Giles,  Master. 

James  Wilson,  Mate. 

Joseph  Patch. 

Allen  Stickland. 

"  And  the  aforesaid  affidavit,  Ebenezer  Giles,  at  the  above 
said  time  and  place,  in  addition  to  the  foregoing,  by  himself 
further  testifieth  on  oath,  and  doth  declare,  that  he  received 
his  instructions  from  the  ship  Daphne  on  the  25th  day  of  April, 
1799 ;  and  informed  the  commander  of  the  ship,  that  his  schooner 
lay  at  a  place  called  La  You  Bay,  about  two  leagues  to  lee- 
ward of  the  port  of  Kingston,  at  which  place  the  Daphne  lay ; 
and  that  on  the  27th  day  of  the  same  month,  he  joined  the 
fleet  as  before  expressed ;  and  was  commanded  to  go  on  board 
the  ship  as  aforesaid,  and  when  he  came  alongside  of  the  said 
ship,  and  was  passing  over  the  side,  the  deponent  on  oath  de- 
clares, that  the  captain  of  the  said  ship  called  to  him,  and  told 
him  he  would  let  him  know  what  it  was  to  pay  a  disrespect 
to  a  man-of-war,  and  immediately  called  for  a  boatswain's 
mate.  That  he  then  asked  the  captain  what  he  designed  by 
his  disrespect ;  the  answer  was,  "  you  damn'  d  rascal,  not  a 
word."  He  asked  the  captain  if  he  was  not  allowed  to  speak 
in  his  own  behalf,  which  was  answered,  "  what,  by  you  a 
damned  rascal!"  and  much  more  abusive  language;  and  or- 
dered the  boatswain's  mate  to  take  a  rope's  end  to  the  damned 
rascal ;  who,  very  readily,  began  to  beat  him,  the  said  depo- 
nent, with  a  rope  of  two  and  a  quarter  inches,  (and  the  cap- 
tain followed  the  same  with  blows  of  his  fist)  until  the  rope 
was  fagged  out  eight  or  nine  inches  in  length ;  then  one  other 
boatswain's  mate  was  called  by  the  captain,  who  immediately 
appeared,  and  the  captain  of  the  ship  ordered  him  to  find  a 
rope  that  was  pointed,  and  to  lay  it  on  well  to  the  damned 
rascal,  and  then  he  began  to  beat  the  deponent  accordingly, 
agreeable  to  the  instructions  from  his  inhuman  commander. 
The  deponent  begged  of  the  captain  not  to  murder  him  in 
that  manner,  in  God's  name;  the  return  was  a  blow  with  the 
captain's  fist,  which  brought  the  deponent  down.  The  boat- 
swain still  continued  to  strike  the  deponent  until  he  received 
about  forty-seven  stripes,  and  then  he  quitted  the  deponent, 
and  the  captain  of  the  ship  ordered  the  officer  who  brought 


OF    JOHN    ADAIMS.  199 

him  on  board,  saying,  "  Mr.  Mettinay,  put  this  damned  rascal 
on  board  of  his  vessel,  and  return  with  the  boat  immediately," 
In  further  confirmation  of  the  truth  of  the  foregoing  protest, 
I  do  hereunto  set  my  hand. 

"  Ebenezer  Giles,  Master. 

"  The  deponents  do,  therefore,  protest,  and  I  the  said  notary 
public,  at  their  instance  and  request,  do  by  these  presents, 
solemnly  protest  against  the  captain  of  the  said  ship  Daphne, 
and  the  British  government  for  the  aforesaid  cruel  and  bar- 
barous treatment,  and  for  all  losses,  costs,  suits,  expenses  and 
damages  that  have  arisen,  or  may  rise  thereon. 

"  In  testimony  whereof,  I,  the  said  notary,  have  here- 
unto set  my  hand,  and  affixed  my  notarial  seal,  this 
twenty-first  day  of  May,  1799. 

"  Joseph  Ward,  N.  P." 

Several  letters  passed  between  the  secretary  of  state  and 
Captain  Giles,  respecting  this  business,  but  without  any  satis- 
faction to  the  latter;  for  no  proper  explanation  was  ever  de- 
manded from  the  English  government  for  the  conduct  of  the 
commander  of  the  British  frigate. 


CHAPTER  X. 

Ty'ial  of  John  Fries,  for  High  Treason. 

John  Fries  of  the  county  of  Northampton,  in  Pennsylva- 
nia, was,  on  the  1st  of  May,  1799,  indicted  in  the  Circuit 
Court,  held  at  Philadelphia,  for  levying  war  against  the 
United  States,  by  opposing  the  assessors  for  the  direct  tax. 

Judge  Iredell  delivered  his  charge  to  the  grand  jury  on  the 
11th  of  April.  Of  all  the  charges  which  had  hitherto  been 
given  by  the  federal  judges,  this  charge  of  Judge  Iredell  ap- 
peared to  be  the  greatest  insult  offered  to  the  feelings  of  a  free 
people.  Liberty  he  compared  to  the  religion  of  Mohammed, 
which  was  propagated  by  the  sword :  nations,  who  became 
free,  he  said,  were  placed  under  French  guardianship — French 
arsenals  were  the  repository  of  their  arms ;  French  treasuries 


200  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

of  their  money;  and  the  city  of  Paris  of  their  curiosities. 
After  this  display  of  metaphysicial  jargon,  he  proceeded  to 
an  investigation  of  the  alien  and  sedition  'bills,  which  he  at- 
tempted to  vindicate,  and  to  prove  their  consistency  with  the 
constitution  of  the  United  States.  He  then  entered  upon  a 
laboured  disquisition  of  treason ;  gave  quotations  from  Judge 
Hale  and  Blackstone,  and  concluded  by  praying  that  God 
might  preserve  all  lovers  of  subordination  from  being  trampled 
under  the  feet  of  Jacobins. 

On  Wednesday  the  1st  of  May,  the  prisoner,  John  Fries, 
was  brought  to  the  bar.  Upon  the  indictment  being  read, 
charging  him  with  having  unlawfully,  maliciously,  and  traitor- 
ously compassed  and  levied  war,  insurrection,  and  rebellion, 
against  the  United  States,  he  pleaded  not  guilty.  The  several 
particulars  of  these  charges  are  narrated  in  the  following  ad- 
dress of  Mr.  Sitgreaves,  who  opened  the  trial,  on  the  part  of 
the  government. 

"  Gentlemen  of  the  Jury, 

"  By  the  indictment  which  has  been  just  read  to  you,  you 
perceive  that  John  Fries,  the  prisoner  at  the  bar,  has  put  him- 
self on  trial  before  you  on  an  accusation  of  having  committed 
the  greatest  offence  which  can  be  perpetrated  in  this  or  any 
other  country;  and  it  will  devolve  on  you  to  determine,  ac- 
cording to  the  evidence  which  will  be  produced  to  you,  on  the 
important  question  of  life  or  death.  It  is  the  duty  of  those 
that  prosecute,  to  open  to  you,  as  clear  as  they  are  able,  those 
principles  of  law  which  apply  to  the  offender;  and  then  to 
state  to  you  the  testimony  with  which  the  accusation  is  sup- 
ported. This  duty  has  devolved  upon  me,  and  I  hope,  while 
I  regard  my  duty  as  accuser,  I  shall  do  it  in  such  a  way  as 
shall  do  no  injustice  to  the  jjrisoner.  However,  if  I  should  be 
incorrect,  there  are  suiBcient  opportunities  for  me  to  be  cor- 
rected, by  the  vigilance  which  the  counsel  engaged  on  behalf 
of  the  prisoner  will  use,  and  the  order  which  the  court  will 
observe.  These  are  sufficient  to  correct  any  mis-statements, 
but  I  will  use  my  utmost  endeavours  to  be  guilty  of  none. 

"The  prisoner  is  indicted  of  the  crime  of  treason.  Treason 
is  defined  in  the  constitution  of  the  United  States,  Section  3, 
Art.  3,  in  the  words  following:  'Treason  against  the  United 
States,  shall  consist  only  in  levying  war  against  them,  or  in 
adhering  to  their  enemies,  giving  them  aid  anrj  comfort.' 

"  This  crime  appears  to  be  limited  to  two  descriptions :  the 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS,  201 

one,  levying  war  against  the  United  States  States,  and  the 
other,  adhering  to  its  enemies.  With  respect  to  the  latter 
branch  of  the  description,  there  will  be  no  occasion  for  any 
explanation,  or  to  call  your  attention  in  the  least  to  it,  because 
it  is  not  charged  upon  the  prisoner;  he  is  charged  with  having 
committed  treason  in  levying  war. 

"  This  expression,  phraseology,  or  description,  as  adopted 
by  our  constitution,  is  borrowed  from  a  statute  of  Great  Bri- 
tain, passed  in  the  reign  of  Edward  III.,  which  has,  ever  since 
it  passed,  commanded  the  veneration  and  respect  of  that  nation, 
almost  equal  with  their  great  charter ;  it  is  considered  as  a 
great  security  to  their  liberties.  Indeed,  the  uniform  and 
unanimous  consent  given  to  this  statute,  through  a  great  lapse 
of  time,  by  the  most  able  writers  on  law,  its  never  having  un- 
dergone the  least  alteration  amidst  the  most  severe  scrutinies, 
and  its  adoption  into  the  constitution  of  the  United  States, 
without  the  least  amendment,  are  sufficient  encomiums  to  prove 
its  worth.  I  shall  state  to  you,  as  far  as  it  is  necessary  to  the 
present  application  of  that  statute,  the  most  able  and  judicious 
expositions,  but  without  recurring  to  a  variety  of  authorities 
which  might  be  quoted. 

"  The  crime  of  treason,  as  it  has  been  laid  down  by  those 
writers  generally  allowed  to  be  the  most  able  on  law,  whose 
accuracy  is  unquestionable,  is  the  highest  crime  that  can  possi- 
bly be  committed  against  the  good  government  of  a  nation,  and 
a  considerable  inroad  into  the  liberties  of  a  subject.  In  dis- 
cussing this  crime,  I  shall  only  recur  to  the  notes  which  I  have 
taken,  and  my  own  knowledge  of  the  law  ;  if  that  statement 
should  be  inaccurate,  there  are  sufficient  opportunities  for 
amendment  in  the  course  of  this  trial.  Treason  consists  in 
levying  war  against  the  government  of  the  United  States :  it 
may  confidently  be  said,  not  only  to  consist  in  joining  or  aiding 
the  hostile  intentions  of  a  foreign  enemy,  nor  is  it  confined  to 
rebellion,  in  the  broad  sense  in  which  that  word  is  generally 
understood,  or  in  the  utter  subversion  of  the  government  and 
its  fundamental  institutions ;  but  it  also  consists  in  the  raising 
a  military  force  from  among  the  people,  for  the  purpose  of  at- 
taining any  object  with  a  design  of  opposing  the  lawful  autho- 
rity of  the  government  by  dint  of  arms,  in  some  matter  of 
public  concern  in  which  the  insurgents  have  no  particular  in- 
terest distinct  from  the  rest  of  the  community.  This  is  the 
best  description  of  the  crime  of  treason,  as  it  relates  to  the 


202  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

matter  before  you,  which  I  am  able  to  give.  A  turaiiltuously 
raising  the  people  with  force,  for  the  purpose  of  subverting  or 
opposing  the  lawful  authority  of  the  government,  in  which 
those  insurgents  have  no  particular  interest  distinct  from  the 
people  at  large. 

"  Agreeable  to  the  division  made  in  the  definition  of  treason 
by  Lord  Hale,  it  must  consist  both  in  levying  war,  and  in 
levying  war  against  the  government  of  the  United  States. 
,  Respecting  levying  war,  it  is  to  be  understood,  agreeable  to 
the  most  approved  authorities,  that  there  must  be  an  actual 
military  array.  I  mention  this,  because  I  think  it  proper  to 
be  particular  in  so  essential  and  important  an  inquiry  ;  and 
because  I  think  we  shall  prove  to  you  that  this  was  actually 
done  by  the  prisoner.  Another  thing  I  wish  you  to  bear  in 
mind  is,  that  war  may  be  sufficiently  levied  against  the  United 
States,  although  no  violence  be  used,  and  although  no  battle 
be  fought.  It  is  not  necessary  that  actual  violence  should  take 
place,  to  prove  the  actual  waging  of  war.  If  the  arrange- 
ments are  made,  and  the  numbers  of  armed  men  actually  ap- 
pear, so  as  to  procure  the  object  which  they  have  in  view,  by 
intimidation  as  well  as  by  actual  force,  that  will  constitute  the 
offence. 

"  It  must  be  war  waged  against  the  United  States.  This 
is  an  important  distinction.  A  large  assembly  of  people  may 
come  together,  in  whatever  numbers,  however  they  may  be 
armed  or  arrayed,  or  whatever  degree  of  violence  they  may 
commit,  yet  that  alone  would  not  constitute  treason  :  the  trea- 
son must  be  known  ;  it  must  be  for  a  public,  and  not  a  private 
revenge;  it  must  be  avowedly  levying  war  against  the  United 
States.  If  people  assemble  in  this  hostile  manner,  not  only  to 
gratify  revenge  or  any  other  purpose  independent  of  war 
against  the  United  States,  it  will  only  amount  to  a  riot;  but 
if  it  is  an  object  in  which  the  person  has  no  particular  interest, 
this  constitutes  the  offence  of  treason.  There  are  a  variety 
of  instances,  which  might  be  produced  in  order  to  illustrate 
this  definition  of  the  law  ;  but  it  is  not  necessary  to  turn  to 
them.  Suffice  it  to  say,  that  it  is  the  intention  or  end  for 
which  an  insurrection  is  raised,  which  constitutes  the  crime. 
This,  of  course,  you  will  have  in  mind  when  the  testimony  is 
gone  into.  I  will  just  observe,  as  applicable  to  this  case,  that 
one  instance,  which  is  defined,  of  the  crime  of  treason  is,  to 
defeat  the  operation  of  the  laws  of  government ;  any  insurrec- 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  203 

tion,  I  will  be  bold  to  say,  to  defeat  the  execution  of  the  public 
laws,  amounts  to  treason.  Having  given  you  this  explanation 
of  treason,  so  far  as  I  suppose  is  connected  with  the  present 
awful  occasion,  I  shall  now  proceed  to  state  the  amount  of 
evidence  we  mean  to  produce,  in  order  to  prove  that  the  un- 
happy prisoner  was  guilty  of  that  high  crime. 

"  It  will  appear,  gentlemen,  from  the  testimony  which 
will  be  presented  to  you,  that  during  the  latter  months 
of  the  year  1798,  discords  prevailed  to  an  enormous  extent 
throughout  a  large  portion  of  the  counties  of  Bucks,  North- 
ampton, and  Montgomery,  and  that  considerable  difficulties 
attended  the  assessors  for  the  direct  tax  in  the  execution 
of  the  duties  of  their  assessment.  It  is  not  in  the  nature 
of  this  inquiry  to  explain  for  what  purpose  or  by  what 
means  the  opposition  was  made ;  it  is  not  necessary  to  say, 
whether  the  complaints  urged,  were  well  or  ill  founded,  be- 
cause it  is  a  settled  point,  that  any  insurrection  for  removing 
public  grievances,  whether  the  complaints  be  real  or  pre- 
tended, amounts  to  treason,  because  it  is  not  tbe  mode  pointed 
out  by  law  for  obtaining  redress.  It  will  then  be  sufficient 
to  show  you,  that  discontents  did  exist,  and  that  in  various 
townships  of  those  counties  ;  that  in  several  townships,  asso- 
ciations of  the  people  were  actually  formed,  in  order  to  pre- 
vent the  persons  charged  with  the  execution  of  those  laws  of 
the  United  States,  from  performing  their  duty  upon  them,  and 
more  particularly  to  prevent  the  assessors  from  measuring 
their  houses.  This  opposition  was  made  at  manv  public 
township  meetings,  called  for  the  purpose ;  in  many  instances 
resolutions  were  entered  into  and  reduced  to  writing,  solemnly 
forewarning  the  officers,  whose  duty  it  was  to  execute  the 
laws,  and  these  many  times  accompanied  with  threats,  if  they 
should  perform  that  duty.  Not  only  so,  but  discontents  pre- 
vailed to  such  a  height,  that  even  the  friends  of  the  govern- 
ment in  that  part  were  completely  suppressed,  by  menaces 
against  any  who  should  assist  those  officers  in  their  duty  ;  re- 
peated declarations  were  made  both  at  public  as  well  as  pri- 
vate meetings,  that  if  any  person  should  be  arrested  by  the 
civil  authority,  such  arrest  would  be  followed  by  the  rising  of 
the  people,  in  opposition  to  that  authority,  for  the  purpose  of 
rescuing  such  arrested  prisoners.  It  will  appear  to  you  farther, 
gentlemen,  in  the  course  of  evidence,  that  during  those  dis- 
contents, indefatigable  pains  were  taken  by  those  who  were 


204  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

charged  ^vitll  the  execution  of  the  laws,  to  calm  the  fears  and 
to  remove  the  misapprehensions  of  the  infatuated  people;  for 
•ihis  purpose,  they  read  and  explained  the  law  to  them,  and 
informed  them,  that  they  were  misled  into  the  idea  that  the 
law  was  not  in  force,  for  that  it  actually  was  ;  at  the  same 
time  warning  them  of  the  consequences  which  would  flow 
from  opposition  ;  and  this  was  accompanied  with  promises,  that 
even  their  most  capricious  wishes  would  be  gratified  on  their 
obedience.  The  favour  was  in  many  instances  granted,  that 
where  any  opposition  was  made  to  any  certain  person  exe- 
cuting the  office  of  assessor,  in  some  townships  proposals  were 
made  for  the  people  to  choose  for  themselves  ;  but  notwith- 
standing this  accommodating  offer,  the  opposition  continued, 

"  After  having  showed  to  you  the  general  extent  of  this 
combination  and  dangerous  conspiracy,  which  existed  in  all 
the  latitude  I  have  opened  to  your  view,  we  shall  next  give 
in  evidence  full  proof  that  the  consequences  were  actual  oppo- 
sition and  resistance.  In  some  parts  violence  was  actually 
used,  and  the  assessors  were  taken  and  imprisoned  by  armed 
parties  ;  and  in  other,  mobs  assembled  to  compel  them  either  to 
deliver  up  their  papers  or  to  resign  their  commissions  ;  that  in 
some  instances  they  were  threatened  with  bodily  harm,  so  that 
in  those  parts,  the  obnoxious  law  did  remain  unexecuted  in 
consequence  of  this  alarm.  Seeing  the  state  of  the  insurrec- 
tion and  rebellion  had  arisen  to  such  a  height^  it  became  ne- 
cessary, in  order  to  support  the  dignity,  and  indeed  the  very 
existence  of  the  government,  that  some  means  should  be 
adopted  to  compel  the  execution  of  those  laws,  and  warrants 
were  in  consequence  issued  against  certain  persons,  who  had 
so  opposed  the  laws  ;  these  processes  being  put  into  the  hands 
of  the  marshal  of  the  district,  were  served  upon  some  of 
them.  In  some  instances  during  the  execution  of  that  duty, 
the  marshal  met  with  insult,  and  almost  with  violence  ;  having, 
however,  got  nearly  the  whole  of  the  warrants  served,  he 
appointed  head-quarters  for  these  prisoners  to  rendezvous  at 
Bethlehem,  where  some  of  them  were  to  enter  bail  for  their  ap- 
pearance in  the  city,  and  others  were  to  come  to  the  city  in 
custody  for  trial.  It  will  appear  to  you,  that  on  the  day  thus 
appointed  for  the  prisoners  to  meet,  and  when  a  number  of 
them  had  actually  assembled  agreeable  to  appointment,  that  a 
number  of  parties  in  arms,  both  horse  and  foot,  more  than 
one  hundred  men,  accoutred  with  all  their  military  apparatus, 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  205 

commanded  in  some  instances  by  their  proper  officers,  marched 
to  Bethlehem,  collected  before  the  house  in  which  were  the 
marshal  and  prisoners,  whom  they  demanded  to  be  delivered 
up  to  them,  and  in  consequence  of  refusal,  they  proceeded  to 
act  very  little  short  of  actual  hostility,  so  that  the  marshal 
deemed  it  prudent  to  accede  to  their  demands,  and  the  priso- 
ners were  liberated. 

"  This,  gentlemen,  is  the  general  history  of  the  insurrection. 
I  shall  now  state  to  you  the  part  which  the  unfortunate  priso- 
ner at  the  bar  took  in  those  hostile  transactions.  It  will  ap- 
pear that  the  prisoner  is  an  inhabitant  of  the  township  of 
Lower  Milford,  in  the  county  of  Bucks  ;  that  some  time  in 
February  last,  a  public  meeting  was  held  at  the  house  of  one 
John  KUne  in  that  township,  to  consider,  in  relation  to  this 
house  tax,  what  was  to  be  done ;  that  at  that  meeting,  certain 
resolutions  were  entered  into,  and  a  paper  signed,  (we  have 
endeavoured  to  trace  this  paper  so  as  to  produce  it  to  the  court 
and  jury,  but  have  failed  ;)  this  paper  was  signed  by  fifty-two 
persons,  and  committed  to  the  hands  of  one  of  their  number. 
John  Fries  was  present  at  this  meeting,  and  assisted  in  draw- 
ing up  the  paper,  at  which  time  his  expressions  against  this 
law  were  extremely  violent,  and  he  threatened  to  shoot  one 
of  the  assessors,  Mr.  Foulke,  through  the  legs,  if  he  did  pro- 
ceed to  assess  the  houses. 

"  Again,  the  prisoner  at  a  vendue,  threatened  another  of  the 
assessors,  Mr.  S.  Clarke,  that  if  he  attempted  to  go  on  with  the 
assessments,  he  should  be  committed  to  an  old  stable,  and  there 
fed  on  rotten  corn.  We  shall  further  prove,  that  upon  its 
being  intimated  by  some  of  them  to  Mr.  Chapman,  principal 
assessor,  that  if  they  might  choose  their  own  assessors,  things 
would  go  on  quietly ;  he  directed  that  they  should  do  so ;  but 
still  they  continued  in  opposition  to  the  law,  and  would  not 
choose  an  officer  at  all.  A  general  meeting  was  called  to  read 
and  explain  the  law  to  the  people,  and  thus  remove  any  wrong 
impressions  and  -  misapprehensions  ;  the  principal  assessor  was 
at  that  meeting ;  but  the  rudeness,  opposition,  and  violence 
used  by  the  people,  prevented  him  from  doing  so,  which  was 
an  evident  proof  that  they  did  not  want  to  hear  the  law,  and 
that  they  understood  enough  of  it  to  oppose  it.  Thus  the 
benevolent  intention  of  that  meeting  was  frustrated.  We 
shall  further  show  you,  that  the  assessor  of  Lower  Milford 
was  intimidated  so  as  to  decline  making  the  assessments,  and 
18 


206  THE  ADMINISTRATION 

that  the  principal  assessor,  together  with  three  other  assessors, 
were  oWigecl  to  go  into  that  township  to  execute  the  law;  that 
they  proceeded  in  the  execution  of  their  duty  during  a  part  of 
the  day  of  the  5th  of  March  last,  without  any  impediment ; 
that  at  eleven  o'clock  in  the  morning,  Mr.  Chapman  met  at 
the  house  of  Jacob  Fries,  in  Lower  Milford,  with  the  prisoner, 
when  he,  the  prisoner,  declared  his  determination  not  to  sub- 
mit, but  to  oppose  the  law,  and  that  by  the  next  morning  he 
could  raise  seven  hundred  men  in  opposition  to  it:  that  upon 
Mr.  Chapman  telling  him  that  many  houses  were  assessed,  the 
prisoner  flew  into  a  violent  passion,  absolutely  declaring  that 
it  should  soon  be  in  this  country  as  it  was  in  France.  We 
shall  farther  show  you,  that  at  another  time  during  the  same 
day,  the  prisoner  met  with  two  of  the  assessors,  Mr.  Roderick, 
and  Mr.  Foulke,  whom  he  warned  not  to  proceed  in  the  exe- 
cution of  their  duty,  accompanied  with  threats,  that  if  they 
did  they  would  be  hurt,  and  left  them  in  a  great  rage.  Far- 
ther, he  proceeded  to  collect  parties,  with  whom  he  went  in 
search  of  those  men,  and  attacked  them  in  executing  their 
duty — one  of  them  escaped,  but  the  other  he  took ;  but  not 
having  got  Mr.  Roderick,  who  appeared  to  be  a  particular 
object  of  resentment,  he  let  Mr.  Foulke  go,  telling  him  he 
would  have  them  again  the  next  day.  He  told  Mr.  Clarke, 
that  if  he  had  met  with  Roderick,  he  would  not  have  let  him 
go  so  easy,  and  declared  to  him  solemnly  and  repeatedly,  that 
it  was  his  determination  to  oppose  the  laws.  We  shall  farther 
show  you,  that  after  having  discharged  Foulke,  he  proceeded 
to  collect  a  large  party  in  the  township,  in  order  to  take  the 
assessors  the  next  day.  Accordingly,  on  the  day  following,  a 
numerous  party,  to  wit,  about  fifty  or  sixty,  the  greatest  part 
of  whom  were  in  arms,  collected  together  and  pursued  the 
assessors,  and  not  finding  them  in  that  township,  pursued  them 
into  another,  in  order  not  only  to  chase  them  out  of  the  town- 
ship, but  generally  to  prevent  them  executing  their  duty. 
This  party  collected,  not  only  many  of  them  in  arms,  but  in 
military  array,  with  drum  and  fife,  and  commanded  by  this 
Captain  Fries,  and  one  Kuyder  :  Fries  himself  was  armed  with 
a  large  horse-pistol.  Thus  equipped,  they  went  to  Quaker- 
town,  in  order  to  accomplish  their  purpose,  where  they  found 
the  assessors;  two  of  whom  they  took,  but  Roderick  fled. 
Fries  ordered  his  men  to  fire  at  the  man  who  fled,  and  the 
piece  was  snapped,  but  did  not  go  off.     Fries  did  then  compel 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  207 

Foulke  to  deliver  up  to  them  his  papers,  but  not  finding  in 
them  what  they  expected,  they  were  returned,  but  at  the  same 
time  exacting  a  promise,  that  he,  the  assessor,  should  not  pro- 
ceed in  the  valuation  of  the  houses  in  Lower  Milford.  Fries 
was,  in  many  instances,  extremely  violent  against  this  law,  and 
peremptory  in  his  determination  not  to  submit  to  it,  as  will 
appear  by  the  evidence. 

"  When  they  left  Quakertown,  they  met  with  a  travelling 
man,  who  expressed  some  good  will  towards  the  government, 
and  for  that  expression  they  maltreated  him  very  much,  and 
expressed  their  general  dislike  to  all  who  supported  the  same 
principle.  During  the  time  they  were  at  Quakertown,  inti- 
mation was  received  that  the  marshal  had  taken  a  number  of 
persons  prisoners,  in  consequence  of  opposing  the  execution 
of  this  law,  whereupon  a  determination  was  formed  amongst 
those  people,  to  go  and  effect  their  rescue ;  and  the  people  of 
Milford  were  generally  invited  to  assist  in  this  business. 
When  they  were  going,  the  party  halted  at  the  house  of  John 
Fries,  and  then  a  paper  was  signed,  by  which  they  bound 
themselves  volunteers  to  go  upon  the  execution  of  this  design. 
This  paper  was  written  by  the  prisoner  at  the  bar,  and  signed 
by  him  and  the  rest ;  therein  they  engaged  to  go  and  rescue 
the  prisoners  who  had  been  arrested  by  the  marshal.  On  the 
morning  of  the  next  day  twenty  or  more  of  them  met  at  the 
house  of  Conrod  Marks,  in  arms,  to  go  on  with  their  design. 
John  Fries  was  armed  with  a  sword,  and  had  a  feather  in  his 
hat.  On  the  road  as  they  went  forward  they  were  met  by 
young  Marks,  who  told  them  that  they  might  as  well  turn 
about,  for  that  the  Northampton  people  were  strong  enough 
to  do  the  business  without  those  from  Bucks  county ;  some 
were  so  inclined  to  do,  but  at  the  instance  of  Fries  and  some 
others,  they  did  go  forward,  and  actually  proceeded  to  Bethle- 
hem. Before  the  arrival  of  these  troops,  a  party  going  on 
the  same  business  had  stopped  at  the  bridge,  a  small  distance, 
from  Bethlehem,  when  they  had  been  met  by  a  deputation 
from  the  marshal,  whom  he  had  prevailed  on  to  go  and  meet 
them,  in  order  to  advise  them  to  return  home;  they  agreed  to 
halt  there,  and  to  send  three  of  their  number  to  declare  to 
the  marshal  what  was  their  demand.  It  was  during  this  pe- 
riod that  Fries  and  his  party  came  up,  but  it  appears  that 
when  they  came.  Fries  took  the  party  actually  over  the 
bridge,  and  that  he  arranged  the  toll  with  the  man  and  ordered 
them  to  proceed. 


208  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

"  With  respect  to  proof  of  the  proceedings  at  Bethlehem,  it 
cannot  be  mistaken  ;  he  was  there  the  leading  man,  and  he  ap- 
pears to  enjoy  the  command.  With  the  consent  of  his  peo- 
ple, he  demanded  the  prisoners  of  the  marshal,  and  when  that 
officer  told  him  that  he  could  not  surrender  them,  except  they 
were  taken  from  him  by  force,  and  produced  his  warrant  for 
taking  them,  the  prisoner  then  harangued  his  party  out  of  the 
house,  and  explained  to  them  the  necessity  of  using  force  ;  and 
that  you  should  not  mistake  his  design,  we  will  prove  to  you 
that  he  declared,  '  that  was  the  third  day  which  he  had  been 
out  on  this  expedition,  that  he  had  had  a  skirmish  the  day 
before,  and  that  if  the  prisoners  were  not  released  he  should 
have  another  that  day.  Now  you  observe,'  resumed  he, 
'  that  force  is  necessary,  but  you  must  obey  my  orders :  we 
will  not  go  without  taking  the  prisoners ;  but  take  my  orders, 
you  must  not  fire  first ;  must  be  first  fired  upon,  and  when  I 
am  gone  then  must  do  as  well  as  you  can,  as  I  expect  to  be 
the  first  man  that  falls.'  He  farther  declared  to  the  marshal, 
that  they  '  would  fire  till  a  cloud  of  smoke  prevented  them 
from  seeing  one  another  ;'  and  executing  the  office  of  com- 
mander of  the  troops,  which  at  that  time  overawed  the  mar- 
shal and  his  attendants,  harangued  the  troops  to  obey  his 
orders,  which  they  accordingly  did  ;  and  the  marshal  was 
really  intimidated  to  liberate  the  prisoners ;  and  then  the  ob- 
ject was  accomplished,  and  the  party  dispersed  amid  the  huz- 
zas of  the  insurgents.  After  this  atfair  at  Bethlehem,  it  will 
be  given  you  in  evidence  that  the  prisoner  frequently  avowed 
his  opposition  to  the  laws  and  justified  that  outrage  ;  and  when 
a  meeting  was  afterwards  held  at  Lower  Milford  to  choose  as- 
sessors, the  prisoner  refused  his  assent  to  the  accommodating 
object  of  the  meeting,  and  appeared  as  violent  as  ever." 

William  Henry,  Wilham  Barnett,  John  Barnett,  Christian 
Winters,  Christian  Butz,  Colonel  Nichols,  Philip  Selaugh, 
Joseph  Horsefield,  John  Mopollan,  and  several  others,  were 
called  on  the  part  of  the  prosecutor,  whose  evidence  went  to 
confirm  the  several  charges  stated  by  Mr.  Sitgreaves. 

Mr.  Dallas,  as  counsel  for  the  prisoner,  endeavoured  to 
prove  that  the  crime  of  which  Fries  was  guilty,  did  not 
amount  to  treason.  He  challenged  the  prosecuting  counsel  to 
say,  in  what  part  of  the  evidence  it  had  appeared,  that  the 


OP    JOHN   ADAMS.  209 

insurgents  went  further  than  to  declare  that  the  law  did  not 
please  them ;  that  though  they  did  not  mean  to  compel  Con- 
gress to  repeal  it,  they  had  some  doubts  and  wished  to  ascer- 
tain whether  it  existed  or  not ;  to  know  whether  the  country 
in  general  had  submitted  to  it ;  to  know  whether  General 
Washington  was  not  dissatisfied  with  it,  and  to  see  whether 
they  could  not  get  the  assessors  appointed  by  themselves. 
Under  these  impressions  many  irregularities  occurred  ;  but  he 
asked  the  adverse  counsel  to  point  out  if  they  had  discovered 
through  the  whole  course  of  the  business,  any  insurrection 
existing,  any  traitorous  design,  till  the  meeting  at  Bethlehem; 
or  whether,  till  that  moment,  the  inhabitants  of  Northampton 
could  be  said  to  have  been  guilty  of  any  crime?  He  requested 
the  gentlemen  of  the  jury  to  view  for  a  moment  the  motives 
of  the  people  in  the  lawless  scene  at  Bethlehem.  What  did 
they  do  ?  They  rescued  the  marshal's  prisoners  ;  and  when 
they  effected  the  rescue,  they  dispersed :  their  whole  object 
then  was  consummated  ;  for  he  presumed  they  contemplated 
nothing  further,  as  he  saw  them  attempt  nothing  more  ;  and 
yet  the  time  M'as  very  favourable  to  accomplish  a  more  exten- 
sive design,  if  it  had  ever  been  meditated. 

There  was  another  circumstance,  Mr.  Dallas  said,  to  which 
he  wished  to  lead  the  attention  of  the  jury.  He  found  there 
was  an  indisposition  to  allow  a  particular  class  of  officers  to 
make  the  assessments  ;  and  the  people  urged,  that  if  it  was  to 
be  done,  it  should  be  done  by  their  own  assessors.  In  this 
important  point,  therefore,  the  particular  officers,  and  not  the 
law,  formed  the  object  of  resentment  and  opposition  on  this 
distinction.  He  had  the  respected  authority  of  Mr.  Bradford, 
the  late  attorney-general  of  the  United  States,  for  asserting 
that  the  offence  was  riot,  and  not  treason. 

The  acts  committed  durincr  that  scene  of  tumult,  ouo-ht  to 
be  punished,  and  he  hoped  would  be  punished  ;  but  as  acts  of 
riot  and  sedition,  not  as  acts  of  treason. 

He  was  sensible  it  was  possible  to  draw  distinctions ;  to  re- 
fine upon  the  meaning,  and  pervert  the  language  of  the  act ; 
but,  on  principles  of  humanity,  he  was  confident  the  prosecutor 
would  abstain  from  a  mere  exercise  of  ingenuity  and  eloquence, 
while  he,  who  contended  in  favour  of  life,  had  a  claim  to  every 
indulgence ;  a  right  to  the  benefit  of  every  shade  of  discrimi- 
nation. 

Mr.  Dallas  concluded  by  pointing  out  the  differendes  in  the 
18* 


210  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

nature,  progress,  and  turpitude  of  the  Northampton  insurrec- 
tion, and  of  the  Western  insurrection  :  he  also  analyzed  the 
case  of  Lord  George  Gordon,  and  contended,  that  upon  this 
authority  alone,  the  prisoner  ought  to  be  acquitted.  In  the 
case  of  Lord  Gordon,  the  direct,  the  avowed  object,  was  to 
obtain  the  repeal  of  a  law  ;  and  as  petitions  and  remonstrances 
were  unavailing,  a  body  of  forty  thousand  men  were  convened, 
and  marshalled  to  surround,  intimidate,  and  coerce  the  parlia- 
ment. Riot,  arson,  murder,  and  every  species  of  the  most 
daring  outrage  and  devastation  ensued ;  and  yet  the  only  pro- 
secution for  high  treason  was  instituted  against  the  leader  of 
the  association  ;  and  that  prosecution  terminated  in  an  acquit- 
tal. "  View  then,  the  riots  of  Lord  George  Gordon,"  (ex- 
claimed Mr.  Dallas)  "  estimate  their  guilt  by  the  avowed 
object ;  aggravate  the  scene  with  the  contemporaneous  insults 
and  violence  offered  to  the  persons  of  peers  and  commoners, 
and  close  the  retrospect  with  the  horrors  w'hich  the  British 
metropolis  endured  for  more  than  eight  days,  and  then  say 
what  was  the  guilt  of  John  Fries,  compared  with  the  guilt  of 
Lord  George  Gordon  ?  what  is  there  in  the  English  doctrine 
of  treason,  that  has  justified  an  acquittal  of  the  latter  ?  what 
is  there  in  the  American  doctrine  of  treason,  that  will  justify 
a  conviction  of  the  former  ? 

"  Gentlemen,  I  can  proceed  no  longer — the  life  of  the  pris- 
oner is  left  with  great  confidence  in  your  hands.  There  are  . 
attempts  to  make  him  responsible,  under  the  notion  of  a  gene- 
ral conspiracy,  for  all  the  actions,  and  all  the  words  of  meetings, 
which  he  never  attended,  and  of  persons  whom  he  never  saw. 
But  this  is  too,  too  harsh,  in  case  of  blood  :  it  is  inconsistent 
with  the  humanity,  the  tenderness  of  life,  which  are  charac- 
teristics of  the  American  people,  and  especially  of  the  people 
of  Pennsylvania.  Nor  is  it  called  for  by  the  policy  or  prac- 
tice of  those  who  administer  our  government.  I  believe  that 
to  the  chief  magistrate,  to  every  public  oflScer,  to  every  candid 
citizen,  it  will  be  a  matter  of  gratification  if,  after  so  fair,  so 
full  a  scrutiny,  j^ou  should  be  of  opinion,  that  treason  has  not 
been  committed.  Such  an  event  will  by  no  means  insure  im- 
punity to  the  delinquent ;  for  though  he  has  not  committed 
treason,  though  the  punishment  of  death  is  not  to  be  inflicted, 
the  violation  of  the  laws  may  be  amply  avenged  upon  an  in- 
dictment of  a  different  nature.  The  only  question,  however, 
now  to  be  decided  is,  whether  the  offence  proved  is,  like  the 


OF    JOHN  ADAMS.  211 

offence  charged,  treason  against  the  United  States.  The  af- 
firmation must  be  incontestibly  estabhshed,  as  to  the  fact  and 
the  intention,  by  the  testimony  of  two  witnesses  to  the  same 
overt  act ;  but  remember,  I  pray  you,  what  the  venerable 
Lord  Mansfield  stated  to  the  jury  on  Lord  Gordon's  trial ; 
for  if  you  doubt  (it  is  the  principle  of  law  as  well  as  humanity) 
you  must  acquit." 

Mr.  Dallas  then  called  several  witnesses,  in  order  to  prove 
that  the  crime  with  which  Fries  was  charged,  only  amounted 
to  a  riot. 

Mr.  Ewing,  after  the  evidence  on  the  part  of  the  prisoner 
was  closed,  addressed  the  jury  in  a  very  pathetic  and  ingenious 
speech.  He  said  he  was  sensible  that  Fries  had  been  guilty  of 
a  flagrant  violation  of  law,  an  offence  for  which  he  deserved  to 
suffer,  and  which  the  good  of  society  required  should  be  pun- 
ished ;  but  he  contended  and  asserted  with  confidence,  because 
he  thought  the  law  would  bear  him  out,  that  no  act  the  pris- 
oner had  committed,  could  be  construed  treason  by  the  most 
rigid  or  strained  construction  of  law. 

Mr.  Sitgreaves  spoke  in  reply — after  which  Mr.  Lewis  ad- 
dressed the  jury  in  behalf  of  Fries  in  a  speech  of  several  hours, 
in  which  he  brought  forward  every  argument  in  defence  of  the 
prisoner  which  legal  knowledge  or  ingenuity  could  suggest. 

Mr.  Rawle  closed  the  prosecution ;  after  which  Judge  Ire- 
dell summed  up  the  evidence  on  both  sides,  but  not  with  that 
candour  the  case  required.  An  evident  bias  against  the  pri- 
soner was  displayed  both  in  his  speech,  in  his  looks,  and  his 
gestures. 

The  jury  withdrew  for  about  three  hours,  and  then  returned 
with  a  verdict — guilty. 

This  trial  occupied  the  unremitted  attention  of  the  court 
and  jury  from  April  30th  until  May  9th,  inclusive,  during 
which  time  the  jury  never  separated. 

The  court  having  met  on  the  14th  of  May,  to  pronounce 
sentence,  Mr.  Lewis  read  several  depositions,  which  imported 
that  John  Rhead,  one  of  the  jurymen,  had  declared  a  preju- 
dice against  the  prisoner,  after  he  was  summoned  as  a  juror 
on  the  trial.  He  said  he  found  that  he  could  procure  other 
affidavits  to  the  same  fact,  on  the  ground  of  which  he  moved 
a  rule  when  the  court  last  met,  to  show  cause  why  there 
ought  not  to  be  a  new  trial.  He  expressed  himself  aware  of 
the  lateness  of  the  period,  a  verdict  having  been  given,  but 


212  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

the  impossibility  of  proving  the  fact  earlier,  was  a  sufficient 
apology.  He  should  forbear  to  enter  into  the  merits  of  the 
motion  at  that  time. 

Several  witnesses  were  examined,  who  deposed  that  Rhead 
had  used  several  harsh  expressions  respecting  Fries,  after  he 
had  been  summoned  as  a  juror.  This  fact  having  been  proved 
to  the  satisfaction  of  the  court,  a  new  trial  was  granted :  the 
particulars  of  which  will  be  given  in  another  chapter. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

Trials  of  Jonathan  Robhins,  Isaac  Williams,  and  Williatn 
Frothing  ham. 

The  fate  of  Jonathan  Robbins,  and  the  story  of  this  unfor- 
tunate seaman,  are  too  well  known  and  too  deeply  impressed 
on  the  hearts  of  Americans  to  require  any  comment  or  intro- 
ductory remarks  previous  to  the  narration  of  the  mock  trial 
which  the  clemency  of  a  southern  judge  granted  him. 

On  the  2oth  of  July,  1799,  he  was  brought  before  Judge 
Bee,  of  the  district  court  of  South  Carolina,  in  virtue  of  a  de- 
mand made  by  his  Britannic  majesty's  consul,  (on  suspicion 
of  his  having  been  concerned  in  a  mutiny  on  board  the  British 
frigate  Hermione,  in  1797,)  that  he  might  be  delivered  up  (to 
be  sent  to  Jamaica  for  trial)  in  virtue  of  the  27th  article  of 
the  treaty  between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain, 
which  article  runs  thus: 

"  It  is  further  agreed,  that  his  majesty  and  the  United  States 
on  mutual  requisitions,  by  them  respectively,  or  by  their  re- 
spective ministers  or  officers,  authorized  to  make  the  same, 
will  deliver  up  to  justice  all  persons  who,  being  charged  with 
murder  or  forgery  committed  within  the  jurisdiction  of  either, 
shall  seek  an  asylum  within  any  of  the  countries  of  the  other: 
provided  that  this  shall  only  be  done  on  such  evidence  of 
criminality,  as,  according  to  the  laws  of  the  place  where  the 
fugitive  or  person  so  charged  shall  be  found,  would  justify  his 
apprehension,  and  a  commitment  for  trial,  if  the  offence  had 
been  committed.     The  expense  of  such  apprehension  and  de- 


OF    JOHN   ADAMS.  213 

livery  shall  be  borne  and  defrayed  by  those  who  make  the 
requisition  and  receive  the  fugitive." 

The  commitment  of  the  prisoner  was  grounded  on  the  two 
following  affidavits : 

"  South  Carolina  District. 

"  William  Portlock,  a  native  of  Portsmouth,  in  the  state  of 
Virginia,  upwards  of  eighteen  years  old,  appeared  before  me, 
and  being  duly  sworn,  made  oath,  that  he  was  one  of  the  crew 
before  the  mast  in  the  schooner  Tanner's  Delight,  which  was 
commanded  by  Captain  White,  who  arrived  here  about  three 
weeks  ago;  that  a  person  who  answered  by  the  name  of  Nathan 
Robbins,  came  also  in  the  said  vessel,  before  the  mast,  with 
him  ;  that  he,  said  Robbins  is  a  tall  man,  middle  size,  had 
long  black  hair,  dark  complexion,  with  a  scar  on  one  of  his 
lips ;  that  on  and  about  last  Christmas  night,  he  was  present, 
and  heard  the  said  Robbins  talking  in  the  harbour  of  the  city 
of  St.  Domingo  to  some  French  privateers-men,  who  were  on 
board  the  Tanner's  Delight,  when  and  where  he  informed 
them,  in  his  hearing,  that  he,  the  said  Robbins,  was  boat- 
swain's mate  of  his  majesty's  frigate  Hermione,  when  she  was 
carried  into  the  port  Cavilla  ;  and  added,  that  they  had  no 
occasion  to  take  notice  of  that.  And  after  the  above  time, 
sometimes  when  he  was  drunk,  he,  the  said  Robbins,  would 
mention  the  name  of  the  Hermione,  and  say  bad  luck  to  her, 
and  clench  his  fist. 

his 

"  William  X  Portlock. 

mark. 

"Sworn  before  me,  this  20th  February,  1799. 

"  Thomas  Hall,  j.  p.  &  u." 

"  United  States  of  America,  South  Carolina  District. 

"  Personally  came  and  appeared  before  me  Lieutenant  John 
Forbes,  who  being  duly  sworn,  deposeth,  that  a  person  con- 
fined in  the  gaol  of  this  district,  who  calls  himself  Nathan 
Robbins,  but  whose  real  name  this  deponent  believes  to  be 
Thomas  Nash,  was  a  seaman  on  board  the  Hermione,  British 
frigate,  in  which  the  deponent  was  a  midshipman  from  the  8th 
of  February,  1797,  until  the  30th  of  August  following ;  during 
which  time  the  said  Nash  was  personally  known  to  this  depo- 
nent ;  that  this  deponent  was  removed  from  the  said  frigate  to 


214  THE   ADMINISTRATION 

the  sloop  of  war  Diligence,  on  the  said  30th  day  of  August, 
1797.  This  deponent  further  deposeth,  that  on  the  19th  of 
September  following,  he  was  sent  on  board  of  the  said  British 
frigate,  at  which  time  he  saw  and  left  the  said  Nash  in  the 
same  station,  on  board  that  vessel,  as  he  was  at  the  time  of 
this  deponent's  being  a  midshipman  therein.  That  on  the  22d 
of  the  said  month,  the  crew  mutinied  on  board  the  said  frigate, 
killed  the  principal  officers,  piratically  possessed  themselves  of 
her,  carried  her  into  Laguyra,  and  there  disposed  of  her  to 
certain  subjects  of  his  Catholic  Majesty.  That  the  said 
Thomas  Nash  was  one  of  the  principals  in  the  commission  of 
the  said  acts  of  murder  and  piracy  ;  whose  conduct  in  that 
transaction  has  become  known  to  this  deponent  by  depositions 
made,  and  testimony  given  in  court-martial,  where  some  of  the 
said  crew  have  been  tried. 

"  John  Forbes. 
"  Sworn  before  me  this  18th  April,  1799. 

"  Thomas  Bee, 
"  District  Judge,  South  Carolina." 

Upon  a  candid  review  of  these  depositions,  there  does  not 
appear  to  have  existed  the  slightest  cause  for  even  a  commit- 
ment of  Jonathan  Bobbins.  The  testimony  on  the  part  of 
Portlock  is  trifling  in  the  extreme,  and  that  of  Lieutenant 
Forbes  entirely  verbal  report.  In  the  article  of  the  British 
treaty,  there  is  not  a  word  said  of  any  fugitive  that  may  be 
found  within  their  dominions,  charged  with  having  committed 
offences  at  sea  on  board  of  American  vessels.  It  is  entirely  con- 
fined to  cases  within  the  jurisdiction  of  each,  that  is  territorial 
jurisdiction ;  for  had  the  minister  of  Britain  considered  ships 
as  the  territory  specified  in  the  treaty,  he  certainly  would,  by 
a  particular  clause,  have  provided  for  cases  arising  at  sea. 

That  the  British  government  considered  the  word  territory 
as  not  applying  to  ships,  is  evident  from  a  circumstance  which 
occurred  soon  after.  The  crew  of  an  American  vessel  rose 
upon  their  captain,  whose  name  was  Little,  murdered  him 
and  his  mate,  and  then  carried  the  vessel  into  Britain.  The 
mutineers,  in  place  of  being  sent  back  to  America,  were  tried 
and  executed  in  England. 

Judge  Bee,  some  days  before  the  court  met,  received  a  let- 
ter from  the  Secretary  of  State,  mentioning  that  an  applica- 
tion had  been  made  by  the  British  minister,  Mr.  Liston,  to  the 


OF    JOHN  ADAMS.  "  215 

President  for  the  delivery  of  the  prisoner,  under  the  twenty- 
seventh  article  of  Jay's  treaty,  and  containing  these  words : 
"  The  President  advises  and  requests  you  to  deliver  him  up." 
This  letter  was  not  read  in  court,  though  it  was  shown  to 
the  counsel  on  both  sides,  but  the  following  certificate  and 
affidavit  were  produced  in  behalf  of  the  prisoner,  by  his  coun- 
sel, Messrs.  Moultrie  and  Ker : 

"  United  States  of  America,  State  of  JYew  York. 

"  By  this  pubUc  instrument,  be  it  known,  &c.  that  I,  John 
Keese,  a  pubhc  Notary,  &c-  do  hereby  certify  that  Jonathan 
Robbins,  who  has  subscribed  these  presents,  personally  ap- 
peared before  me,  and  being  by  me  duly  sworn  according  to 
law,  deposed :  That  he  is  a  citizen  of  the  United  States  of 
America,  and  liable  to  be  called  into  the  service  of  his  coun- 
try, and  is  to  be  respected  accordingly  at  all  times  by  sea  and 
land. 

"  Whereof  an  attestation  being  required,  I  have  granted 
this  under  my  notorial  hand  and  seal. 

"  Done  at  the  City  of  New  York  in  the  State  of  New 
York,  the  20th  day  of  May,  1795. 
"  Quod  attestor, 

John  Keese,  Notary  Public." 

"  Jonathan  Robbins,  a  mariner,  a  prisoner  now  in  the  cus- 
tody of  the  marshal  of  the  district  court  of  the  United  States, 
for  South  Carolina,  being  duly  sworn,  saith  he  is  a  native  of 
the  State  of  Connecticut,  and  born  in  Danbury,  in  that  state ; 
that  he  has  never  changed  his  allegiance  to  his  native  coun- 
try ;  and  that  about  two  years  ago,  he  was  pressed  from  on 
board  the  brig  Betsey,  of  New  York,  commanded  by  Captain 
White,  and  was  detained  there  contrary  to  his  will,  into  the 
service  of  the  British  nation,  until  the  s.did  vessel  was  cap- 
tured by  those  of  her  crew,  who  took  her  into  a  Spanish  port 
by  force,  and  that  he  gave  no  assistance  in  such  capture. 

"JONATHAN  ROBBINS. 

"  Sworn  this  25th  July,  1799,  before  me, 

"  Thomas  Hall,  Federal  Clerk,  and  J.  P.  and  U." 

The  signature  made  by  the  prisoner  to  this  affidavit  in  court, 
appeared  to  be  in  the  same  handwriting  as  the  signature  made 
to  the  one  in  1795,  from  which  circumstance  it  may  be  pre- 
sumed, that  Jonathan   Robbins  is  the  prisoner's  real  name. 


216  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

The  body  of  the  affidavit  made  in  New  York,  in  1795,  was 
printed ;  the  names,  dates,  signatures,  &c.,  were  filled  up  in 
■writing ;  it  had  the  notarial  seal  of  John  Keese,  Esq.,  affixed, 
and  had  the  appearance  of  being  a  genuine  paper,  used  by 
seamen  at  that  day  as  a  protection. 

These  affidavits,  and  the  question  whether  the  prisoner  was 
an  American,  and  an  impressed  seaman  or  not,  were  in  the 
opinion  of  the  court  altogether  immaterial ;  and  Judge  Bee, 
without  any  hesitation,  pronounced  the  decree  for  delivering 
up  a  fellow-citizen  into  the  hands  of  a  foreign  executioner. 
Poor  Robbins  was  then  immediately  conveyed  on  board  a 
British  sloop  of  war,  which  carried  him  to  Jamaica,  v.-here 
he  received  the  ignominious  death  of  a  traitorous  assassin. 

On  the  28th  of  September,  a  trial  of  the  most  momentous 
nature  came  on  before  the  circuit  court  at  Hartford,  in  Con- 
necticut. An  indictment  was  laid  against  one  Isaac  Williams, 
for  having,  on  the  27th  of  February,  at  Guadaloupe,  accepted 
from  the  French  republic  a  commission  and  instructions  against 
the  King  of  Great  Britain  and  his  subjects,  contrary  to  the 
twenty-first  article  of  the  treaty  with  the  United  States. 

It  was  admitted  on  the  part  of  Williams,  that  he  had  com- 
mitted the  facts  alleged  against  him  in  the  indictment ;  but  in 
his  defence,  he  offered  to  prove  that  in  the  year  1792,  he  re- 
ceived from  the  Consul-General  of  the  French  republic  a  war- 
rant appointing  him  a  third  lieutenant  on  board  the  Jupiter,  a 
French  seventy-four  gun  ship  ;  that  pursuant  to  the  appoint- 
ment, he  went  on  board  the  Jupiter,  took  the  command  to 
which  he  was  appointed,  which  vessel  soon  after  sailed  for 
France,  and  arrived  at  Rochefort  in  the  autumn  of  the  same 
year.  That  at  Rochefort  he  was  duly  naturahzed  in  the  vari- 
ous bureaus  in  that  port,  renouncing  his  allegiance  to  all  other 
countries,  particularly  to  America,  and  taking  a  solemn  oath 
of  allegiance  to  the  republic  of  France,  who  appointed  him  a 
second  lieutenant  on  board  a  French  frigate,  called  the  Cha- 
ront,  and  that  before  the  ratification  of  the  treaty  of  amity 
and  commerce  between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain, 
he  was  duly  commissioned  a  second  lieutenant  on  board  a 
seventy-four-gun  ship,  in  the  service  of  the  said  republic ;  and 
that  he  had  ever  since  continued  under  the  government  of 
that  nation,  most  of  the  time  actually  residing  in  the  dominions 
of  the  French  republic  ;  that  during  the  said  period,  he  was  not 
resident  in  the  United  States  more  than  six  months,  which  was 


OF  JOHN  ADAMS. 


217 


in  the  year  1797,  when  he  came  to  this  country  for  the  pur- 
pose merely  of  visiting  his  relations  and  friends  ;  that  for  about 
the  three  last  years  of  his  life,  he  had  been  domiciliated  in  the 
island  of  Guadaloupe,  within  the  dominions  of  the  French  re- 
public, and  had  made  that  place  his  fixed  habitation,  without 
any  design  of  again  returning  to  the  United  States  for  perma- 
nent residence. 

The  attorney  for  the  district  agreed  that  the  above  state- 
ment was  true;  but  objected,  that  it  ought  not  to  be  admitted 
as  evidence  to  the  jury;  because  it  could  have  no  operation 
in  law  to  justify  the  prisoner  for  committing  the  facts  alleged 
against  him  in  the  indictment. 

The  question  was  then  argued  on  both  sides,  by  the  coun- 
sel for  the  United  States,  and  by  the  counsel  for  the  prisoner. 

Mr.  Law,  district  judge,  expressed  doubts  as  to  the  legal 
operation  of  the  evidence ;  and  gave  it  as  his  opinion,  that 
the  evidence  and  the  operation  of  law  thereon,  be  left  to  the 
consideration  of  the  jury. 

Mr.  Ellsworth,  chief  justice  of  the  United  States,  gave  his 
opinion  on  the  question  nearly  to  the  following  effect : 

"  The  common  law  of  this  country  remains  the  same  as  it 
was  before  the  revolution.  The  present  question  is  to  be  de- 
cided by  two  great  principles;  one  is,  that  all  the  members  of 
civil  community  are  bovmd  to  each  other  by  compact ;  the  other 
is,  that  one  of  the  parties  to  this  compact  cannot  dissolve  it  by 
his  own  act.  The  compact  between  our  community  and  its  mem- 
bers is,  that  the  community  will  protect  its  members,  and  on  the 
part  of  the  members,  that  they  will  at  all  times  be  obedient  to 
the  laws  of  the  community,  and  faithful  in  its  defence.  This  com- 
pact distinguishes  our  government  from  those  which  are  founded 
in  violence  or  fraud.  It  necessarily  results,  that  the  member 
cannot  dissolve  this  compact,  without  the  consent  or  default 
of  the  community.  There  has  been  no  consent — no  defaults 
— default  is  not  pretended — express  consent  is  not  claimed  ; 
but  it  has  been  argued,  that  the  consent  of  the  community  is 
implied  by  its  policy,  its  condition,  and  its  acts.  In  countries 
so  crowded  with  inhabitants,  that  the  means  of  subsistence  are 
difficult  to  be  obtained,  it  is  reason  and  policy  to  permit  emi- 
gration. But  our  policy  is  different ;  for  our  country  is  but 
sparely  settled,  and  we  have  no  inhabitants  to  spare. 

"  Consent  has  been  argued  from  the  condition  of  the  coun- 
try, because  we  were  in  a  state  of  peace;  the  war  had  cora- 
19 


218  THE  ADMINISTRATION 

menced  in  Europe.  We  wished  to  have  nothing  to  do  with 
the  war;  but  the  war  would  have  something  to  do  with  us. 
It  has  been  extremely  difficult  for  us  to  keep  out  of  this  war ; 
the  progress  of  it  has  threatened  to  involve  us.  It  has  been 
necessary  for  our  government  to  be  vigilant  in  restraining  our 
own  citizens  from  those  acts  which  would  involve  us  in  hos- 
tilities. The  most  visionary  writers  on  this  subject,  do  not 
contend  for  the  principle  in  the  unlimited  extent,  that  a  citizen 
may  at  any  and  all  times,  renounce  his  own,  and  join  himself 
to  a  foreign  country. 

"  Consent  has  been  argued,  from  the  acts  of  our  own 
government,  permitting  the  naturalization  of  foreigners. 
When  a  foreigner  presents  himself  here,  and  proves  himself 
to  be  of  a  good  moral  character,  well  affected  to  the  consti- 
tution and  government  of  the  United  States,  and  a  friend  to 
the  good  order  and  happiness  of  civil  society ;  if  he  has  re- 
sided here  the  time  prescribed  by  law,  we  grant  him  the 
privileges  of  a  citizen.  We  do  not  inquire  what  his  re- 
lation is  to  his  own  country ;  we  have  not  the  means  of  know- 
ing, and  the  inquiry  would  be  indelicate ;  we  leave  him  to 
judge  of  that.  If  he  embraces  himself  by  contracting  con- 
tradictory obligations,  the  faults  and  the  folly  are  his  own. 
But  this  implies  no  consent  of  the  government,  that  our  own 
citizens  should  expatriate  themselves. 

"  Therefore,  it  is  my  opinion,  that  these  facts  which  the 
prisoner  offers  to  prove  in  his  defence,  are  totally  irrelevant; 
they  can  have  no  operation  in  law,  and  the  jury  ought  not  to 
be  embarrassed  or  troubled  with  them;  but  by  the  constitu- 
tion of  the  court  the  evidence  must  go  to  the  jury." 

The  cause  and  the  evidence  were  accordingly  committed  to 
the  jury,  who  returned  a  verdict  finding  the  prisoner  guilty. 

The  court  sentenced  him  to  pay  a  fine  of  1000  dollars,  and 
to  suffer  four  months  imprisonment. 

Isaac  Williams  was  also  indicted  before  the  same  court,  for 
having  on  the  22d  of  September,  1799,  in  a  hostile  manner, 
with  a  privateer  commissioned  by  the  French  Republic,  at- 
tacked and  captured  a  British  ship  and  crew  on  the  high  seas. 
Williams's  defence  on  the  first  indictment  being  of  no  avail, 
and  having  no  other  defence  but  this,  he  pleaded  guilty. 

The  court  sentenced  him  to  pay  a  fine  of  1000  dollars,  and 
to  suffer  a  further  imprisonment  of  four  months. 

This  decision  called  loudly  for  the  examination  not  only  of 


OF    JOHN   ADAMS.  219 

individual  citizens,  but  of  each  State  Legislature,  and  of 
Congress  itself.  The  opinion  of  Judge  Ellsworth,  respecting 
the  validity  of  the  common  law,  was  both  dangerous  and  ab- 
surd. The  grounds  upon  M'hich  he  denied  an  American 
citizen  the  right  of  expatriation,  were  equally  unfounded. 
The  merits,  therefore,  of  these  questions  were  immediately 
taken  up  and  fully  discussed  by  several  writers  of  the  first 
legal  abilities.  Two  letters  in  particular  appeared  in  the 
Examiner,  under  the  signature  of  Aristogeton,  which  treated 
this  subject  to  its  very  foundation ;  and  exposed  completely 
the  fallacy  of  the  arguments  adduced  by  the  Chief  Justice. 

"  What  are  the  naturalization  laws  of  the  United  States  ?" 
exclaims  this  writer.  "  They  are  laws  authorizing  the  sub- 
jects and  citizens  of  foreign  nations  to  become  citizens  of  this 
country;  and  they  point  out  the  particular  mode  in  which 
they  may  become  citizens — that  these  laws  do  admit  that  the 
members  of  other  communities  have  a  right  to  throw  off  their 
allegiance  to  their  own  country,  is  evident  from  the  language. 
He  (the  alien)  shall  at  the  time  of  his  application  to  be  admit- 
ted, declare  on  oath  or  affirmation,  that  he  will  support  the 
constitution  of  the  United  States;  and  that  he  doth  absolutely 
and  entirely  renounce  and  abjure  all  allegiance  and  fidelity  to 
every  foreign  prince,  potentate,  state,  or  sovereignty  whatever ; 
and  particularly  to  name  the  prince,  potentate,  state  or  sove- 
reignty, whereof  he  was  before  a  citizen  or  subject. 

"  Tbe  alien,  who  visits  our  country  for  the  purpose  of  be- 
comino;  a  citizen,  either  had  a  right  to  throw  off  his  alleo;iance 
to  his  former  sovereign  without  obtaining  the  consent  of  that 
sovereign,  or  he  has  not  such  a  right.  If  he  has  such  right 
it  must  be  a  natural  one,  because  no  code  of  municipal  laws 
in  Europe  grants  the  right ;  nay  some  of  them  expressly  take 
it  away.  If  it  is  a  natural  right,  it  belongs  equally  to  all 
mankind  ;  the  citizens  of  America,  therefore,  are  equally  en- 
titled to  it  with  the  rest  of  mankind.  But  of  natural  rights, 
men  cannot  be  fairly  and  properly  deprived.  No  congress, 
therefore,  can  properly  deprive  an  American  citizen  of  this 
right.  Great  God !  what  must  have  been  the  feelings  of 
Judge  Ellsworth  when  he  was  depriving  Williams  of  this  na- 
tural right !  But  I  will  suppress  the  emotions  which  beat  in 
my  bosom,  upon  the  recollection  of  this  hideous  sentence,  and 
I  will  proceed  to  examine  coolly  and  dispassionately  the  ques- 
tion.    If  the  alien  had  not  a  right  to  throw  off  his  allegiance 


220  THE   ADMINISTRATION 

to  his  own  country,  then  Congress  by  making  the  law,  have 
deprived  foreign  governments  of  one  of  their  most  essential 
rights,  and  have  been  moreover  guilty  of  a  crime  which  ap- 
proaches very  nearly  to  that  of  man-stealing.  Yes!  if  an 
individual  has  not  a  right  to  throw  off  the  allegiance  of  his 
country,  if  his  sovereign's  consent  is  necessary,  and  if  our 
laws  do  not  require  that  that  consent  should  be  given,  w^e  have 
certainly  violated  the  rights  of  all  the  sovereigns  in  the  world. 
We  have  decoyed  and  spirited  away  from  their  own  homes 
the  members  of  all  the  sovereignties  of  Europe ;  we  have  de- 
coyed them  by  the  most  extensive  promises ;  by  the  promise 
that  they  shall  after  a  short  time  become  the  citizens  of  a  free 
republic;  that  they  shall  enjoy  here  all  the  bounties  of  nature, 
and  possess  in  security  all  the  products  of  their  labour.  This 
promise  has  been  unaccompanied  with  any  requisition  of  their 
sovereign's  consent,  and  if  we  had  not  a  right  to  make  such 
an  unqualified  promise,  we  have  (I  aver  again)  been  guilty  of 
man-stealing.  And  as  the  punishment  of  man-stealing  is  death, 
so,  when  nations  are  guilty  of  it,  a  just  foundation  is  laid  for 
war.  Now,  whatever  right  an  individual  may  have  to  think 
that  the  people  and  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  have 
violated  the  rights  of  other  sovereigns,  certainly  a  judge  can 
have  no  right  to  make  such  declaration  from  the  bench  of  jus- 
tice. Such  is  the  dilemma  in  which  Judge  Ellsworth  has 
placed  himself.  He  must  either  admit  that,  according  to  the 
principles  of  our  naturalization  laws,  our  citizens  have  a  right 
to  expatriate  themselves,  or  that  the  legislature  of  the  United 
States,  that  body  whose  la-ws  (when  they  are  constituted)  he 
is  bound  to  expound  and  enforce,  have  been  guilty  of  the  most 
horrible  of  all  crimes,  and  have  given  a  sufficient  cause  of  war 
to  all  the  nations  in  the  world." 

On  Thursday,  the  21st  of  November,  at  New  York,  David 
Frothingham  was  indicted  for  a  libel  against  Alexander 
Hamilton,  Esq.  Major-General  in  the  service  of  the  United 
States. 

The  publication  which  gave  rise  to  the  indictment  was 
copied  in  the  Argus  of  the  6th  instant,  from  the  Constitutional 
Telegraph,  and  is  as  follows  : 

"  Extract  of  a  letter  from  Philadelphia,  September  20. 
"  An  effort  was  recently  made  to  suppress  the  Aurora,  and 
Alexander  Hamilton  was  at  the  bottom   of  it.     Mrs.  Bache 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  221 

was  offered  6000  dollars  down,  in  the  presence  of  several 
persons,  in  part  payment,  the  valuation  to  be  left  to  two  im- 
partial persons,  and  the  remainder  paid  immediately  on  her 
giving  up  the  paper;  but  she  pointedly  refused  it,  and  de- 
clared she  would  not  dishonour  her  husband's  memory,  nor  her 
children's  future  fame,  by  such  baseness;  when  she  parted 
with  the  paper  it  should  be  to  Republicans  only. 

''I  am  proud  to  hear  of  your  honorable  State's  republican- 
ism.    The  change  in  men's  minds  here  is  truly  astonishing." 

The  business  was  opened  by  Mr.  Hoffman,  as  attorney- 
general.  The  bench  consisted  of  Judge  Radcliff,  Richard 
Harrison,  recorder,  and  the  mayor  of  the  city.  No  evidences 
were  sworn  on  either  side,  except  Mr.  C.  Golden,  assistant 
attorney,  and  General  Hamilton  himself. 

Mr.  Golden  stated,  that  at  the  instance  of  a  letter  from 
Major-General  Hamilton,  he  had  called  at  the  office  of  the 
Argus,  and  was  introduced  to  Mr.  Frothingham,  as  conductor 
of  the  business  ;  that  after  some  conversation,  Mr.  Frothing- 
ham said,  he  expected  that  he  was  liable  for  any  publications 
which  appeared  in  the  Argus,  but  repeatedly  observed,  that 
he  saw  no  criminality  in  the  present  instance  as  it  respected 
him ;  the  plea  in  dispute  having  been  copied  from  another  pa- 
per; Mr.  Golden  added,  that  in  pursuance  of  this  declaration 
Mr.  Frothingham  was  arrested. 

Major-General  Hamilton  was  called  upon,  on  the  part  of 
the  State,  to  prove  that  he  was  innocent  of  the  charge  al- 
leged against  him.  This  was  objected  to  by  Mr.  B.  Livings- 
ton counsel  for  the  defendant;  and  the  objection  admitted  by 
the  court.  The  General  was  then  asked  to  explain  certain 
inuendoes  in  the  indictment,  respecting  speculation,  &c.  This 
having  been  done,  he  was  interrogated  what  was  generally 
understood  by  secret  service  money  ?  being  very  well  versed 
in  the  vernacular  tongue,  he  found  some  difficulty  in  the  ex- 
planation ;  but  gave  it  as  his  opinion,  that  it  meant  money 
appropriated  by  a  government,  generally  for  corrupt  purposes, 
as  it  respected  the  country  and  government  in  which  it  was  to 
be  distributed  ;  but  in  support  of  the  government  which  gave 
it !  He  was  then  asked,  whether  he  considered  the  Aurora 
as  hostile  to  the  government  of  the  United  States  ?  and  he 
replied  in  the  affirmative!     This  closed  the  testimony. 

Mr,  Brockholst  Livingston  then  attempted  to  prove  that 
19*  ♦       ■ 


222  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

Mr.  Frothinghara  was  not  responsible  ;  that  his  declaration  to 
Mr.  Golden  should  not  be  admitted  as  proof  against  him,  and 
that  the  attorney  ought  to  have  arrested  the  editor.  In 
reply  to  this,  Mr.  Hoffman  contended,  that  every  journeyman 
and  apprentice  in  the  printing-office  was  liable  to  a  prosecution, 
as  having  been  accessary  to  the  publication  of  the  libel,  and 
consequently  Mr.  Frothinghara,  as  foreman  of  the  office,  was 
particularly  so.  To  this  extravagant  and  infamous  doctrine, 
Mr.  Livingston  replied  with  his  usual  pertinency  and  elo- 
quence. Mr.  Livingston  offered  to  adduce  proofs  of  the 
situation  in  which  Mr.  Frothinghara  was  placed  in  the  office 
of  the  Argus;  but  this  was  overruled  by  the  court.  He  then 
went  into  an  exaraination  of  the  publication,  and  having  dis- 
sected it  in  a  masterly  manner,  concluded  his  defence  with  a 
few  general  observations. 

The  jury  found  a  verdict  of  guilty,  but  recommended  Mr. 
Frothinghara  to  the  mercy  of  the  court.  The  latter  fined  him 
in  one  hundred  dollars,  and  sentenced  him  to  four  months  con- 
finement in  Bridewell. 


CHAPTER  XIL 

Remarks  upon  an  Jiristocratical  form  of  Government — The 
Jldministration  of  Mr.  Adams  compared  to  an  Aristo- 
cracy— Quarrel  at  Trenton  between  Mr.  Adams  and  his 
m,inisters — Hamilton's  letter  respecting  their  difference — 
Appohxtment  of  an  embassy  to  France — Characters  of  the 
Envoys — Anecdotes  of  Ada^ns  and  Franklin — Adams's 
jealousy  and  dislike  to  Franklin — Adams  endeavours  to 
calumniate  Franklin — Vindication  of  Franklin — Memoirs 
of  Alexander  Hamilton. 

Experience  has  proved,  that,  of  the  various  forms  of  go- 
vernment which  have  prevailed  in  the  world,  an  aristocracy  is 
one  of  the  weakest,  and  least  favourable  to  the  happiness  of 
mankind.  The  hereditary  monarch  may  transmit  through 
several  generations,  an  unlimited  authority  with  considerable 
profit,  both  to  art  and  science.  The  acknowledged  right 
which  he  enjoys  by  birth,  extinguishes  the  spirit  of  faction, 


OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  _  223 

and  renders  him  less  cruel  and  more  attentive  to  the  wants  of 
the  subject  than  an  host  of  tyrants,  who,  after  having  sported 
with  the  liberties  of  the  people,  are  under  the  necessity,  in 
order  to  retain  the  power  they  have  unjustly  seized,  to  tram- 
ple to  the  ground  every  species  of  honesty  and  worth.  This 
was  the  case  with  our  late  President  and  his  associates :  after 
having  wrested  from  their  fellow-citizens  the  liberty  of  speech, 
they  established,  under  the  mask  of  freedom,  an  aristocracy 
more  powerful  in  its  nature,  than  either  the  Senate  of  Berne, 
the  nobility  of  Venice,  or  the  Directory  of  France.  But 
mutual  jealousy,  which,  sooner  or  later,  overthrows  the  fabrics 
of  the  wicked,  overturned  their  schemes  and  ended  their  in- 
tentions. 

In  the  town  of  Trenton,  the  capital  of  Jersey,  the  first 
public  schism  in  the  Federal  cabinet  took  place. 

The  particular  expressions  which  passed  on  this  occasion, 
between  the  President  and  his  ministers,  never  transpired ; 
but  from  the  printed  letter  addressed  to  Mr.  Adams,  by  Gene- 
ral Hamilton,  we  are  informed  of  the  principal  cause  of  their 
difference. 

Mr.  Hamilton  asserts,  tl;;\t  after  the  failure  of  the  Pinckney 
embassy  to  France,  Mr.  Adams  arrived  at  Philadelphia,  from 
his  seat  at  Quincy,  and  that  "the  tone  of  his  mind  seemed  to 
have  been  raised  rather  than  depressed."  That  his  counsel- 
lors suggested  to  him,  it  might  be  expedient  to  insert  in  his 
speech  to  Congress,  a  sentiment  of  this  import :  "  That  after 
the  repeatedly  rejected  advances  of  this  country,  its  dignity 
required  that  it  should  be  left  with  France  in  future  to  make 
the  first  overture  ;  that  if  desirous  of  reconciliation,  she  should 
evince  the  disposition  by  sending  a  minister  to  this  govern- 
ment, he  would  be  received  with  the  respect  due  to  his  cha- 
racter, and  treated  with  the  frankness  of  a  sincere  desire  of 
accommodation."  Mr.  Adams  received  this  suggestion  in  a 
manner  both  indignant  and  intemperate,  and  declared,  "  That 
if  France  should  se?id  a  ininister  to-morrow,  he  ivould  order 
him  hack  the  day  after.^''  But  in  less  (says  Mr.  Hamil- 
ton) than  forty-eight  hours  from  this  extraordinary  sally,  the 
mind  of  Mr.  Adams  underwent  a  total  revolution.  "  He  re- 
solved not  only  to  insert  in  his  speech  the  sentiment  which  had 
been  proposed  to  him,  but  to  go  farther,  and  to  declare,  that 
if  France  would  give  explicit  assurances  of  receiving  a  minis- 
ter from  this  country  with  due  respect,  he  would  send  one." 


224  THE   ADMINISTRATION 

In  vain  did  Pinckney  and  M'Henry  oppose  this  resolution. 
Mr.  Adams  obstinately  persisted,  and  the  declaration  was  in- 
troduced. 

Mr.  Adams  appears  afterwards  to  have  nominated  Mr. 
Murray  as  envoy  to  the  French  republic,  without  previous 
communication  with  any  of  his  ministers.  Shortly  after  he 
nominated  two  more,  .Judge  Ellsworth  and  Mr.  Davie. 

Mr.  Ellsworth's  talents  were  no  doubt  great,  but  his  opin- 
ions respecting  law  were  formed  upon  the  Mansfield  system. 
His  decision  in  the  case  of  Captain  Williams,  was  directly  op- 
posed to  the  law  of  nations,  and  to  the  former  practice  of  the 
American  courts.  His  knowledge  of  European  affairs  was 
also  very  limited  in  theory  as  well  as  practice. 

George  Davie  was  better  calculated  for  the  mission.  This 
gentleman  was  about  forty  years  of  age  ;  possessed  of  engag- 
ing manners  and  an  easy  address;  he  had  been  educated  at 
Princeton  college;  served  with  reputation  in  the  revolution- 
ary war ;  afterwards  studied  the  profession  of  the  law,  and 
previous  to  his  appointment,  was  made  a  general  in  the  pro- 
visional army,  and  elected  governor  of  North-Carolina. 

When  the  news  of  the  revolution  in  the  Directory  arrived, 
Mr.  Hamilton  says,  that  Mr.  Adams  was  then  at  his  seat  in 
Massachusetts,  and  that  his  ministers  addressed  to  him  a  joint 
letter,  communicating  the  intelligence,  and  submitting  to  his 
consideration,  whether  that  event  ought  not  to  suspend  the 
projected  mission.  Mr.  Adams,  in  reply,  directed  the  prepa- 
ration of  a  draft  of  instructions  for  the  envoys,  and  intimated 
that  their  departure  should  be  suspended  for  some  time. 

Mr.  Adams  arrived  soon  after  at  Trenton,  about  the  17th 
of  October,  where  he  held  a  council  v>'ith  his  ministers.  Judge 
Ellsworth  and  General  Hamilton  were  also  present,  though 
not  at  the  desire  of  Mr.  Adams.  Mr.  Hamilton  says  in  his 
letter,  that  he  arrived  at  Trenton  a  short  time  before  the  Pre- 
sident, and  Chief  Justice  Ellsworth  a  short  time  after  him; 
that  the  object  of  his  own  journey  was  to  concert  with  the 
Secretary  of  War,  certain  airangements  for  the  future  disposi- 
tion of  the  Western  army,  and  that  the  cause  of  Judge  Ells- 
worth's arrival,  was  to  meet  his  colleague.  Governor  Davie, 
at  the  seat  of  government.  "Yet  these  simple  and  accidental 
occurrences,"  says  Mr,  Hamilton,  "  were  to  the  jealous  mind 
of  Mr.  Adams,  confirmations  strong  of  some  mischievous  plot 
against  his  independence." 


OF    JOHN   ADAMS.  225 

Mr.  Adams  is  said,  at  this  memorable  meeting,  to  have  ob- 
served a  profound  silence  on  the  question,  whether  or  not  it 
was  expedient  that  the  mission  should  proceed.  His  secre- 
taries, Pickering  and  M'Henry,  as  also  General  Hamilton, 
disapproved  of  the  propriety  of  the  embassy,  and  endeavoured 
to  bring  the  President  over  to  their  opinion ;  but  their  arts 
were  of  no  avail.  The  morning  after  the  instructions  were 
settled,  he  signified  to  Mr.  Pickering,  that  the  envoys  were 
ready  to  depart. 

This  resolution  of  the  President  was,  by  the  Hamiltonian 
party,  regarded  as  bad  policy,  and  incompatible  with  the 
dignity  of  Americans.  By  the  anti-federalists,  it  was,  on  the 
contrary,  esteemed  a  promising  sentiment  of  repentance  ;  but 
if  we  examine  carefully  the  character  and  motives  of  Mr. 
Adams,  it  will  appear  that  he  was  induced  to  this  conciliatory 
measure,  neither  from  a  disrespect  to  his  country,  nor  from 
the  commendable  desire  of  promoting  repuWicanism;  but  most 
probably  with  the  base  design  of  rendering  odious  the  mea- 
sures of  his  secretaries,  the  power  of  whom  his  jealousy  be- 
gan to  dread. 

The  vain  and  w^eak  judgment  of  Mr.  Adams  easily  figured, 
that  if  Pinckney,  Hamilton,  and  Pickering  were  removed  from 
the  road  to  power,  he  might,  by  courting  popular  applause, 
rise  on  the  shoulders  of  the  people  to  an  imperial  throne,  from 
whence  he  and  his  posterity  might  dictate  to  the  inhabitants 
of  half  the  globe. 

No  man's  vanity  can  reasonably  be  supposed  to  exceed  that 
of  Mr.  Adams.  Weakness  in  intellect,  which  is  generally 
the  attendant  of  pride,  is  the  predominant  mark  in  his  charac- 
ter. These  causes  render  his  temper  unsufferable  to  his  most 
intimate  friends.  On  many  occasions,  Mr.  Hamilton  says, 
"  he  is  liable  to  paroxysms  of  anger,  which  deprive  him  of 
self-command,  and  produce  very  outrageous  behaviour  to 
those  who  approach  him.  But  the  eternal  rancour  which  Mr. 
Adams  alway  evinced  against  the  great  and  good  Franklin,  is 
the  most  convincing  proof,  both  of  his  vanity  and  the  weak- 
ness of  his  understanding ;  several  well-attested  anecdotes 
confirm  the  truth  of  this  assertion. 

During  the  embassy  of  Franklin,  Adams,  and  Lee  at  Paris, 
a  fete  was  given  in  honour  of  America,  by  a  Mrs.  Bertand, 
the  lady  of  a  nobleman,  who  acted  in  capacity  of  Lord  in 
waiting  to  the  King.     Mrs.  Bertand  was  one  of  those  cele- 


226  THE   ADMINISTRATION 

brated  female  politicians,  who  used  to  be  in  the  employ  of  the 
court,  for  the  purpose  of  discovering,  by  her  intrigues,  the 
secret  springs  and  intentions  of  foreign  cabinets.  She  was  also 
a  lady  of  science,  and  the  principal  patroness  of  the  arts  in 
Paris.  Her  veneration  for  Franklin  was  equal  to  her  con- 
tempt for  Mr.  Adams ;  but  Adams  and  Lee,  with  almost  every 
American  of  education  then  at  Paris,  were  of  course  invited 
to  partake  of  the  pleasures  of  an  entertainment,  intended  as  a 
compliment  to  their  country.  During  the  performance  of  a 
theatrical  piece,  the  portrait  of  Franklin  was  introduced  on 
the  stage :  an  universal  burst  of  applause  ensued,  which 
wounded  the  feelings  of  Adams  to  such  a  degree,  that  he 
feigned  sickness  and  left  the  performance.* 

Mr.  Adams  soon  after,  in  a  letter  to  a  friend  in  this  country, 
complained,  "  we  are  all  here  mere  satellites,  revolving  in  the 
orbit  of  the  planet  Frankhn,  borrowing  all  our  light  from 
him,  and  unable  to  diffuse  any  of  our  own  through  his  supe- 
rior influence." 

During  his  administration  Mr.  Adams  gave  countenance  to 
every  calumny  which  reflected  upon  the  memory  of  that  great 
philosopher  ;  he  enjoyed  with  secret  triumph,  the  nbuse  which 
was  darted  by  Porcupine,  at  Franklin's  discoveries.  He  was 
even  fond,  when  occasion  offered,  to  cast  a  shade  over  his  po- 
litical reputation ;  but  the  most  daring  scheme  in  which  it  is 
reported  Mr.  Adams  assisted  to  blacken  the  character  of  that 
illustrious  m.an,  and  wound  the  feelings  of  his  relations,  was 
an  attempt  to  accuse  him  of  public  peculation. 

In  the  early  part  of  the  American  Revolution,  a  million  of 
livres  was  lent  us  by  the  French  government.  After  Frank- 
lin's death,  the  enemies  of  liberty  spread  abroad  insinuations, 
that  Dr.  Franklin  had  appropriated  this  money  to  himself; 
they  contrived  also  to  possess  themselves  of  all  the  public 
papers  by  which  his  defendants  could  vindicate  his  reputation. 
This  was  done  in  the  most  artful  manner.  The  sum  of 
;£15,000  sterling,  was  given  to  Mr.  Charles  Dilly,  a  book- 
seller in  London,  (w^ho  had  contracted  to  publish  a  history  of 
his  life)  to  purchase  all  the  documents  which  he  had  received 
from  the  family  of  Dr.  Franklin.  The  only  remaining  chan- 
nel of  truth  were  the  papers  in  possession  of  administration. 

*  The  late  Dr.  James  Smith,  of  New  York,  was  present,  and  seated  near 
Mr.  Adams  at  the  above  fete. 


OF    JOHN   ADAMS.  227 

These  were  applied  for,  but  refused  in  the  most  contemptuous 
manner.  "  Mr.  Adams  was  not  to  be  disturbed,  or  the  offices 
of  the  treasury  ransacked,  to  please  the  whims  of  a  few  indi- 
viduals," was  the  answer  reported  to  be  given.  When,  how- 
ever, the  recent  change  in  the  executive  took  place,  and  the 
records  of  state  were  brought  forth  from  the  cells  of  federal 
fraud,  to  blush  at  public  inspection,  the  facts  appeared  to  be, 
viz.  that  the  American  government  was  charged  with  the  sura 
in  question,  and  it  had  been  allowed  in  the  general  liquidation 
of  the  French  debt,  though  it  had  been  objected  to,  under 
General  Washington.  When  Gouverneur  Morris  was  at  Paris, 
as  our  minister,  he  took  advantage  of  the  passions  of  the  re- 
volutionary period,  and  addressed  a  letter  to  the  committee  of 
public  safety,  wherein  he  observed,  "  that  it  was  time  indeed 
to  throw  off  that  secrecy  which  involved  in  obscurity  the 
transactions  of  cabinets,  and  the  counsels  of  despots.  The 
American  and  French  republics  could  have  no  secrets,  their 
acts  were  to  be  regulated  by  principles,  not  actuated  by  sor- 
did or  personal  interests."  He,  therefore,  solicited  an  inquiry 
into  the  mode  by  which  the  million  in  question  had  been  be- 
stowed, and  to  whom.  The  political  fanaticism  of  the  day, 
was  caught  by  the  Jesuitical  address  of  the  wooden-legged 
envoy,  and  an  account  was  rendered  as  it  appeared  on  the 
public  record  of  the  royal  department  of  foreign  affairs. 

The  friends  of  Mr.  Adams  had  insinuated  the  money  was 
given  to  Dr.  Franklin :  Gouverneur  Morris  was,  therefore, 
instructed  to  carry  the  inquiry  up  to  the  source.  After  exa- 
mination, he  discovered  that  the  sum  had  been  appropriated 
and  lent  to  America  before  Dr.  Franklin  left  this  country. 
The  suspicion  was,  therefore,  transferred  to  Silas  Deane;  and 
it  was  concluded,  that  Deane  could  not  have  the  money  with- 
out Dr.  Franklin  partaking  of  the  spoil  or  conniving  at  the 
robbery.  Upon  farther  investigation,  it  was  found  that  the 
money  was  given  even  before  Deane  arrived  in  France.  This 
was  a  dilemma  which  had  not  been  foreseen;  but  having  pro- 
ceeded so  far,  it  was  necessary  to  go  the  whole  length;  and 
upon  application  by  Mr.  Morris,  an  official  copy  of  the  receipt 
was  given,  which  is  now  on  the  records  of  government,  which 
shows  that  the  money  was  procured  from  the  Count  of  Ver- 
gennes,  by  Caron  Beaumarchais  ;  and  a  M.  Chevalier,  who 
acted  as  agent  for  this  banker,  and  lives  in  the  city  of  Rich- 


228 


THE    ADMINISTRATION 


raond,  has  been  debited  in  his  account  with  the  United  States 
for  that  million.* 

All  these  facts  must  have  been  known  to  the  late  adminis- 
tration ;  but  John  Adams  felt  neither  the  generosity  nor  the 
justice  due  to  the  memory  of  Franklin,  or  the  honour  of  his 
country,  to  reveal  the  truth. 

That  Mr.  Adams  had  a  disposition  both  cruel  and  ungene- 
rous, is  evident  from  a  letter  he  wrote  when  in  Holland  to  the 
governor  of  Massachusetts.  This  letter,  which  was  inter- 
cepted by  the  English  and  published  in  the  annual  register  for 
1781,  contains  the  following  paragraph :  "  It  is  true,  I  be- 
lieve, what  you  suggest,  that  Lord  North  showed  a  disposi- 
tion to  give  up  the  contest,  but  was  diverted  from  it,  not  un- 
likely, by  the  representation  of  the  Americans  in  London,  who, 
in  conjunction  with  their  coadjutors  in  America,  have  been 
thorns  to  us  indeed  on  both  sides  of  the  w^ater ;  but  I  think 
their  career  might  have  been  stopped  07i  you?-  side  if  the  exe- 
cutive officers  had  not  been  too  timid  in  a  point  which  I  so 
strenuously  recommended  at  first ,  namely,  to  fine,  imprison  and 
hang  all  inimical  to  the  cause,  loithout  favour  or  affection. 
I  foresaw  the  evil  that  would  arise  from  that  quarter,  and 
wished  to  have  timely  stopt  it.  I  would  have  hanged  m.y  own 
brother  if  he  had  took  a  part  with  our  enemy  in  this  contest." 

In  the  course  of  this  history,  the  secret  connexion  which 
existed  between  Mr.  Adams  and  the  British  minister,  Mr. 
Ligton,  has  been  repeatedly  mentioned.  The  truth  of  that 
connexion,  and  the  influence  of  Great  Britain  upon  the  exe- 
cutive of  America,  cannot  be  better  substantiated  than  by  ^n 
intercepted  correspondence  between  Mr.  Liston  and  President 
Russel,  at  Toronto,  in  Upper  Canada.  The  manner  in  which 
the  letters  of  this  correspondence  w^ere  detected,  is  truly  sin- 
gular;  they  were  seized  in  the  custody  of  a  notorious  horse- 
stealer of  the  name  of  Sweezy,  in  Bucks  county,  in  the  state 
of  Pennsylvania.  Sweezy  had  been  one  of  a  gang  connected 
with  Dones  and  Sinclair,  two  robbers,  who  were  hanged,  the 
one  in  Pennsylvania,  and  the  other  in  New  Jersey.  Sweezy 
himself  was  outlawed,  and  fled  into  Canada,  by  the  govern- 
ment of  which  he  was  esteemed  a  proper  person  to  be  en- 
trusted with  the  despatches  of  British  intrigue.      He  per- 

*  This  circumstance  I  had  from  a  near  relative  of  Dr.  Franklin,  upon 
whose  veracity  I  can  place  the  greatest  reliance. 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  229 

formed  dutifully  the  object  of  his  mission ;  but  on  his  return, 
his  person  being  recognised,  he  was  pursued  under  the  former 
outlawry.  In  the  hurry  of  escape,  he  left  behind  a  small 
parcel,  in  which  several  documents  of  the  greatest  importance 
to  the  interest  of  this  country  were  found. ^  They  were  im- 
mediately forwarded  to  the  President  of  the  United  States ; 
but  the  two  following  letters  were  the  only  ones  made  public. 
They  are,  however,  sufficient  proof  of  the  secret  schemes  then 
carrying  on  between  the  government  of  the  United  States  and 
that  of  Great  Britain : 

"  Philadelphia,  6th  May,  1799. 

"  Sir, — The  government  of  the  United  States  appears  to 
be  nearly  in  the  same  situation  with  regard  to  the  Shawe- 
neese  Indians,  as  that  of  Canada  is  with  respect  to  the  Mo- 
hawks. The  Shaweneese  wish  the  United  States  to  make 
some  alteration  of  their  limits,  as  fixed  by  the  treaty  of 
Grenville  ;  and  at  the  same  time  to  confirm  the  sales  of  lands 
they  have  already  made,  and  authorize  future  alterations. 
The  American  ministers,  on  the  other  hand,  are  determined 
not  to  grant  this  favour,  and  are  embarrassed  by  the  perse- 
vering importunity  of  the  Indians.  Advices  lately  arrived 
from  Fort  Wayne,  inform  the  administration,  that  the  Shawe- 
neese intend  this  spring  to  call  a  general  council  of  the  nation, 
(composed  of  representatives  from  several  tribes)  with  a  view 
to  take  such  measures  as  may  be  thought  best  calculated  to 
obtain  some  modifications  of  the  Grenville  treaty — and  the 
information  adds,  that  this  idea  was  first  suggested  by  the 
late  Colonel  M'Kee,  deputy-superintendant  of  Indian   affairs. 

"  The  government  consider  this  interference  as  unfriendly, 
and  injurious  to  their  interests  ;  and  a  complaint  has  been 
made  to  me  on  the  subject,  by  the  Secretary  of  State,  with  a 
request,  that  I  would  make  such  representation  of  the  matter 
to  you,  as  might  produce  a  defeat  of  the  project  at  present, 
and  prevent  all  intervention  of  a  similar  nature  in  future. 

"  I  informed  the  Secretary  of  State,  that  I  could  scarcely 
bring  myself  to  credit  the  report  respecting  Colonel  M'Kee ; 
that  at  all  events  I  could  not  conceive  that  any  thing  unfavoura- 
ble to  the  United  States  could  have  been  contemplated  by  a 
public  officer  in  the  service  of  Great  Britain;  but  that  I 
would  of  course  make  the  representation  requested  ;  that  I 
made  no  doubt  of  its  having  the  desired  effect,  because  I  was 
20 


230 


THE  ADMINISTRATION 


confident  that  you  were  sincerely  disposed  to  ward  off  every 
incident  that  could  give  just  cause  of  misunderstanding  be- 
tween the  two  nations. 

"  The  situation  of  public  affairs  in  this  country  continues 
the  same  as  at  the  date  of  ray  last  letter,  unless  it  be  that  the 
government  has  given  a  new  subject  oi  p-ovocation  to  France^ 
by  encouraging  (in  conjunction  with  us)  the  negro  chief  Tous- 
saint,  in  measures  which  appear  ultimately  to  tend  to  a  sepa- 
ration of  the  island  of  St.  Domingo  from  the  mother  country. 
Whether  this  affront  will  be  pocketed  hy  the  Directory,  I  do 
not  pretend  to  decide ;  but  I  cannot  persuade  myself  that  it  is 
probable. 

"  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  great  truth  and  respect, 
Sir,  your  most  obedient,  humble  servant, 

"  Robert  Liston. 

"  The  honourable  President  Russel." 

"  Philadelphia,  2'Sd  May,  1799. 

"  Sir — My  last  letter  being  entrusted  to  a  person  who  was 
not  going  directly  to  Upper  Canada,  I  am  uncertain  whether 
it  may  yet  have  I'eached  your  hands,  and  therefore  take  an 
opportunity  of  transmitting  a  duplicate. 

"  On  public  affairs  I  have  scarcely  any  thing  to  add.  One 
step  further  on  the  road  to  a  formal  war  between  France  and 
the  United  States,  has  been  taken  by  the  governor  of  Guada- 
loupe,  who,  in  consequence  of  the  capture  of  the  Insurgente 
frigate,  has  authorized  French  ships  of  war  to  capture  all 
j'^merican  vessels,  whether  belonging  to  the  government  or  to 
individuals.  But  the  resolution  of  the  Directory  in  the  great 
question  of  peace  or  war  is  not  yet  known;  perhaps  the  new 
explosion  on  the  continent  of  Europe,  may  give  them  a  degree 
of  employment  that  may  retard  their  decision. 

"  In  the  interior  of  this  country,  the  declamation  of  the 
democratic  faction,  on  the  constitutionality  and  nullity  of  cer- 
tain acts  of  the  Legislature,  have  misled  a  number  of  poor 
ignorant  wretches  into  a  resistance  to  the  laws  and  a  formal 
insurrection.  This  frivolous  rebellion  has  been  quelled  by  a 
spirited  effort  of  certain  volunteer  corps  lately  embodied,  who 
deserve  every  degree  of  praise — but  the  conduct  of  these  gen- 
tlemen having  been  shamefully  calumniated  by  some  of  the 
popular  newspapers,  they  have  ventured  to  take  the  law  into 
their  own  hands,  and  to  punish  one  or  two  of  the  printers  (by 


OF    JOHN   ADAMS.  231 

a  smart  flogging;)  a  circumstance  which  has  given  rise  to 
much  animosity,  to  threats,  and  to  a  commencement  of  armed 
associations  on  the  side  of  the  democrats,  (particularly  the 
United  Irishmen,)  and  some  apprehend  that  the  affair  may  lead 
to  a  partial  civil  war.  The  portion,  however,  of  the  Jacobinic 
party  who  could  carry  matters  to  this  extremity,  is  but  small; 
the  government  is  on  its  guard,  and  is  determined  to  act  with 
vigour :  and  I  do  not  apprehend  any  serious  danger. 

"  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  great  truth  and  respect, 
Sir,  your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

"  Robert  Liston." 

There  was  a  third  letter  from  Mr.  Liston,  but  our  executive 
would  not  permit  a  copy  of  it  to  go  into  the  hands  of  the 
public:  it  stated  too  circumstantially  the  nature  of  its  policy. 
Among  other  promises  from  America  to  Great  Britain,  it  was 
mentioned  that  if  Canada  were  attacked  by  a  foreign  power, 
the  government  of  the  United  States  stood  pledged  to  supply 
a  military  force  adequate  to  the  exigency,  to  defend  that 
colony,  and  to  preserve  it  to  the  British  government.  Any 
comment  upon  these  letters  is  unnecessary ;  they  show  in  the 
fullest  manner  the  practices  of  Liston,  the  intention  of  his 
country,  and  the  corruptible  heart  of  Mr.  Adams,  who,  if  he 
had  any  regard  for  the  honour  of  Americans,  would  have  im- 
mediately ordered  the  removal  of  that  most  execrable  ambas- 
sador.* 

As  General  Hamilton  acted  a  conspicuous  part  during  the 
late  administration,  in  promoting  the  views  of  the  federal  in- 
terest, in  combating  the  enemies  of  the  British  treaty,  and 
opposing  what  was  unjustly  termed  Jacobin  influence,  it  is 
proper  that  some  account  of  the  life  of  that  able  officer  and 
intelligent  lawyer,  should  appear  in  this  volume. 

*  Robert  Liston,  late  Sir  Robert  Listen,  is  well  known  to  have  been  a 
native  of  Scotland.  Ho  received  his  education  at  the  University  of  Edin- 
burg-h,  and  vvJas  principally  under  tiie  care  of  Professor  George  Stuart,  father 
to  the  celebrated  Gilbert  Stuart.  To  the  interest,  advice,  and  recommen- 
dation of  George  Stuart,  Liston  was  indebted  for  his  first  success  in  life  ; 
but  he  repaid  tlie  friendship  of  his  patron  and  benefactor,  by  the  blackest 
ingratitude.  Dr.  Gilbert  Stuart,  like  many  otlier  men  of  talents,  was  im- 
prudent and  rather  embarrassed  in  his  circumstances  ;  he  applied  to  Liston 
as  liis  college  companion  and  friend  in  youth,  for  assistance — and  suffered 
not  only  the  refusal  of  a  few  guineas,  which  was  the  humble  request,  but 
was  deprived,  tlaough  Listen's  interference,  who  represented  him  as  a  party 
writer,  of  employment  from  an  opulent  bookseller  in  London. 


232  THE   ADMINISTRATION 

Alexander  Hamilton  was  born  about  the  year  1753,  in  the 
island  of  St.  Croix.  His  father  was  a  merchant  of  some  emi- 
nence, and  he  himself  was  educated  to  the  same  profession. 
He  acted  for  several  years  as  clerk  to  a  counting-house  in  that 
island  and  acquired  by  an  active  diligence,  the  favour  and 
esteem  of  all  with  whom  he  had  connexion.  At  the  age  of 
eighteen  he  was  sent  in  the  same  capacity  to  New  York,  in 
which  sphere  of  life  he  continued  until  the  commencement  of 
the  revolutionary  war. 

This  was  the  theatre  for  which  nature  had  destined  young 
Hamilton  ;  he  entered  into  the  American  army,  and  soon  dis- 
tinguished himself  by  uncommon  enterprize  and  valour.  His 
reputation  procured  him  the  appointment  of  an  aid-de-camp 
to  General  Washington.  In  the  year  1780,  he  was  promoted 
to  the  rank  of  colonel,  and  at  the  siege  of  Yorktown  com- 
manded the  attack  on  one  of  the  red-oubts,  the  capture  of 
which  decided  the  fate  of  Lord  Cornwallis  and  his  army. 
The  conduct  of  Mr.  Hamilton  on  this  occasion  was  truly 
honourable;  and  in  the  history  of  his  life,  ought  to  weigh 
against  several  of  those  scars  that  have  since  stained  his  char- 
acter. Previous  to  the  assault,  the  Marquis  de  La  Fayette 
proposed  to  General  Washington,  to  put  to  death  all  the  Bri- 
tish troops  that  should  be  found  in  the  redoubts,  as  a  retalia- 
tion for  several  acts  of  barbarity  committed  by  the  royal  army. 
The  steady  and  nervous  miod  of  Washington,  which  was 
never  known  to  yield  to  the  virtuous  prejudice  of  compassion, 
gave  his  assent  to  the  bloody  order.  But  Mr.  Hamilton,  (the 
tenderness  of  whose  feelings  has  led  him  into  error)  after  the 
redoubts  were  subdued,  took  the  conquered  under  his  protec- 
tion, and  proved  to  his  enemies  that  Americans  knew  how  to 
fight  but  not  to  murder. 

When  the  war  was  at  an  end,  and  the  army  disbanded,  Mr. 
Hamilton  betook  himself  to  the  study  of  the  law.  For  this 
purpose  he  retired  to  Albany,  where  he  secluded  himself  for 
several  months,  at  the  end  of  which  he  appeared  at  the  bar 
of  New  York ;  where,  in  a  short  time,  he  acquired  the  reputa- 
tion of  an  able  advocate  in  point  of  legal  knowledge  and  rhe- 
torical talents.  At  this  period  the  pohtical  sentiments  of  Mr. 
Hamilton  were  observed  to  change.  From  being  a  zealous 
republican  and  the  defender  of  the  rights  of  America,  he  gra- 
dually imbibed  the  tenets  of  aristocracy,  until  at  length  he 


OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  233 

became  the  admirer  and  advocate  of  every  measure  allied  with 
monarchy. 

This  change  in  Mr.  Hamilton's  principles,  which  at  first  pro- 
ceeded from  conviction,  and  has  since  been  strengthened  by 
views  of  interest,  is  easy  to  be  accounted  for. 

Mr.  Hamilton,  unfortunately,  was  a  native  of  that  part  of 
the  civilized  world  where  tyranny  and  slavery  prevail  in  a 
manner  even  unknown  to  the  despots  of  Europe ;  it  was  ut- 
terly impossible,  that  the  habits  and  prejudices  he  contracted 
in  infoncy,  could  ever  have  been  eradicated.  The  desire  of 
ambition  and  power,  which  poisoned  the  first  drop  of  blood 
that  flowed  in  his  veins,  could  only  have  been  suppressed  by 
a  more  powerful  passion  ;  this  was  the  passion  of  war.  Mr. 
Hamilton  panted  after  fame  and  glory,  and  joined  the  repub- 
lican standard  as  the  most  promising  field  for  a  display  of 
those  powers  he  possessed.  He  fought  for  liberty  with  the 
same  zeal  as  a  Briton  would  engage  in  the  support  of  the 
Grand  Turk  or  Dey  of  Algiers.  To  acquire  the  applause  of 
his  commander,  and  the  respect  of  his  fellow-soldiers,  was  his 
pride  and  ambition.  In  this  he  was  successful :  and  while  li- 
berty was  the  object  of  his  struggle,  he  was  a  republican — but 
when  America  procured  her  independence,  and  the  horrors  of 
a  civil  war  werq  at  an  end,  Mr.  Hamilton  had  no  longer  a 
scope  for  his  ambition  in  the  theatre  of  arms.  In  his  study  of 
law  he  perceived  another  path  to  power  ;  his  copious  imagi- 
nation took  a  rapid  survey  of  the  civil  code,  the  fascinating 
structure  upon  which  the  feudal  system  is  raised,  and  the  com- 
bined policy  of  English  jurisprudence.  In  these  fabrics  of 
human  knowledge,  the  production  of  ages,  Mr.  Hamilton 
perceived  something  more  lofty  and  splendid,  than  those  simple 
forms  which  modern  republicanism  cultivates.  The  grandeur 
attendant  on  hereditary  titles  pleased  his  mind  and  flattered 
his  vanity.  The  American  tory  against  whom  he  had  fought, 
he  now  began  to  defend,  his  cause  he  espoused,  and  in  every 
suit  where  a  loyalist  was  concerned,  Mr.  Hamilton  was  the 
royal  pleader.  It  is  a  certain  fact  that  a  great  majority  of 
the  loyalists  in  the  state  of  New  York  owe  the  restoration  of 
their  property  solely  to  the  exertions  of  this  able  orator. 

Before  the  federal  government  was  established,  in  the  year 
1788,  Mr.  Hamilton  proposed  a  new  constitution,  to  be  com- 
posed of  the  following  articles : 

"1.  The  supreme  legislative  power  of  the  United  States 
20* 


234  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

of  America,  to  be  vested  in  two  different  bodies  of  men;  the 
one  to  be  called  the  Assembly,  the  other  the  Senate,  who 
together  shall  form  the  Legislature  of  the  United  States,  with 
power  to  pass  all  laws  whatsoever;  subject  to  the  negative 
hereafter  mentioned.  2.  The  Assembly  to  consist  of  persons 
elected  by  the  people,  to  serve  for  three  years.  3.  The  Senate 
to  consist  of  persons  elected  to  serve  during  good  behaviour. 
Their  election  to  be  made  by  electors  chosen  for  that  purpose 
by  the  people — in  order  to  this,  the  States  to  be  divided  into 
election  districts.  On  the  death,  removal  or  resignation  of 
any  Senator,  his  place  to  be  filled  out  of  the  district  from 
which  he  came.  4.  The  supreme  executive  authority  of  the 
United  States  to  be  vested  in  a  governor,  to  be  elected  during 
good  behaviour;  the  election  to  be  made  by  electors  chosen 
by  the  people,  in  the  election  districts  aforesaid  ;  the  authori- 
ties and  functions  to  be  as  follows  :  To  have  a  negative  upon 
all  laws  about  to  be  passed,  and  the  execution  of  all  laws 
passed  ;  to  have  the  direction  of  war,  when  authorized  or  be- 
gun ;  to  have,  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate,  the 
power  of  making  all  treaties ;  to  have  the  sole  appointment  of 
the  heads  or  chief  officers  of  finance  and  foreign  aifairs ;  to 
have  the  nomination  of  all  other  officers,  ambassadors  to 
foreign  nations  included,  subject  to  the  approbation  or  rejec- 
tion of  the  Senate ;  to  have  power  of  pardoning  all  offences 
except  treason,  which  he  shall  not  pardon  without  the  appro- 
bation of  the  Senate.  5.  On  the  death,  resignation  or  re- 
moval of  the  governor,  his  authorities  to  be  exercised  by  the 
President  of  the  Senate,  till  a  successor  be  appointed.  6.  The 
Senate  to  have  the  sole  power  of  declaring  war,  the  power 
of  advising  and  approving  all  treaties,  the  power  of  approving 
and  rejecting  all  appointments  of  officers,  except  the  heads  or 
chiefs  of  the  department  of  finance,  war  and   foreign  affairs. 

7.  The  supreme  judicial  authority  of  the  United  States,  to 
be  vested  in  judges  to  hold  their  offices  during  good  behaviour, 
with  adequate  and  permanent  salaries;  the  court  to  have 
original  jurisdiction  in  all  cases  of  capture,  and  an  appellate 
jurisfHction  in  all  causes  on  which  the  revenues  of  the  general 
government  or  the  citizens  of  foreign  nations  are  concerned. 

8.  The  legislature  of  the  United  States  to  have  power  to 
institute  courts  in  each  State,  for  the  determination  of  all  mat- 
ters of  general  concern.  9.  The  Governors,  Senators,  and 
al'  officers  of  the  United  States,  to  be  liable  to  impeachment 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  235 

for  male  and  corrupt  conduct;  and,  upon  conviction,  to  be  re- 
moved from  otiico,  and  disqualified  for  holding  any  place  of 
trust  and  profit ;  and  all  imjieachments  to  be  tried  by  a  court, 
to  consist  of  the  chief  or  judge  of  the  superior  court 

of  law  of  each  State,  provided  such  judge  hold  his  place 
during  good  behaviour  and  have  a  permanent  salary.  10.  All 
Jaws  of  the  particular  States,  contrary  to  the  constitution  or 
laws  of  the  United  States,  to  be  utterly  void  ;  and  the  better 
to  prevent  such  laws  behig  passed,  the  Governor  or  President 
of  each  State  shall  be  appointed  by  the  general  government, 
and  shall  have  a  negative  upon  the  laws  about  to  be  passed 
in  the  State  of  which  he  is  Governor  or  President.  11.  No 
State  to  have  any  force,  land  or  naval,  and  the  militia  to  be 
under  the  sole  and  exxlusive  direction  of  the  United  States, 
the  officers  of  which  to  be  appointed  and  commissioned  by 
them." 

Such  a  constitution  as  this,  sketched  out  by  Mr.  Hamilton, 
would  have  been  a  direct  extirpation  of  the  rights  of  Ameri- 
cans. Experience  has  proved,  that  the  number  of  Senators  is 
so  small,  that  a  President  may  always  command  the  acquies- 
cence of  a  majority  in  any  measure  he  thinks  proper.  If, 
therefore,  the  President  and  the  Senate  were  to  hold  their 
places  for  life,  nothing  could  be  expected  but  tyranny  and 
corruption.  With  the  powers  conferred  by  Mr.  Hamilton, 
the  President  of  the  United  States  would  only  require  the  title 
of  monarch  to  fit  him  for  the  company  of  the  despots  of  Eu- 
rope. 

In  the  year  178S,  Mr.  Hamilton  was  appointed  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury;  while  in  this  department  a  circumstance  oc- 
curred, which  will  ever  place  his  character  in  a  suspicious 
point  of  view.  This  is  his  celebrated  avowed  intrigue  with 
Mrs.  Reynolds,  the  wife  of  a  Mr.  Reynolds,  whose  father 
had  been  in  the  commissary  department  during  the  revolution- 
ary war.  Reynolds  and  one  Jacob  Clingham,  a  clerk  in  the 
employ  of  Mr.  Muhlenberg,  were  arrested  towards  the  close 
of  1792,  at  the  instance  of  Mr.  Wolcott,  the  comptroller  of 
the  treasury,  on  a  charge  for  subornation  of  perjury.  Cling- 
ham procured  bail,  but  Reynolds  did  not.  When  the  latter 
was  in  custody,  Clingham  applied  to  Mr.  Muhlenberg  for  his 
aid  in  behalf  of  himself  and  Reynolds,  and  repeatedly  dropped 
hints,  that  Reynolds  knew  several  very  improper  transactions 
of  Mr.  Hamilton,  signifying  that  he  was  deeply  concerned  in 


236  THE   ADMINISTRATION 

speculation,  and  that  he  had  it  in  his  power  even  to  hang  him. 
This  information  created  such  uneasiness  in  the  mind  of  Mr. 
Muhlenberg,  that  he  consulted  with  two  of  his  friends,  Mr. 
Monroe  and  Mr.  Yenable,  on  the  subject.  They  waited  on 
Reynolds,  who  appeared  to  confirm  the  report  made  by  Cling- 
hara,  and  added  he  could  not  communicate  the  particulars,  as 
he  was  apprehensive  it  might  prevent  his  discharge,  but  that 
he  would  disclose  the  whole  when  liberated.  He  procured 
his  discharge  through  the  interest  of  Hamilton,  the  morning 
after  the  visit  of  Monroe  and  Venable,  and  immediately  ab- 
sconded. 

The  sudden  enlargement  and  flight  of  Reynolds,  were 
additional  proofs  of  the  truth  of  what  Clingham  had  sug- 
gested. Messrs.  Muhlenberg,  Monroe  and  Venable,  in  order 
to  obtain  some  information  respecting  this  singular  story, 
waited  upon  Mrs.  Reynolds,  the  wife  of  the  runaway.  They 
found  her  alone  and  in  a  state  extremely  agitated  ;  after  some 
difficulty  they  obtained  the  following  particulars :  That 
Colonel  Hamilton  and  her  husband  had  been  for  some  time  in 
the  habit  of  correspondence,  but  at  the  request  of  the  former 
and  in  the  absence  of  the  latter,  she  had  burned  almost  all  the 
letters ;  that  Colonel  Hamilton  offered  her  his  assistance  to  go 
to  her  friends  ;  and  he  also  advised  that  her  husband  should 
leave  this  country,  not  to  be  seen  again,  in  which  case  he 
would  give  her  something  clever. 

Mrs.  Reynolds  also  told  Clingham  that  her  husband  re- 
ceived of  Colonel  Hamilton,  at  one  time,  eleven  hundred  dol- 
lars. Reynolds  himself  said  that  Colonel  Hamilton  had  made 
thirty  thousand  dollars  by  speculation,  and  had  supplied  him 
with  money  to  speculate. 

Clingham  reported,  that  after  Reynolds  was  discharged, 
which  was  about  eight  or  nine  o'clock  in  the  evening,  he 
(Reynolds)  sent  a  letter  about  twelve  o'clock  at  night  to  Colo- 
nel Hamilton  by  a  girl,  whom  Reynolds  followed  to  the  door. 
When  the  girl  returned,  he  informed  Clingham  that  he  need 
not  go  out  of  town  that  night,  but  would  call  upon  Colonel 
Hamilton  next  morning. 

These  are  the  general  particulars  respecting  this  intricate 
correspondence,  contained  in  the  reports  of  Messrs.  Muhlen- 
berg, Monroe  and  Venable,  which  were  made  public  by  Mr. 
Callender  in  the  year  1796. 

Mr.  Hamilton  immediately  came  forward  with  his  defence, 


OF    JOHN   ADAMS.  237 

or  rather  a  confession  of  a  crime,  even  of  a  more  heinous  com- 
plexion than  a  pecuniary  speculation.* 

The  next  important  incident  in  the  history  of  Mr.  Hamil- 
ton, is  his  defence  of  the  British  treaty.  He  appointed  a  day 
to  meet  its  opponents,  and  convince  them  by  argument  of  the 
benefits  arising  to  the  United  States  from  the  articles  it  con- 
tained. 

No  place  is  more  unfit  for  a  display  of  logical  reason  than 
the  assembly  of  a  tumultuous  mob.  The  rhetoric  of  Mr.  Ha- 
milton w^as  soon  overpowered  by  hisses  and  shouts  of  reproach. 
When  he  was  thus  prevented  from  advocating  its  cause  by 
the  force  of  oratory,  he  had  recourse  to  the  eloquence  of  his 
pen,  and  published  a  series  of  letters  under  the  signature  of 
Camillus,  in  defence  of  the  British  treaty. 

These  letters,  though  the  sentiments  they  contain  are  ini- 
mical to  the  interest  of  this  country,  ought,  notwithstanding, 
to  be  held  in  the  highest  veneration,  by  every  lover  of  litera- 
ture. The  correct  style  of  language  which  they  exhibit  will 
be  long  a  model  of  perfection  to  Americans ;  and  without  lay- 
ing claim  to  the  gift  of  prophecy,  I  may  safely  assert,  that  the 
pages  of  Camillus  will  be  read  when  the  British  treaty  and 
the  name  of  Governor  Jay  will  be  otherwise  buried  in  oblivion. 

Mr.  Hamilton  has  been  severely  censured,  and  perhaps 
wnth  justice,  as  being  the  author  of  the  funding  system,  the 
promoter  of  the  snuff  excise  law,  that  passed  the  5th  of  June, 
1794,  and  the  cause  of  the  war  of  1790  with  the  North-wes- 
tern Indians. 

Mr.  Hamilton  was,  in  1798,  appointed  inspector-general 
and  commander-in-chief  next  to  Washington,  of  the  army 
of  the  United  States.  This  promotion  the  merits  of  Mr. 
Hamilton  certainly  deserved.  His  abilities  in  this  respect  dare 
not  be  doubted — and  if  ever  it  should  be  the  misfortune  of 
America  to  be  involved  in  a  war,  while  Mr.  Hamilton  lives, 
it  would  be  both  imprudent  and  unjust,  were  he  deprived  of  a 
principal  command. 

The  literary  fame  of  General  Washington  is  said  to  have 
been  raised  on  the  talents  of  Alexander  Hamilton  ;  and  report 
even  whispers,  that  Hamilton  himself  claims  the  merit  of 
W^ashington's  letters,  and  that  he  has  boasted  of  receiving 

*  As  the  defence  referred  to  lias  been  published,  it  is  not  necessary  at  this 
time  to  republish  it  in  this  volume. — Editor, 


238  THE   ADMINISTRATION 

letters  from  General  Washington,  with  the  word  private 
wrote  on  the  back  of  them,  and  a  cross  drawn  over  the  seal. 
After  opening  such  a  parcel,  the  contents  were,  "  Dear  Ha- 
TYiilton,  put  this  into  style  for  me,"  prefixed  to  some  speech 
or  letter  enclosed.  The  letters  of  Washington  are,  however, 
much  inferior  to  those  of  Hamilton,  and  differ  remarkably  in 
point  of  style.  Most  probably  they  no  more  received  the 
nice  correction  of  Hamilton,  than  the  lectures  of  Sir  Joshua 
Reynolds  did  the  finishing  strokes  of  Edmund  Burke. 

Such  are  the  general  outlines  of  the  life  and  character  of 
Alexander  Hamilton.  As  a  soldier  and  scholar,  he  has  ren- 
dered most  eminent  services  to  the  United  States,  but  as  a 
political  character,  he  has  been  the  greatest  misfortune. 

Note. — On  the  public  character  and  conduct  of  Mr.  Adams,  the  Editor 
will  refer  the  reader  to  Mr.  Hamilton's  letter,  published  in  1800,  prior  to 
the  election  of  President  and  Vice-President  which  took  place  in  December 
of  that  year,  in  which  Mr.  Adams  is  deeply  censured. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

Meeting  of  the  sixth  Congress — Presidents  Speech — Death 
of  General  Washington — Proceedings  of  Congress — John 
Randolph  insulted  at  the  Theatre  of  Philadelphia — Acts 
passed  hy  Congress. 

On  Monday,  the  2d  of  December,  both  houses  of  the  sixth 
Congress  met  in  their  first  session. 

Mr.  Sedgwick  was  chosen  speaker,  and  on  the  3d  of  De- 
cember the  President  delivered  the  following  speech  : 

"  Gentlemen  of  the  Senate,  and 

'■'Gentlemen  of  the  Hotise  of  Representatives, 

"  It  is  with  peculiar  satisfaction  that  I  meet  the  sixth  Con- 
gress of  the  United  States  of  America.  Coming  from  all  parts 
of  the  union  at  this  critical  and  interesting  period,  the  mem- 
bers must  be  fully  possessed  of  the  sentiments  and  wishes  of 
our  constituents. 

"  The  flattering  prospects  of  abundance  from  the  labours 
of  the  people  by  land  and  by  sea  ;  the  prosperity  of  our  ex- 
tended commerce,  notwithstanding  interruptions  occasioned  by 


OF   JOHN   ADAMS.  239 

the  belligerent  state  of  a  great  part  of  the  world  ;  the  return 
of  health,  industry,  and  trade  to  those  cities  which  have  been 
lately  afflicted  with  disease,  and  the  various  and  inestimable 
advantages,  civil  and  religious,  which,  secured  under  our 
happy  frame  of  government,  are  continued  to  us  unimpaired, 
demand  of  the  whole  American  people  sincere  thanks  to  a 
benevolent  Deity  for  the  merciful  dispensations  of  his  Pro- 
vidence. But  while  these  numerous  blessings  are  recollected, 
it  is  a  painful  duty  to  advert  to  the  ungrateful  return  which 
has  been  made  for  them,  by  some  of  the  people  in  certain 
counties  of  Pennsylvania,  who  were  seduced  by  the  arts  and 
misrepresentations  of  designing  men  :  they  have  openly  re- 
sisted the  law  directing  the  valuation  of  houses  and  lands. 
Such  defiance  was  given  to  the  civil  authority  as  rendered 
hopeless  all  further  attempts  by  judicial  process  to  enforce 
the  execution  of  the  law ;  and  it  became  necessary  to  direct  a 
military  force  to  be  employed  consisting  of  some  companies 
of  regular  troops,  volunteers,  and  militia,  by  whose  zeal  and 
activity,  in  co-operation  with  the  judicial  power,  order  and 
submission  were  restored,  and  many  of  the  offenders  arrested. 
Of  these,  some  have  been  convicted  of  misdemeanours,  and 
others,  charged  with  various  crimes,  remain  to  be  tried. 

"  To  give  due  effect  to  the  civil  administration  of  govern- 
ment, and  to  insure  a  just  execution  of  the  laws,  a  revision 
and  amendment  of  the  judiciary  system  is  indispensably  ne- 
cessary. In  this  extensive  country,  it  cannot  but  happen  that 
numerous  questions  respecting  the  interpretation  of  the  laws, 
and  the  rights  and  duties  of  officers  and  citizens  must  arise. 
On  the  one  hand  the  laws  should  be  executed ;  on  the  other, 
individuals  should  be  guarded  from  oppression.  Neither  of 
these  objects  is  sufficiently  assured  under  the  present  organ- 
ization of  the  judicial  department :  I  therefore  earnestly  re- 
commend the  subject  to  your  serious  consideration. 

"  Persevering  in  the  pacific  and  humane  policy  which  had 
been  invariably  professed,  and  sincerely  pursued  by  the  execu- 
tive authority  of  the  United  States,  when  indications  were 
made  on  the  part  of  the  French  Republic,  of  a  disposition  to 
accommodate  the  existing  differences  between  the  two  countries, 
I  felt  it  to  be  my  duty,  to  prepare  for  meeting  their  advances 
by  a  nomination  of  ministers  upon  certain  conditions  which  the 
honour  of  our  country  dictated,  and  which  its  moderation  had 
given  it  a  right  to  prescribe.     The  assurances  which  were 


240  THE   ADMINISTRATION 

required  of  the  French  government  previous  to  the  departure 
of  our  envoys,  have  been  given  through  their  minister  of  fo- 
reign relations;  and  I  have  directed  them  to  proceed  on  their 
mission  to  Paris — they  have  full  power  to  conclude  a  treaty, 
subject  to  the  constitutional  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate. 
The  characters  of  these  gentlemen  are  sure  pledges  to  their 
country,  that  nothing  incompatible  with  its  honour  or  interest, 
nothing  incompatible  wuth  our  obligations  of  good  faith  or 
friendship  to  any  other  nation,  will  be  stipulated. 

"  It  appearing  probable,  from  the  information  I  received, 
that  our  commercial  intercourse  with  some  ports  in  the  island 
of  St.  Domingo,  might  safely  be  renewed,  I  took  such  steps 
as  seemed  to  me  expedient  to  ascertain  that  point :  the  result 
being  satisfactory,  I  then,  in  conformjity  to  the  act  of  Congress 
on  the  subject,  directed  the  restraints  and  prohibitions  of  that 
intercourse  to  be  discontinued,  on  terms  which  were  made 
known  by  proclamation.  Since  the  renewal  of  this  intercourse, 
our  citizens,  trading  in  those  ports  with  their  property,  have  been 
duly  respected,  and  privateering  from  those  ports  has  ceased. 

"  In  examining  the  claims  of  British  subjects  by  the  com- 
missioners at  Philadelphia,  under  the  sixth  article  of  the  treaty 
of  amity,  commerce,  and  navigation  with  Great  Britain,  a 
difference  of  opinion  on  points  deemed  essential  in  the  inter- 
pretation of  that  article,  has  arisen  between  the  commissioners 
appointed  by  the  United  States  and  the  other  members  of  that 
board,  from  which  the  former  have  thought  it  their  duty  to 
withdraw.  It  is  sincerely  to  be  regretted  that  the  execution 
of  an  article  produced  by  a  mutual  spirit  of  amity  and  justice, 
should  have  been  thus  unavoidably  interrupted — it  is,  how- 
ever, confidently  expected,  that  the  same  spirit  of  amity,  and 
the  same  sense  of  justice  in  which  it  originated,  will  lead  to 
satisfactory  explanations.  In  consequence  of  the  obstacles  to 
the  progress  of  the  commission  in  Philadelphia,  his  Britannic 
Majesty  has  directed  the  commissioners  appointed  by  him, 
under  the  seventh  article  of  the  treaty  relating  to  British  cap- 
tures of  American  vessels,  to  withdraw  from  tlie  board  sitting 
in  London,  but  with  the  express  declaration  of  his  determina- 
tion to  fulfil  wath  punctuality  and  good  faith,  the  engagements 
which  his  majesty  has  contracted  by  his  treaty  wnth  the  United 
States,  and  that  they  will  be  instructed  to  resume  their  trans- 
actions, whenever  the  obstacles  which  impede  the  progress  of 
the  commission  at  Philadelphia  shall  be  removed. 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  241 

"  It  being  in  like  manner,  my  sincere  fletermination,  so  far 
as  the  same  depends  on  me,  with  that  equal  punctuality  and 
good  faith,  the  engagement  contracted  by  the  United  States 
in  their  treaties  with  his  Eritannic  Majesty,  shall  be  fulfilled, 
I  shall  immediately  instruct  our  minister  at  London,  to  endea- 
vour to  obtain  the  explanations  necessary  to  a  just  perform- 
ance of  those  engagements  on  the  part  of  the  United  States — 
with  such  dispositions  on  both  sides  I  cannot  entertain  a  doubt 
that  all  difficulties  wdll  soon  be  removed,  and  that  the  two 
boards  will  then  proceed  and  bring  the  business  committed  to 
them  respectively  to  a  satisfactory  conclusion." 

"  The  act  of  Congress  relative  to  the  seat  of  the  govern- 
ment of  the  United  States,  requiring  that  on  the  first  Monday 
of  December  next,  it  should  be  transferred  from  Philadelphia 
to  the  district  chosen  for  its  permanent  seat ;  it  is  proper  for 
me  to  inform  you,  that  the  commissioners  appointed  to  provide 
suitable  buildings  for  the  accommodation  of  Congress  and  the 
President,  and  for  the  public  officers  of  the  government,  have 
made  a  report  of  the  state  of  the  buildings  designed  for  these 
purposes  in  the  city  of  Washington,  from  which  they  conclude, 
that  the  removal  of  the  seat  of  government  to  that  place  at 
the  time  required  will  be  practicable,  and  the  accommodation 
satisfactory.     Their  report  will  be  laid  before  you. 

"  Gentlemen  of  the  House  of  Representatives. 

*'  I  shall  direct  the  estimates  of  the  appropriations  neces- 
sary for  the  service  of  the  ensuing  year,  together  with  an 
account  of  the  revenue  and  expenditure  to  be  laid  before  you. 
During  a  period  in  which  a  great  portion  of  the  civilized 
world  has  been  involved  in  war,  unusually  calamitous  and 
destructive,  it  was  not  to  be  expected  that  the  United  States 
could  be  exempted  from  extraordinary  burdens, 

"  Although  the  period  is  not  arrived  when  the  measures 
adopted  to  secure  our  country  against  foreign  attack,  can  be 
renounced  ;  yet  it  is  alike  necessary  to  the  honour  of  the  go- 
vernment, and  the  satisfaction  of  the  community,  that  an  exact 
economy  should  be  maintained.  I  invite  you,  gentlemen,  to 
investigate  the  different  branches  of  the  public  expenditure — 
the  examination  will  lead  to  beneficial  retrenchments,  or  pro- 
duce a  conviction  of  the  wisdom  of  the  measure  to  which  the 
expenditure  relates. 

21 


242  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

"  Gentlemen  of  the  Senate,  and 

"  Gentlemen  of  the  House  of  Representatives. 

"  At  a  period  like  the  present,  when  momentous  changes 
are  occurring,  and  every  hour  is  preparing  new  and  great 
events  in  the  political  world — when  a  spirit  of  war  is  preva- 
lent in  almost  every  nation  with  whose  affairs  the  interests  of 
the  United  States  have  any  connection  ;  unsafe  and  precarious 
would  be  our  situation,  were  we  to  neglect  the  means  of  main- 
taining our  just  rights.  The  result  of  the  mission  to  France 
is  uncertain ;  but  however  it  may  terminate,  a  steady  perse- 
verance in  a  system  of  national  defence,  commensurate  with 
our  resources  and  the  situation  of  our  country,  is  an  obvious 
dictate  of  wisdom.  For  remotely  as  we  are  placed  from  the 
belligerent  nations,  and  desirous  as  we  are  by  doing  justice  to 
all  to  avoid  offence  to  any,  nothing  short  of  the  power  of  re- 
pelling aggressions  will  secure  our  country  a  rational  prospect 
of  escaping  the  calamities  of  war  or  national  degradation. 
As  to  myself,  it  is  my  anxious  desire  so  to  execute  the  trust 
reposed  in  me,  as  to  render  the  people  of  the  United  States 
prosperous  and  happy.  I  rely  with  entire  confidence  on  your 
co-operation  in  objects  equally  your  care,  and  that  our  mutual 
labours  will  serve  to  increase  and  confirm  union  among  our 
fellow-citizens,  and  an  unshaken  attachment  to  our  govern- 
ment." 

On  the  motion  of  Mr.  Bayard,  the  President's  speech  was 
referred  to  a  committee  of  the  whole  house,  on  the  state  of 
the  union.  On  Monday  the  9th  of  December,  both  houses 
of  Congress  w^aited  separately  upon  the  President  with  their 
respective  addresses. 

On  Wednesday  the  11th  of  December,  Mr.  Harper,  by 
the  direction  of  the  committee  of  ways  and  means,  brought 
in  a  bill  to  amend  the  act,  entitled,  "  An  act  to  provide  for 
the  valuation  of  lands  and  dwelling  houses,  and  the  enumera- 
tion of  slaves  within  the  United  States,"  which  was  granted. 

Monday,  December  16,  Mr.  H.  Lee  moved,  that  a  commit- 
tee be  appointed  to  report  whether  any,  and  if  any,  what 
alterations  were  necessary  to  be  made  in  the  militia  law  of 
the  United  States. 

In  prefacing  his  motion,  General  Lee  said  "he  wished  to 
call  the  attention  of  the  house  to  a  subject  highly  interesting 
to  the  citizens  of  the  United  States,  and  deserving  the  se- 
rious attention  of  its   legislature.     He   thought  the  system 


OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  243 

heretofore  pursued  was  radically  wrong,  and  viewed  every 
measure  which  was  not  predicated  on  the  wishes  of  the  people, 
as  answering  but  little  effect.  He  wished  to  see  that  system 
of  defence  which,  growing  out  of  nature,  should  enable  all 
men  to  serve  without  injuring  their  families — the  youth  of 
our  country  should  alone  be  called  upon,  who  would  be  found 
sufficiently  adequate  for  its  defence.  Seventeen  and  twenty- 
six,  were  the  ages  of  which  the  defenders  of  our  country 
should  consist.  When  father  and  son  are  arrayed  in  the  same 
ranks,  a  wavering  must  take  place,  and  present  an  opportunity 
for  an  impression  from  the  enemy." 

During  the  same  sitting,  a  report  was  made  by  the  com- 
missioners of  the  sinking  fund,  inclosing  a  report  to  them 
from  the  secretary  of  the  treasury,  and  sundry  official  state- 
ments of  the  accounting  officers  of  the  treasury  department, 
relative  to  the  measures  which  had  been  authorized  by  the 
commissioners,  for  purchasing  the  public  debt  subsequent  to 
their  report  of  the  15th  December,  1798. 

By  the  secretary's  report,  it  appeared  that  the  sum  of 
1,034,938-2  dollars  had  been  applied  towards  the  discharge 
of  the  principal  debt  of  the  United  States. 

On  Wednesday,  the  18th  of  December,  Congress  received 
the  afflicting  intelligence  of  the  death  of  General  Washington. 

General  Marshall  came  into  the  House  of  Representatives, 
after  the  journal  was  read,  apparently  much  agitated,  and  ad- 
dressed the  speaker  in  the  following  words  : 

"Information,  sir,  has  just  been  received,  that  our  illustri- 
ous fellow-citizen,  the  Commander-in-chief  of  the  American 
army,  and  the  late  President  of  the  United  States,  is  no 
more." 

The  House  of  Representatives,  as  well  as  the  Senate,  in 
consequence  of  a  national  calamity  so  heavy  and  distressing, 
immediately  adjourned. 

Some  account  of  this  great  and  virtuous  soldier  may,  per- 
haps, be  here  expected  ;  but  this  is  a  task  of  too  important  a 
nature  to  be  discussed  in  the  trifling  compass  of  a  few  pages. 
The  life  of  Washington  is  a  subject  which  ought  not  to  be 
polluted  by  a  transient  sketch,  or  connected  with  the  vices  of 
corrupted  administration.  Whatever  might  be  the  errors 
which  the  weakness  of  age  induced  Washington  to  commit  in 
the  latter  period  of  life,  his  former  actions  ought  to  screen  them 
from  the  virulence  of  calumny,  and  protect  his  memory  from 


244  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

the  reproach  of  party  spirit.  A  certain  republican  writer  has 
indulged  too  freely  in  the  abuse  of  this  great  patriot.  Perhaps 
even  the  compiler  of  this  volume  may  be  censured  for  the  same 
reason ;  but  whenever  any  unwarranted  expressions  are 
dropped,  they  ought  to  be  regarded  as  the  effect  of  a  survey 
of  his  politics  abstracted  from  the  man.  When  we  separate 
the  latter  from  the  former,  we  view  only  a  monument  of  virtue 
and  wisdom  ;  but  when  we  blend  them  together,  we  are  forced 
to  regret  the  tarnish  and  incrustation  of  prejudice,  which  time 
had  inflicted. 

The  House  of  Representatives,  at  their  next  meeting,  ex- 
hibited a  pleasing,  though  mournful  evidence  of  the  respect 
which  was  felt  for  the  character  of  General  Washington. 
The  speaker's  chair  and  table,  and  the  tables  on  each  side, 
were  entirely  shrouded  in  black  ;  the  casement  in  the  rear  of 
the  speaker's  chair,  and  the  recess,  were  also  elegantly  orna- 
mented with  mourning  ;  the  prints  presented  to  the  house  by 
Mr.  Trumbull,  the  historical  painter,  were  overhung  with 
curtains  of  black.  Between  these,  and  in  the  centre  of  the 
house,  a  striking  likeness  of  the  illustrious  Hero  was  added, 
which  acted  as  a  feeling  index  of  the  weeping  emblems  that 
surrounded  it. 

On  January  the  2d,  a  petition  was  presented  to  the  House 
of  Representatives,  by  Mr.  Wain,  from  the  free  blacks  of  the 
city  and  county  of  Philadelphia,  praying  for  a  revision  of 
the  laws  of  the  United  States,  relative  to  the  slave  trade;  of 
the  act  relative  to  fugitives  from  justice,  and  for  the  adoption 
of  such  measures  as  should  in  due  time  emancipate  the  whole 
of  their  brethren  from  their  disagreeable  situation. 

Mr.  Rutledge  opposed  the  petition  with  the  abusive  inso- 
lence so  natural  to  this  southern  legislator.  "  The  gentlemen 
who  formerly  (said  Rutledge)  used  to  advocate  liberty,  have 
retreated  from  their  post  and  committed  the  important  trust 
to  the  care  of  Mack  patriots  ;  they  tell  the  house  they  are  in 
slavery — thank  God  they  are.  They  say  they  are  not  repre- 
sented— certainly  they  are  not  ;  and  I  trust  the  day  ivill  never 
arrive  when  the  Co7igress  of  the  United  States  will  display 
a  party-coloured  assembly.  Too  much  of  this  new-fangled 
French  philosophy  of  liberty  and  equality  has  found  its  way 
among  these  gentlemen  of  our  plantations,  for  which  nothing 
will  do  but  liberty.^'' 

Harrison  G.  Otis  brought  forward  his  usual  eloquence  on 


OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  245 

this  occasion.  He  said  that  though  he  possessed  no  slaves  he 
saw  no  reason  why  others  might  not,  and  that  the  proprietors 
of  them  were  the  fittest  persons,  and  not  Congress,  to  regu- 
late that  species  of  property. 

Mr.  Thatcher,  to  the  surprise  of  many,  differed  from  his 
countryman  ;  and  thought  the  petitions  of  black  men  deserved 
equal  consideration  with  those  of  whites. 

Mr.  Brown  of  Rhode  Island,  argued  that  the  petition  was 
not  the  production  of  the  negroes,  but  the  contrivance  of  a 
combination  of  jacobins,  who  had  troubled  Congress  for  many 
years  past,  and  he  feared  never  would  cease.  He  begged, 
therefore,  that  the  gentleman  who  put  the  petition  on  the 
table,  might  be  desired  to  take  it  back  again.  He  was  truly 
sorry  to  see  such  a  dangerous  paper  supported  by  such  a 
worthy  member  of  the  house  and  good  federalist  as  Mr. 
Thatcher. 

Messrs.  Gallatin,  Smilie,  Dana,  Bird,  and  Edmond,  sup- 
ported the  motion  ;  but  when  the  yeas  and  nays  were  agreed 
to  be  taken,  A'Ir.  Wain  withdrew  his  motion  and  substituted 
another ;  which  went  to  say,  that  certain  part?  of  the  petition 
should  be  reserved,  so  as  to  obviate  the  most  particular  objec- 
tion urged  against  a  reference. 

A  resolution  by  Mr,  Nicholas,  for  reducing  the  army  es- 
tablishment, was  taken  into  consideration  upon  the  10th  of 
January,  but  negatived,  there  being  thirty-nine  in  favour  of  it, 
and  fifty-nine  against  it. 

The  debates  upon  this  resolution  gave  rise  to  an  affair 
which  reflected  considerable  disgrace  both  upon  the  President 
and  the  military  of  the  United  States,  viz :  the  unwarrantable 
assault  upon  Mr.  John  Randolph,  a  representative  from  the 
State  of  Virginia. 

Mr.  Randolph  had  in  the  course  of  his  speech  on  that  occa- 
sion, unfortunately  used  the  term  Raggamuffins,  in  speaking 
of  the  army.  A  phrase  so  degrading  was  certainly  improper, 
but  Mr.  Randolph  had  been  warmed  by  debate,  and  the  con- 
duct of  Truxtun,  the  panegyrist  of  Sterret,  was  fresh  in  his 
memory.  At  any  rate  Mr.  Randolph  was  protected  by  an 
express  clause  of  the  constitution,  however  insulting  his  cen- 
sures on  the  conduct  of  the  army  or  navy  officers  might  ap- 
pear. 

On   the  evening  of  the   10th   of  January,  Mr.  Randolph 
went  to  the  theatre  in  Philadelphia.  During  the  representation, 
21* 


246 


THE    ADMINISTRATION 


one  Captain  M'Knight  and  a  Lieutenant  Reynolds,  of  the 
marines,  took  frequent  opportunities  of  peeping  into  the  box 
where  Mr.  Randolph  was,  and  of  whispering  to  each  other. 
At  length  they  entered  into  it,  and  repeated  several  times  in 
an  elevated  tone  of  voice,  the  word  raggamuffins :  with  some 
other  expressions  which  could  not  be  mistaken.  Mr.  Randolph 
took  not  the  smallest  notice  of  their  rudeness.  Reynolds,  in 
order  to  provoke  a  quarrel,  leaped  upon  the  seat  where  he 
was  sitting ;  and  though  the  seat  was  crowded,  squeezed  him- 
self into  it  close  to  Randolph's  side.  The  latter  made  as 
much  room  as  possible  for  the  marine  bravado,  who,  perceiving 
his  attempts  were  in  vain,  rose  and  came  away.  Captain 
M'Knight  then  came  forward,  and  acted  over  the  same  scene 
of  disgusting  rudeness  ;  another  officer  of  the  nam^e  of  Tay- 
lor, who  also  bore  the  rank  of  captain,  performed  the  part  of 
prompter,  but  had  not  the  eifrontery  to  take  part  in  the  as- 
sault himself. 

At  the  close  of  the  performance,  when  Mr.  Randolph  was 
coming  down  the  stair-case,  one  of  the  officers  came  behind 
and  pulled  him  backwards  by  the  neck  of  his  coat,  while  the 
other  two  severely  jostled  him,  but  Mr.  Randolph  having 
quickly  extricated  himself,  all  the  three  scampered  off.  No 
farther  disturbance  took  place. 

Next  day  Mr.  Randolph  addressed  the  following  letter  to 
the  President: 

"  Sir, — Known  to  you  only  as  holding,  in  common  with 
yourself,  the  honourable  station  of  servant  to  the  same  sove- 
reign people,  and  disclaiming  all  pretensions  to  make  to  you 
any  application  which,  in  the  general  estimation  of  men,  re- 
quires the  preface  of  apology,  I  shall  without  the  circumlocu- 
tion of  compliment,  proceed  to  state  the  cause  which  induces 
this  address. 

"  For  words  of  a  general  nature  uttered  on  the  floor  of  the 
house,  and  addressed  in  my  official  capacity  to  the  chair- 
man of  the  committee  of  the  whole,  and  urged  with  a  view 
to  effect  the  reduction  of  a  military  establishment,  I  have 
been  grossly  and  publicly  insulted  by  two  officers  of  the  army, 
(or  navy,  I  know  not  which,)  with  evident  intention  to  pro- 
voke me  to  a  conduct  which,  in  some  sort,  might  justify  the 
hostile  designs  which  they  manifestly  entertained  towards  me, 
and  from  the  execution  of  which  I  believe  they  were  only 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  247 

deterred  by  the  presence  of  several  of  my  friends,  (members 
of  this  house),  who  felt  themselves  implicated  in  an  insult 
which,  although  more  particularly  offered  to  one,  was  certainly 
levelled  at  all. 

"  I  am  acquainted  with  the  name  of  one  only  of  these  un- 
fortunate young  men,  who  appear  to  have  made  so  false  an 
estimate  of  true  dignity  of  character ;  who  seem  to  have  mis- 
taken brutality  for  spirit,  and  an  armed  combination  against 
an  individual,  for  an  indication  of  courage. 

"  He  was  called,  I  think,  M'Knight — rank  unknown,  and, 
to  my  best  recollection,  of  the  navy.  Mr.  Christie,  a  member 
of  this  house,  appeared  to  know  him  ;  and  that  gentleman, 
with  Captain  Campbell  Smith,  who,  as  I  understood,  endea- 
voured to  deter  those  rash  youths  from  their  scheme,  and 
whose  conduct  would  evince,  if  indeed  there  were  any  need 
of  proof,  that  the  character  of  the  man  and  the  citizen  is  not 
incompatible  with  the  profession  of  the  soldier,  can  give  an 
account  of  the  various  instances  of  misconduct  which  were  ex- 
hibited by  the  same  parties.  Mr.  Van  Renssalaer,  the  Lieu- 
tenant-Governor of  New  York,  Mr.  Nicholas,  Mr.  Glen,  and 
Mr.  Macon,  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  were  likewise 
present  at  the  transactions. 

"  Having  stated  the  fact,  it  would  be  derogatory  to  your 
character,  sir,  for  me  to  point  out  the  remedy  which  it  is  your 
province  to  provide,  nor  shall  I  descend  from  the  respect 
which  I  owe  myself  to  declare  what  are  not  the  considera- 
tions which  govern  my  conduct  on  this  occasion ;  so  far  as 
they  relate  to  this  application  addressed  to  you  in  a  public 
capacity,  they  can  only  be  supposed  by  you  to  be  of  a  public 
nature ;  and  it  is  enough  for  me  to  state  that  the  independence 
of  the  legislature  has  been  attacked,  the  majesty  of  the  people, 
of  which  you  are  the  principal  representative,  insulted,  and 
your  authority  contemned.  In  their  name  I  demand  that  a 
provision  commensurate  with  the  evil  be  made,  and  which  will 
be  calculated  to  deter  others  from  any  future  attempt  to  intro- 
duce the  reign  of  terror  into  our  country.  In  addressing  you 
in  the  plain  language  of  man,  I  give  you,  sir,  the  best  proof 
that  I  can  afford,  of  the  estimation  in  which  I  hold  your 
office,  and  your  understanding;  and  I  assure  you  with  truth, 
that  I  am,  with  respect,  your  fellow-citizen, 

"JOHN  RANDOLPH,  JuN. 
"  To  the  President  of  the  United  States." 


248  THE  ADMINISTRATION 

Mr.  Adams,  upon  receiving  the  above,  enclosed  it  with  the 
following  message  to  the  House  of  Representatives : 

"  Gentlemen  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 

"  As  the  enclosed  letter,  from  a  member  of  your  house,  re- 
ceived by  me  in  the  night  of  Saturday  the  11th  instant,  re- 
lates to  the  privileges  of  the  house,  which,  in  my  opinion, 
ought  to  be  inquired  into  in  the  house  itself,  if  anywhere,  I 
have  thought  proper  to  submit  the  whole  letter,  and  its  ten- 
dencies, to  your  consideration,  without  any  other  comments  on 
its  matter  or  style. 

"But  as  no  gross  impropriety  of  conduct,  on  the  part  of 
persons  holding  commissions  in  the  army  or  navy  of  the 
United  States,  ought  to  pass  without  due  animadversion,  I 
have  directed  the  Secretary  of  War,  and  the  Secretary  of  the 
Navy,  to  investigate  the  conduct  complained  of,  and  to  report 
to  me,  without  delay,  such  a  statement  of  facts  as  will  enable 
me  to  decide  on  the  course,  which  duty  and  justice  shall  ap- 
pear to  prescribe.  JOHN  ADAMS. 

"  United  States,  4th  Jan.  1800." 

Mr.  Kittera  moved,  when  the  message  was  received,  that 
it,  and  the  letter  accompanying  it,  be  referred  to  a  select  com- 
mittee. 

Mr.  Randolph  hoped  it  would  not.  It  was  far  from  his 
expectations,  he  said,  when  he  addressed  the  letter  now  before 
the  house,  to  the  President,  that  it  would  have  been  made  the 
subject  of  a  communication.  Had  he  thought  the  house  could 
have  remedied  the  abuse  complained  of,  he  would  have  entered 
his  complaint  here;  but  he  did  not  conceive  it  within  their 
jurisdiction  ;  and  he  was  opposed  to  it  as  being  a  bad  prece- 
dent, which  might,  at  some  future  period,  be  prostituted  to 
purposes  injurious  to  the  country.  The  power  of  the  com- 
mander-in-chief of  the  arm.y,  in  his  opinion,  was  sufficient  to 
afford  a  remedy,  and  to  restrain  men  under  his  command  from 
giving  personal  abuse  and  insult ;  and  he,  therefore,  disclaimed 
any  wish  that  the  house  should  take  measures  for  his  protec- 
tion. 

The  voice  of  the  house  appeared  to  be  unanimous  for  the 
commitment,  and  several  members  expressed  an  opinion,  that 
the  President,  in  submitting  the  subject  to  the  house,  had 
acted  judiciously,  it  being  a  question  on  which  he  could  not, 
dare  not  decide — it  was  a  constitutional  prerogative  vested  in 


OF    JOHN   ADAMS.  249 

that  house  alone,  and  that  house,  after  having  a  statement  of 
facts,  were  to  be  the  sole  judges  of  them.  The  wish  of  the 
complainant  to  suspend  inquiry,  ought  not  to  have  any  weight ; 
for  if  a  member  was  to  be  insulted  for  language  made  use  of 
in  debate,  there  was  an  end  to  all  legislation,  and  they  might 
as  well  return  to  their  homes  at  once. 

The  question  for  commitment  was  put  and  carried,  and  Mr. 
C.  Goodrich,  Mr.  Macon,  Mr.  Kittera,  Mr.  Sewall,  Mr.  Ro- 
bert Williams,  and  Mr.  Bayard  were  appointed. 

This  committee,  upon  a  review  of  the  evidence  produced 
before  them,  found  that  sufficient  cause  did  not  appear  for  the 
interposition  of  the  house,  on  the  grounds  of  a  breach  of  pri- 
vilege. 

Thus  was  a  most  unwarranted  insult  offered  to  a  represen- 
tative, passed  over  with  impunity.  The  conduct  of  Mr. 
Adams  on  this  occasion  was  highly  censurable.  In  him  pro- 
perly was  vested  the  power  of  checking  the  arrogant  insolence 
of  military  puppies,  who  dare  to  assume,  in  a  free  country, 
that  authority  which  is  only  suffered  in  the  dominions  of  des- 
potism. 

No  cause  has  tended  more  to  reflect  disgrace  on  the  pro- 
fession of  arms,  than  the  modern  practice  of  investing  with 
command  a  beardless  boy,  without  either  education  or  expe- 
rience, and  whose  only  pursuits  in  life  have  been  passed  in 
the  bed-chamber  of  an  indulgent  mother.  This  practice  is 
more  prevalent  in  Britain  than  in  any  country  of  Europe. 
One-half  of  the  officers  who  command  the  armies  of  George, 
are  drawn  at  the  age  of  twelve  and  thirteen,  from  the  moun- 
tains of  Caledonia,  ignorant  of  every  art  in  life,  but  that  of 
procuring  the  food  which  their  barren  valleys  afford,  and  of 
paying  an  implicit  obedience  to  a  tyrant  chieftain,  equally 
destitute  of  understanding  as  the  soil  which  gave  him  birth. 

Among  many  other  absurd  usages,  this  is  one  which  America 
has  borrowed  from  her  mother  country  ;  for  of  all  the  classes  of 
citizens  in  the  United  States,  the  officers  of  the  navy  appear 
in  general  to  be  most  removed  from  the  state  of  science  and 
literature.  I  make  not  this  remark  to  detract  from  their 
bravery.  This  qualification  they  certainly  possess  in  an  equal 
degree  with  any  nation  of  the  world  ;  but  it  ought  to  be  re- 
membered, that  courage,  though  an  essential,  constitutes  but 
a  small  part  of  the  requisite  education  of  a  modern  soldier. 
In  a  republic,  in  particular,  the  study  of  military  and  naval 


250  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

tactics  ought  to  be  cultivated  with  the  greatest  zeal,  and  the 
morals  of  the  young  soldier  guarded  with  the  strict  eye  of 
virtue  and  religion.  No  man  is  to  be  so  much  respected  as 
the  soldier  who  understands  his  profession,  defends  the  rights 
of  his  country,  and  adores  his  Creator;  while  no  miscreant 
ought  to  be  held  in  such  contempt  as  the  liveried  bravado, 
who  knows  neither  the  respect  due  to  his  country  nor  to  his 
God. 

Both  houses  of  Congress  rose  upon  the  4th  of  May,  after 
passing  the  following  acts: 

1.  An  act  for  reviving  and  continuing  suits  and  proceedings 
in  the  circuit  court  for  the  district  of  Pennsylvania. 

2.  An  act  extending  the  privilege  of  franking  to  William 
Henry  Harrison,  the  delegate  from  the  Territory  of  the  United 
States,  north-west  of  the  Ohio,  and  making  provision  for  his 
compensation. 

3.  An  act  supplementary  to  the  act,  entitled  "An  act  to 
provide  for  the  valuation  of  lands  and  dwelHng  houses,  and 
the  enumeration  of  slaves,  within  the  United  States." 

4.  An  act  for  the  relief  of  persons  imprisoned  for  debt. 

5.  An  act  for  the  preservation  of  peace  with  the  Indian 
tribes. 

6.  An  act  to  repeal  part  of  an  act,  entitled,  "  An  act  to 
provide  for  mitigating  or  remitting  the  forfeitures,  penalties, 
and  disabilities,  accruing  in  certain  cases  therein  mentioned, 
and  to  continue  in  force  the  residue  of  the  same." 

7.  An  act  for  the  relief  of  John  Vaughan. 

8.  An  act  giving  further  time  to  the  holders  of  military 
warrants,  to  register  and  locate  the  same. 

9.  An  act  to  suspend  in  part  an  act,  entitled,  "  An  act  to 
augment  the  army  of  the  United  States,  and  for  other  pur- 
poses." 

10.  An  act  further  to  suspend  the  commercial  intercourse 
between  the  United  States  and  France,  an^l  the  dependencies 
thereof. 

11.  An  act  for  the  relief  of  James  Yard. 

12.  An  act  providing  for  the  second  census,  or  enumeration 
of  the  inhabitants  of  the  United  States. 

13.  An  act  in  addition  to  the  act,  entitled,  "  An  act  regu- 
lating the  grants  of  land  appropriated  for  military  services, 
and  for  the  Society  of  the  United  Brethren,  for  propagating 
the  gospel  among  the  heathen." 


OF    JOHN   ADAMS.  25t 

14.  An  act  to  provide  for  salvage  in  cases  of  recapture. 

15.  An  act  declaring  the  assent  of  Congress  to  certain  acts 
of  the  states  of  Maryland  and  Georgia. 

16.  An  act  to  alter  the  times  of  holding  the  district  court 
in  North  Carolina. 

17.  An  act  for  the  relief  of  Campbell  Smith. 

18.  An  act  to  extend  the  privilege  of  franking  letters  and 
packages  to  Martha  Washington. 

19.  An  act  to  establish  an  universal  system  of  bankruptcy 
throughout  the  United  States. 

20.  An  act  to  discharge  Robert  Sturgeon  from  his  impri- 
sonment. 

21.  An  act  to  allow  a  drawback  of  duties  on  goods  ex- 
ported to  New  Orleans,  and  thereby  to  amend  the  act,  enti- 
tled, "  An  act  to  regulate  the  collection  of  duties  on  imposts 
and  tonnage." 

22.  An  act  to  continue  in  force  "  An  act  concerning  cer- 
tain fisheries  of  the  United  States,  and  for  the  regulation  and 
government  of  the  fishermen  employed  therein,"  and  for  other 
purposes  as  therein  mentioned. 

23.  An  act  to  alter  the  form  of  certain  oaths  and  affirma- 
tions, directed  to  be  taken  by  the  act,  entitled,  "  An  act  pro- 
viding for  the  second  census,  or  enumeration  of  the  inhabitants 
of  the  United  States." 

24.  An  act  for  the  relief  of  the  corporation  of  Rhode  Island 
College. 

25.  An  act  to  extend  the  privilege  of  obtaining  patents  for 
useful  discoveries  and  inventions,  to  certain  persons  therein 
mentioned,  and  to  enlarge  and  define  the  penalties  for  violat- 
ing the  rights  of  patentees, 

26.  An  act  to  fix  the  compensation  of  the  paymaster-ge- 
neral, and  assistants  to  the  adjutant-general. 

27.  An  act  to  continue  in  force  the  act,  entitled,  "  An  act 
to  authorize  the  defence  of  the  merchant  vessels  of  the  United 
States,  against  French  depredations." 

28.  An  act  to  continue  in  force,  for  a  limited  time,  an  act, 
entitled,  "  An  act  to  prescribe  the  mode  of  taking  evidence 
in  cases  of  contested  elections  for  members  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  of  the  United  States,  and  to  compel  the  at- 
tendance of  witnesses." 

29.  An  act  fixing  the  rank  and  pay  of  the  commanding 
officer  of  the  corps  of  marines. 


252  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

30.  An  act  supplementary  to  the  act  to  regulate  trade  and 
intercourse  with  the  Indian  tribes,  and  to  preserve  peace  on 
the  frontiers. 

31.  An  act  to  establish  a  general  stamp-office. 

32.  An  act  to  alter  and  to  establish  sundry  post  roads. 

33.  An  act  for  the  better  government  of  the  navy  of  the 
United  States. 

34.  An  act  respecting  the  mint. 

35.  An  act  to  continue  in  force  the  act,  in  addition  to  the 
act  for  the  punishment  of  certain  crimes  against  the  United 
States. 

36.  An  act  to  repeal  the  act  laying  duties  on  mills  and  im- 
plements employed  in  the  manufacture  of  snuff. 

37.  An  act  to  make  further  provision  for  the  removal  and 
accommodation  of  the  government  of  the  United  States. 

38.  An  act  to  authorize  the  President  of  the  United  States 
to  accept  for  the  United  States,  a  cession  of  jurisdiction  of  the 
territory  west  of  Pennsylvania,  commonly  called  the  Western 
Reserve  of  Connecticut. 

89.  An  act  to  provide  for  rebuilding  the  light-house  at  New 
London;  for  the  support  of  a  light-house  at  Clark's  Point; 
for  the  erection  and  support- of  a  light-house  at  Wigwam 
Point ;  and  for  other  purposes. 

40.  An  act  supplementary  to  the  laws  now  in  force,  fixing 
the  compensation  of  the  officers  of  the  Senate  and  House  of 
Representatives. 

41.  An  act  to  divide  the  territory  of  the  United  States 
north-west  of  the  Ohio,  into  two  separate  governments. 

42.  An  act  to  enable  the  President  of  the  United  States  to 
borrow  money  for  the  public  service. 

43.  An  act  to  continue  in  force  an  act  laying  an  additional 
duty  on  salt  imported  into  the  United  States,  and  for  other 
purposes. 

44.  An  act  to  authorize  the  allowance  of  a  credit  to  Wil- 
liam Tazewell. 

45.  An  act  to  authorize  the  sale  and  conveyance  of  lands, 
in  certain  cases,  by  the  marshals  of  the  United  States,  and  to 
confirm  former  sales. 

46.  An  act  for  the  regulation  of  the  public  arsenals  and 
magazines. 

47.  An  act  making  appropriation  for  the  support  of  govern- 
ment, for  the  year  one  thousand  eight  hundred. 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  253 

48.  An  act  making  appropriations  for  the  military  estab- 
lishment of  the  United  States,  for  the  year  one  thousand  eight 
hundred. 

49.  An  act  to  estabhsh  the  district  of  Kennebunk,  and  to 
annex  Lyme  to  New  London,  to  alter  the  district  of  Bermuda 
Hundred  and  City  Point,  and  further  to  amend  the  act  regu- 
lating the  collection  of  duties  on  imports  and  tonnage. 

50.  An  act  supplemental  to  the  act,  entitled,  "  An  act  for 
an  amicable  settlement  of  limits  with  the  state  of  Georgia, 
and  authorizing  the  estabhshment  of  a  government  in  the  Mis- 
sissippi territory." 

51.  An  act  in  addition  to  the  act,  entitled,  "An  act  to  pro- 
hibit the  carrying  on  the  slave  trade  from  the  United  States 
to  any  foreign  place  or  country." 

52.  An  act  for  the  relief  of  Ithamar  Canfield. 

53.  An  act  to  provide  for  equalizing  the  valuation  of  un- 
seated lands. 

54.  An  act  supplementary  to  an  act,  entitled,  "An  act  to 
establish  the  compensation  of  the  officers  employed  in  the  col- 
lection of  the  duties  on  impost  and  tonnage." 

55.  An  act  to  amend  an  act,  entitled,  "  An  act  for  the  sale 
of  the  lands  of  the  United  States  in  the  territory  north-west 
of  the  river  Ohio,  and  above  the  mouth  of  Kentucky  river." 

56.  An  act  to  make  appropriations  for  the  navy  of  the 
United  States  during  the  year  1800. 

57.  An  act  to  ascertain  the  compensation  of  public  mi- 
nisters. 

58.  An  act  supplementary  to  the  act,  entitled,  "  An  act  to 
establish  the  treasury  department." 

59.  An  act  to  authorize  the  issuing  of  certain  patents. 

60.  An  act  directing  the  payment  of  a  detachment  of  the 
militia  under  the  command  of  Major  Thomas  Johnson,  in  the 
year  1794. 

61.  An  act  to  retain  a  further  sum  on  drawbacks  for  the 
expenses  incident  to  the  allowances  and  payment  thereof,  and 
in  lieu  of  stamp  duties  on  debentures. 

62.  An  act  to  make  provision  relative  to  rations  for  Indians, 
and  for  their  visits  to  the  seat  of  government. 

63.  An  act  to  authorize  certain  expenditures,  and  to  make 
certain  additional  appropriations  for  the  year  1800. 

64.  An  act  to  lay  additional  duties  on  certain  articles  im- 
ported. 

22 


254  THE   ADMINISTRATION 

65.  An  act  enlarging  the  powers  of  surveyors  of  the  re- 
venue. 

66.  An  act  to  appropriate  a  certain  sum  of  money  to  de- 
fray the  expenses  of  holding  a  treaty  or  treaties  with  the 
Indians. 

67.  An  act  to  make  further  provisions  for  the  children  of 
Colonel  John  Harding  and  Major  Alexander  Trueman,  de- 
ceased. 

68.  An  act  supplementary  to  the  act  establishing  the  mint, 
and  regulating  the  coins  of  the  United  States. 

69.  An  act  supplementary  to  the  act  to  suspend  part  of  an 
act,  entitled,  "  An  act  to  augment  the  army  of  the  United 
States,"  and  for  other  purposes. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

Remarks  on  the  Constitution  of  Connecticut — Trials  of  Coop- 
er, Fries,  Callender,  and  Holt — General  Observations. 

Of  those  states  which  were  the  abettors  of  John  Adams 
and  his  party,  and  the  opposers  of  the  rights  of  American 
citizens,  none,  not  even  Massachusetts,  the  cradle  of  aristo- 
cracy, made  such  a  conspicuous  figure  as  the  small  state  of 
Connecticut.  This  naturally  excites  our  wonder  and  astonish- 
ment, as  the  inhabitants  of  this  state  are  principally  employed 
in  the  peaceful  occupation  of  husbandry.  But  the  surprise 
of  the  reader  will  vanish  when  he  is  informed  that  in  no  part 
of  the  w^orld  the  bigotry  of  priesthood  reigns  so  triumphant, 
or  that  the  dark  shades  of  superstition  no  where  cloud  the 
understanding  of  man  in  such  a  degree,  as  among  the  unhappy 
natives  of  Connecticut. 

This  State  has  not  formed  any  constitution  since  the  revo- 
lution, but  ancient  superstition  and  the  prejudice  of  custom 
have  established  an  hierarchy,  which  is  directed  by  a  sovereign 
pontiff,  twelve  cardinals,  a  civil  council  of  nine,  and  about 
four  hundred  parochial  bishops. 

The  present  priest,  who  may  be  honoured  with  the  appella- 
tion of  Pope,  is  Timothy  Dwight,  President  of  Yale  college. 


OF    JOHN   ADAMS.  255 

The  corporation  of  this  college,  which  seems  to  be  the  main 
spring  and  vital  part  of  the  State  government,  is  composed  of 
the  President,  twelve  clergymen,  and  seven  senior  members 
of  the  first  branch  of  the  State  Legislature.  The  clerical 
part  are  all  denominated  Congregationalists,  which  is  the  pre- 
vailing and  principal  religious  order  in  Connecticut. 

The  Legislature  sits  twice  each  year.  The  representative 
branch  is  chosen  for  each  session  ;  the  other  branch  and  chief 
officers  of  government,  are  chosen  annually.  The  people 
qualified  to  vote  in  elections,  assemble  in  their  several  districts 
in  the  month  of  September,  annually,  and  elect  their  repre- 
sentatives ;  they  also  vote  for  a  certain  number  of  persons 
who  are  to  be  candidates,  or  to  stand  in  nomination  for  elec- 
tion into  the  first  branch  of  the  Legislature  at  the  next  annual 
election.  In  April,  the  people  qualified  to  vote,  assemble 
again,  choose  their  representatives,  vote  for  governor,  lieu- 
tenant governor,  and  some  other  officers  of  government  for 
the  year  ensuing  ;  and  also  from  the  list  or  nomination  made 
at  the  preceding  meeting  in  September,  they  at  that  time  elect 
the  persons  who  are  to  compose  the  first  branch  of  the  Legis- 
lature. In  May  the  Legislature  convene,  when  the  votes  for 
governor,  &c.  are  canvassed,  and  the  result  of  the  election 
proclaimed.  This  is  called  the  general  election.  The  repre- 
sentatives in  Congress  are  elected  from  a  previous  nomination, 
made  once  in  two  years,  in  the  form  already  mentioned. 

The  annual  commencement  at  Yale  college  takes  place  in 
September,  a  short  time  previous  to  the  election  of  the  Legis- 
lature. At  this  time  the  president  is  attended  by  his  twelve 
cardinal  members  of  the  corporation,  the  governor,  lieutenant 
governor,  and  seven  other  senior  members  of  the  first  legisla- 
tive house  (which  compose  the  lay  part)  and  the  greatest  part 
of  the  clergy.  On  this  occasion,  the  governor  and  other 
civifians  are  subordinate  to  the  president,  and  they  feel  deeply 
impressed  with  a  sense  of  their  subordmation,  knowing  that 
he  can  kill  or  make  alive  at  the  next  annual  election;  that  he 
emphatically  holds  the  keys  which  command  their  political 
damnation  or  salvation. 

The  Pope,  being  thus  surrounded  by  his  cardinals,  his  civil 
councils  and  his  parochial  bishops,  determines  the  order  and 
detail  of  the  ensuing  election.  Each  one  returns  home  with 
a  perfect  understanding  of  the  part  he  is  to  act.  The  clergy 
apply  themselves  to  such  persons  in  their  respective  parishes 


256  THE   ADMINISTRATION 

as  can  most  effectually  influence  the  representatives  in  Con- 
gress;  and  the  members  of  the  first  legislative  branch  being 
chosen  from  the  State  at  large,  and  not  from  particular  elec- 
tion districts,  the  people  can  have  but  little  personal  know- 
ledge of  the  candidates,  and  must  necessarily  act  through  in- 
formation received  from  others.  The  parochial  bishop  claims 
to  know  who  are  the  fittest  and  best  men  to  be  entrusted 
with  the  public  concerns  of  the  nation — all  who  are  of  a 
different  religious  denomination  from  himself,  or  who  deny  or 
doubt  the  Pope's  supremacy,  or  infallibility,  are  denounced  as 
anti-christian,  anti-federal,  Jacobinical,  disorganizing  scoun- 
drels. The  Sunday  previous  to  the  day  on  which  the  people 
meet  to  deliver  in  their  suffrages,  is  devoted  to  political  ha- 
rangues from  the  political  desk.  On  these  occasions,  in  the 
heat  of  political  zeal,  the  preacher  will  name  the  individuals 
who  are  to  receive  or  be  excluded  from  popular  approbation, 
and  with  a  holy  fervour,  instruct  the  people  of  his  chai-gehow 
they  are  to  bestow  their  suffrages,  threatening  divine  vengeance 
on  all  who  disregard  his  pious  admonitions. 

The  influence  which  has  been  described  does  not  stop  at 
this  point.  The  newspapers  which  circulate  in  every  parish, 
village,  or  neighbourhood,  are  either  patronized  or  discounte- 
nanced by  the  clergyman,  according  as  they  promote  or 
oppose  his  designs — his  efforts  are  seconded  by  all  persons 
seeking  offices  by  clerical  aid,  or  who  hold  any  offices  under 
that  species  of  influence.  Hence  the  editors  of  neW'Spapers 
in  Connecticut,  are  compelled  to  take  the  current,  and  the 
press  is  employed  to  destroy  or  bring  into  contempt  those  re- 
publican principles  and  sentiments,  which  led  Americans 
through  the  revolutionary  war,  and  secured  the  independence 
of  their  country. 

The  characters  of  the  governor,  lieutenant-governor,  and 
most  of  the  legislators  in  Connecticut,  are  highly  federal.* 

Mr.  Trumbull,  the  governor,  is  possessed  of  principles  that 
even  border  upon  monarchy — like  Mr.  Adams,  he  approves 
of  the  British  Constitution  as  the  most  rational  and  stable  of 
political  governments. 

Mr.  John  Treadwell,  the  lieutenant-governor,  in  his  public 

*  For  the  characters  of  the  Legislators  of  Connecticut,  the  reader  is  in- 
debted to  a  writer  in  the  Aurora  of  April  last,  upon  whose  information  he 
may  place  reliance. 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  257 

conduct,  has  never  evinced  talents  of  a  superior  order.  As  a 
scholar,  he  has  small  claims  to  distinction.  As  a  judge  of  a 
country  court,  he  does  not  understand  even  the  terms  which 
the  lawyers  make  use  of  in  addressing  him.  As  a  politician, 
he  is  familiar  with  the  intrigues  and  cabals  which  have  existed 
in  Connecticut  since  he  has  had  a  share  in  her  councils,  but 
his  views  extend  no  further.  He  is  unacquainted  with  the 
various  systems  of  policy,  which  have  been  adopted  by  dif- 
ferent nations  at  successive  periods  of  time,  and  he  knows 
nothing  of  the  great  principles  of  legislation. 

His  conduct,  since  he  came  into  office,  has,  on  many  occa- 
sions, evinced  a  dark  destitution  of  principle,  and,  though  he 
makes  great  professions  of  Christian  piety,  he  has  not  scru- 
pled to  use  his  utmost  exertion  to  injure  the  reputation  of  any 
one  whose  station  or  talents  impeded  his  elevation.  His  con- 
duct towards  Mr.  Lawrence,  formerly  the  treasurer  of  the 
state,  displays  the  real  character  of  the  man.  Treadwell, 
anxious  to  remove  that  gentleman  from  office,  to  make  place 
for  one  whom  it  was  his  interest  to  promote,  by  artful  insinu- 
ations and  false  representations,  induced  the  council  to  believe 
that  there  had  been  misconduct  in  office,  and  caused  the  trea- 
surer to  be  removed.  But  even  this  did  not  satisfy  him,  for 
he  commenced  a  prosecution  at  law,  where,  at  a  solemn  trial 
before  the  Supreme  Court,  it  was  proved,  beyond  the  possibi- 
lity of  a  doubt,  that  the  treasurer  had  conducted  himself  with 
singular  fidelity  and  ability,  and  his  reputation  was  vindicated 
to  the  satisfaction  of  a  court  and  jury.  But  this  did  not  avail ; 
for  his  office  had  been  given  to  another,  and  he  found  at  last 
that  there  was  no  refuge  from  the  persecution  of  his  antago- 
nist but  in  the  grave, 

Mr.  Treadwell's  elevation  has  been  effected  rather  by 
what  was  deemed  an  attachment  to  the  Hopkintonian  system 
of  divinity,  than  by  any  conformity  to  the  principles  of  the 
Christian.  He  is  austere  in  his  deportment;  his  opinions  upon 
any  subject  are  cautiously  reserved,  until  he  is  informed  of 
those  of  his  companions ;  the  distresses  of  his  fellow-mortals 
excite  no  emotion  of  pity  or  compassion  in  his  breast,  and  his 
hand  is  not  open  for  the  relief  of  the  poor  and  indigent.  The 
flames  of  his  passion  are  never  know^n  to  burst  suddenly  forth, 
but  remain  stifled  within,  until  the  fit  moment  of  revenge  ar- 
rives, and  he  obtains  his  antagonist  within  his  power  ;  he  then 
works  his  mischief  with  composure.  The  arts  of  dissimula- 
22* 


258  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

tion  have  become  so  familiar  to  him,  that  they  influence  his 
conduct  in  all  the  transactions  of  life  ;  he  knows  not  how  to 
appreciate  the  virtues  and  talents  of  others,  and  is  not  heard 
to  acknowledge  them  when  not  exerted  for  the  promotion  of 
his  interest.  He  considers  himself  as  the  first  and  best  of 
God's  creatures ;  that  he  is  above  all,  and  that  he  was  made 
to  direct  and  govern  all. 

Among  the  leading  characters  in  the  upper  house,  are  Tho- 
mas Grosvenor,  Thomas  Seymour,  Aaron  Austin,  and  David 
Dagget. 

Grosvenor  was  brought  into  place,  like  many  others  in  the 
same  house,  no  one  knows  why,  and  has  been  retained,  be^ 
cause  he  has  taken  good  care  to  have  his  name  put  on  the  no- 
mination list.  His  talents  and  virtues  have  never  been  mani- 
fested, except  by  his  exertions  to  destroy  the  ecclesiastical 
society  in  the  town  to  which  he  belongs.  But  his  views  not 
being  answered,  he  commenced  an  action  at  law  against  the 
society,  which  terminated  in  the  defeat  and  disgrace  of  him- 
self and  his  partisans.  He  is  scarcely  known  except  in  his 
own  town,  and  there  he  is  considered  to  be  destitute  of  sound 
principles,  and  can  obtain  no  votes  for  any  office.  But  his 
name  is  always  put  on  the  list,  by  agreement,  and  he  receives 
the  votes  of  hundreds,  who  never  knew  him,  saw  him,  or  even 
heard  of  him. 

Seymour  was  educated  for  the  profession  of  the  law,  and 
by  the  influence  of  great  family  connections,  obtained  a  large 
share  of  business,  though  he  never  enjoyed  the  reputation  of 
being  a  great  lawyer.  A  few  years  since  he  was  honoured 
with  a  seat  on  the  bench  of  a  country  court,  and  with  a  place 
at  the  council  board.  From  that  moment  his  character  has 
languished  and  gradually  declined.  As  to  principles  and  sen- 
timents, he  has  displayed  none  of  his  own,  for  he  uniformly 
agrees  with  every  person  he  meets,  however  different  their 
opinions.  No  system  of  measures  is  ever  proposed,  but  it  re- 
ceives his  support  or  opposition,  according  to  its  tendency  to 
increase  or  diminish  his  popularity.  He  has  on  some  occa- 
sions, as  a  magistrate,  appeared  very  much  disposed  to  a  strict 
execution  of  the  laws ;  but  these  instances  were  so  diff"erent 
from  the  general  tenor  of  his  conduct,  that  his  best  friends 
laughed,  and  attributed  to  a  sportive  sally,  what  from  a  con- 
sistent man,  would  have  appeared  an  act  of  serious  duty. 

Sometimes  he  has  pretended  to  be  a  firm  friend  to  the  liber- 


OF    JOHN  ADAMS.  259 

ties  of  the  people,  and  at  other  times  he  has  avowed  himself 
the  undaunted  supporter  of  Hamilton's  energetic  government. 
But  he  has  been  so  long  labouring  and  always  unable  to  dis- 
cover which  party  would  ultimately  obtain  the  ascendency, 
and  he  has  shifted  his  ground  so  frequently,  that  neither  party 
will  own  him ;  therefore,  whichever  succeeds,  as  they  can  de- 
rive no  credit  from  his  talents,  will,  it  is  presumed,  dispense 
with  his  services. 

Aaron  Austin  is  distinguished  by  the  possession  of  much 
common  sense,  and  as  the  advantage  of  a  liberal  education  was 
not  afforded  him,  he  deserves  much  credit  for  the  acquisitions 
which  he  has  made.  His  talents  are  not  great,  but  his  indus- 
try and  attention  to  business,  render  him  a  much  better  coun- 
sellor than  many  of  his  associates. 

Mr.  David  Dagget  lays  great  claims  to  superiority  of  ta- 
lents and  virtue ;  but  a  survey  of  his  conduct,  since  he  came 
into  public  life,  will  show  the  grounds  upon  which  these  claims 
are  founded. 

As  soon  as  he  had  initiated  himself  into  the  favour  of  Pier- 
pont  Edwards,  by  an  unwearied  exertion  of  all  the  arts  of 
pleasing,  he  directly  proceeded,  with  the  utmost  assiduity,  to 
improve  that  liking  into  an  important  confidence — he  watched 
his  every  action,  word,  and  look,  till  he  discovered  the  pecu- 
liar train  of  his  mind,  to  which  he  accommodated  his  conduct 
so  implicitly,  that  the  very  faculties  of  his  soul  seemed  only  to 
move  by  the  other's  will ;  that  self-love  which  is  inseparable 
from  humanity,  was  imposed  upon  by  such  art.  Mr.  Ed- 
wards liked  himself  in  him,  and  insensibly  came  to  think  all 
reserve  unnecessary  with  one  whose  words  and  actions  were 
wholly  at  his  control.  He  used  his  utmost  exertion  to  bring 
his  pupil  into  notice,  gave  him  much  business  in  his  profession, 
and  by  his  influence  and  unceasing  labour,  raised  him  to  the 
station  which  he  now  holds ;  but  his  establishment  in  the  busi- 
ness of  his  profession  being  effected,  and  a  seat  at  the  council 
board  being  obtained,  he  immediately  manifested  that  self 
was  the  centre  of  all  his  action  ;  and,  because  he  cannot  forget 
the  favours  bestowed,  he  meanly  seeks  to  destroy  the  patron, 
abuse  the  friend,  and  laugh  at  the  obligation.  As  soon  as  he 
found  himself  so  firmly  established,  that  the  exertions  of  his 
patron  could  do  him  no  further  good,  he  immediately  aban- 
doned him,  and  with  unwearied  diligence,  but  in  a  dark  and 
covert  manner,  laboured  for  the  downfall  of  his  reputation. 


260  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

His  progress  in  life,  and  his  elevation  to  the  office  of  chan- 
cellor, has  been  marked  by  a  series  of  numberless  little  arti- 
fices to  delude  the  people.  When  he  became  a  candidate  to 
represent  the  town  to  which  he  belongs  in  the  legislature,  he 
found  it  would  be  necessary  to  obtain  the  votes  of  the  Episco- 
palians, and  for  this  purpose,  though  he  belonged  to  a  Presbyte- 
rian meeting,  purchased  a  pew  and  frequently  read  prayers  in 
the  Episcopal  Church.  His  object  was  answered  ;  but  being 
soon  promoted  to  the  council,  he  found  this  office  would  be 
more  secure  by  his  being  altogether  a  Presbyterian  ;  he  there- 
fore sold  his  pew,  forgot  the  tenets  and  neglected  the  worship 
of  the  Church  of  England.  While  a  candidate  for  promotion 
he  never  scrupled  to  visit  the  honest  tradesman  and  mechanic ; 
and,  seated  on  the  bench  of  the  shoemaker,  or  the  anvil  of  the 
blacksmith,  would  flatter  each  one  that  he  was  the  best  of  the 
craft ;  and  more  than  that,  could,  by  the  ability  of  his  dis- 
course and  the  lying  of  his  lips,  convince  them  that  he  was  the 
people's  friend,  and  should  manage  national  affairs  with  sin- 
gular skill  and  ability.  When  a  representative  in  the  legisla- 
ture, he  apparently  manifested  a  strong  regard  for  the  inte- 
rest of  the  lower  classes  of  society.  The  abolition  of  slavery 
was  the  favourite  subject  of  his  talk,  and  all  the  powers  and 
faculties  of  his  mind  were  brought  into  operation  to  display 
the  tender  sensibilities  of  his  nature  ;  and  so  anxious  was  he  to 
be  distinguished  for  his  nice  feeling  at  the  unfortunate  situa- 
tion of  the  blacks,  that  he  turned  biographer  to  a  negro  that 
was  hung  for  a  rape.  Having  now  obtained  his  object,  he 
becomes  desirous  of  concealing  that  submission  which  he  here- 
tofore practised,  by  the  exercise  of  insolence  and  arrogance 
to  all  whom  fortune  has  placed  in  a  subordinate  station. 
The  praise  of  him  whom  public  delusion  idolized,  flowed  freely 
from  his  lips,  but  always  from  the  motive  of  increasing  his 
own  popularity  rather  than  from  a  conviction  of  the  justice  of 
the  praise. 

As  a  public  speaker,  Mr.  Dagget  has  been  distinguished  by 
these  qualities :  invincible  assurance,  inflexible  obstinacy,  and 
a  talent  for  quibble.  In  a  debate  he  mistakes  pomposity  for 
learning,  confidence  for  genius,  buffoonery  for  wit,  and  sophis- 
try for  argument.  The  vulgarity  of  his  language,  his  low  at- 
tempts at  humour,  and  the  abuse  which  he  never  fails  to  be- 
stow upon  witnesses,  are  sure  indications  of  the  meanness  of 
his  early  habits  and  connexions,  which  were  formed  in  ob- 


OF    JOHN   ADAMS.  261 

scure  and  menial  employments.  He  has,  however,  a  very 
handsome  share  of  business;  and,  by  a  quickness  of  thought 
and  fluency  of  speech,  has  acquired  some  reputation.  By  a 
station  for  several  years  at  the  bar,  and  a  tolerably  retentive 
memory,  he  has  become  well  acquainted  with  the  practice  of 
the  courts  of  Connecticut,  and  is  possessed  of  the  most  obvi- 
ous principles  of  the  common  law ;  but  his  warmest  admirers 
have  never  imputed  to  him  an  accurate  acquaintance  with  the 
English  system  of  jurisprudence. 

As  a  writer,  he  possessed  every  advantage  from  the  assist- 
ance and  communication  of  men  of  sense  and  learning,  but  he 
has  not,  after  all,  made  a  figure  in  the  fields  of  literature.  His 
Pindaric  oration,  in  which  his  object  was  to  cast  contempt 
upon  many  important  discoveries  and  improvements  of  the 
present  age,  launched  him  forth  as  one  of  the  most  daring 
aristocratic  adventurers  on  the  ocean  of  political  controversy : 
but  the  boldness  of  the  attempt  is  more  to  be  admired  than 
the  execution  to  be  praised ;  and  whatever  defects  may  appear 
in  the  systems  which  he  has  attacked,  he  has  clearly  mani- 
fested that  the  principles  upon  which  they  are  founded,  are 
infinitely  above  his  comprehension.  It  attracted  the  attention 
of  the  public  for  a  few  days,  rather  from  its  scurrility  than  its 
severity ;  but  it  has  been  since  consigned  to  oblivion ;  to  the 
same  oblivion  to  which  the  three  letters  which  he  wrote  some 
time  ago  to  Abraham  Bishop,  are  rapidly  hastening. 

From  the  foregoing  observations  it  would  seem,  that  in  the 
early  part  of  his  public  life,  virtue  and  principle  were  sacri- 
ficed to  fame;  yet  it  will  be  observed,  that  among  good  men 
he  still  possesses  an  attachment  to  good  things.  The  sincerity 
of  such  professions,  however,  cannot  be  relied  on,  when  it  is 
known,  that  being  a  magistrate,  sworn  to  observe  and  enforce 
the  laws  of  his  country,  he  not  unfrequently  spends  whole 
nights  in  a  tavern,  and  at  the  gaming  table. 

Though  from  this  view  of  the  character  of  Mr.  Dagget,  it 
might  be  concluded,  that  he  is  not  endowed  with  great  and 
solid  talents,  yet  his  understanding  would  have  rendered  him 
a  useful  man,  if  he  had  been  a  real  Christian — but  it  must  be 
a  miracle,  if  he,  who  is  ambitious  of  power,  and  without  the 
restraint  of  principle,  is  not  transformed  from  a  man  to  a  de- 
mon. As  he  is,  he  will  be  remembered  only  to  be  execrated 
by  those  whose  admiration  is  praise. 

Such  were  the  characters  who  swayed  the  political  sceptre 


262  THE   ADMINISTRATION 

of  Connecticut;  a  state  which  may  be  regarded,  notwithstand- 
ing its  smallness,  to  be  the  most  formidable  in  the  federal 
league.  From  thence  issued  the  most  laboured  and  best  com- 
posed defences  of  federalism  ;  thence  the  satire  which  lashed 
republicanism  and  the  rights  of  the  people ;  and  there  the  ex- 
piring host  of  aristocracy  still  find  an  asylum  for  their  venom 
and  malice. 

On  Saturday,  the  19th  of  April,  1800,  the  cause  of  the 
United  States  against  Mr.  Thomas  Cooper,  of  Northumber- 
land, came  on  before  the  Circuit  Court  of  the  United  States, 
sitting  at  Philadelphia.  The  attorney-general,  Mr.  Rawle, 
opened  the  cause,  by  stating  the  nature  of  the  offence  for 
which  the  defendant  was  indicted,  and  read  the  indictment, 
which  charged  the  defendant,  Thomas  Cooper,  with  having 
printed,  uttered,  and  published  a  false,  scandalous,  and  mali- 
cious libel  against  the  President  of  the  United  States,  inten- 
ding to  injure  the  official  character  of  the  said  President,  and 
to  bring  on  him,  the  said  President,  the  hatred  and  contempt 
of  the  good  people  of  the  United  States.  The  papers  on 
which  the  indictment  was  founded,  was  a  handbill,  an  address 
to  the  people  of  Northumberland  county,  stating,  that  under 
the  auspices  of  the  President,  a  permanent  navy,  a  standing 
army,  a  loan  of  eight  per  cent,  in  time  of  peace,  had  been  re- 
solved on  ;  that  he,  the  President,  by  the  violence  of  his  offi- 
cial expressions,  might  have  provoked  a  just  war  against  this 
country  ;  that  he  had  projected  embassies  to  Russia,  Prussia, 
and  the  Sublime  Porte  ;  that  he  had  interfered  with  the  judi- 
ciary, contrary  to  all  law,  precedent,  and  mercy,  and  delivered 
up  Jonathan  Robbins,  an  American  citizen,  or  native  Ameii- 
can,  forcibly  impressed  by  a  British  ship  of  war,  to  the  mock- 
trial  of  a  British  court-martial,  a  stretch  of  power  which 
the  monarch  of  Great  Britain  would  have  shrunk  from  with 
horror. 

Mr.  Cooper  (protesting  against  the  insinuations  and  con- 
structions in  the  above  indictment)  pleaded  Not  Guilty,  and 
gave  the  following  facts  in  evidence  on  the  trial,  in  justifica- 
tion of  the  supposed  libel  : 

1st.  Mr.  Adams,  either  by  himself,  or  officers  of  state  acting 
under  his  authority,  has  given  the  public  to  understand,  that 
he  would  bestow  no  office  but  on  persons  who  conformed  to 
his  political  opinions. 


OF    JOHN   ADAMS.  263 

2d.  Mr.  Adams  has  declared,  that  a  republican  government 
may  mean  anything. 

3d.  Mr.  Adams  did  sanction  the  x4.1ien  law,  and  thereby 
the  abolition  of  the  trial  by  jury,  in  the  cases  that  fall  under 
that  law. 

4th.  Mr.  Adams  did  sanction  the  Sedition  law,  and  thereby 
entrenched  his  public  character  behind  the  legal  provision  of 
that  law. 

5th.  Under  the  auspices  of  Mr.  Adams,  the  expense  of  a 
permanent  navy  is  saddled  on  the  people. 

6th,  Under  the  auspices  of  Mr.  Adams,  we  are  threatened 
■with  the  existence  of  a  standing  army. 

7th.  The  government  of  the  United  States  has  borrowed 
money  at  eight  per  cent,  in  time  of  peace. 

8th.  The  imnecessary  violence  of  official  expressions  used 
by  Mr.  Adams,  and  those  in  authority  under  him,  and  his  ad- 
herents, might  justly  have  provoked  a  war. 

9th.  Political  acrimony  has  been  fostered  by  those  who  call 
themselves  his  friendly  adherents. 

10th.  Mr.  Humphries,  after  being  convicted  of  an  assault 
and  battery  on  Benjamin  Franklin  Bache,  the  printer  of  the 
Aurora,  merely  from  political  motives,  was,  before  his  sen- 
tence was  expired,  promoted  by  Mr.  Adams  to  a  public  office, 
viz.  to  carry  despatches  to  France. 

11th.  Mr.  Adams  did  project  and  put  in  execution,  embas- 
sies to  Prussia,  Russia,  and  the  Sublime  Porte. 

12th.  Mr.  Adams,  in  the  case  of  Jonathan  Robbins,  alias 
Nash,  did  interfere  to  influence  the  decision  of  a  court  of 
justice. 

He  then  informed  the  court  that  he  had  applied  to  Mr. 
Rawle,  the  attorney  of  the  United  States  for  the  district,  to 
know  whether  he  would  admit  the  Gazette  of  the  United  States 
to  be  read  in  evidence  ;  that  Mr.  Rawle  replied,  he  did  consider 
newspapers  as  legal  testimony ;  and  that  in  consequence  of 
this  reply,  he  had  applied  to  Mr.  Pickering,  the  secretary  of 
state,  for  copies  of  certain  addresses  and  answers,  from  and  to 
the  President  of  the  United  States  ;  and  to  this  application, 
Mr.  Pickering  replied,  that  these  papers  were  not  deposited 
in  his  office.  The  defendant  observed,  that  he  considered  he 
had  a  right  to  copies  of  those  papers,  from  the  officers  of  the 
government,  and  read  the  case  of  Rex  vs.  Holt,  in  support  of 
his  right — and  upon  this  he  applied  to  the  President  of  the 


264  THE   ADMINISTRATION 

United  States,  for  copies  of  the  papers.  He  informed  the 
court  that  he  had  made  appUcation  to  the  President  by  a  letter, 
which  he  read. 

This  letter  stated,  that  being  indicted  for  a  supposed  libel, 
he  found  it  necessary  to  apply  to  the  President  for  official 
copies  of  certain  addresses  to  him,  (the  President)  and  his 
answers  to  them  ;  and  requested  the  President  to  consider 
his  letter  as  a  legal  written  application  for  copies  of  the 
papers  required  by  him.  To  this  letter,  the  defendant 
observed,  he  had  received  no  answer ;  in  consequence  of  his 
not  receiving  an  answer,  he  purchased  a  volume,  purporting 
to  be  addresses  to  the  President,  and  his  answers,  published 
in  Boston  ;  that  he  sent  his  son  with  the  volume  to  Mr.  Shaw, 
the  secretary  of  the  President,  with  a  note,  requesting  Mr. 
Shaw  to  examine  the  publication  in  the  volume  with  the  origi- 
nals, and  inform  him  if  they  were  correct ;  to  this  Mr.  Shaw 
made  the  following  answer  ;  "  Mr.  Shaw  informs  Mr.  Cooper, 
that  he  will  not  receive  any  information  concerning  answers 
to  addresses  from  this  house."  The  defendant  then  observed, 
that  he  regarded  this  as  an  official  answer  from  the  President 
of  the  United  States,  and  he  did  not  see  how  he  could  proceed 
when  that  testimony  which  w^as  necessary  to  his  defence  was 
withheld  from  him,  "  by  the  person  who  may  be  considered 
as  his  accuser  or  prosecutor." 

Mr.  Rawle  opened  the  case  by  animadverting  on  the  select 
passages  in  the  indictment,  and  called  Mr.  Buyers,  a  justice 
of  the  peace  of  the  country,  to  prove  Mr.  Cooper  the  author; 
who  said,  that  Mr.  Cooper  had  called  at  his  house  with  the 
paper;  said  that  it  was  his  name,  pointing  to  it  in  the  paper,, 
and  that  he  was  the  author  of  the  piece. 

Mr.  Cooper  then  addressed  the  jury  in  a  speech  of  about 
three  hours  and  a  half,  in  which  he  attempted  to  justify  the 
publication,  by  endeavouring  to  show  that  it  was  true  in  all 
its  parts,  and  the  conduct  of  the  President  of  the  United 
States  merited  the  censures  which  were  passed  upon  it.  Mr. 
Cooper  continued  his  speech  until  exhausted  with  fatigue  ;  and 
the  indulgence  of  the  court,  which  manifested  itself  through 
the  whole  triaJ,  was  here  conspicuous.  Judge  Chase  declared 
he  would  patiently  wait  until  the  defendant  refreshed  himself, 
and  was  able  to  resume  his  defence.  This  very  liberal  propo- 
sition of  the  judge,  the  defendant  declined.  Mr.  Rawle  ad- 
dressed the  jury,  after  which   Judge  Chase  summed   up  the 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  265 

evidence,  and  the  jury  in  about  twenty  minutes  returned  their 
verdict,  guilty. 

Judge  Chase  then  addressed  Mr.  Cooper  in  the  following 
■words:  "  As  the  jury  have  found  you  guilty,  we  wish  to  hear 
any  circumstances  you  have  to  offer  in  point  of  the  mitigation 
of  the  fine  the  court  may  think  proper  to  impose  on  you,  and 
also  in  extenuation  of  your  punishment.  We  should,  there- 
fore, wish  to  know  your  situation  in  life  in  regard  to  your  cir- 
cumstances. It  will  be  proper  for  you  to  consider  of  this. 
As  you  are  under  recognizance,  you  will  attend  the  court 
some  time  the  latter  end  of  the  week." 

The  court  met  again  on  Wednesday,  for  the  purpose  of 
passing  sentence,  when  Mr.  Cooper  addressed  them  as  follows: 
"  The  court  having  desired  me  to  offer  any  thing  relating  to 
my  circumstances  in  mitigation  of  the  fine,  or  any  observations 
that  occur  to  me  in  extenuation  of  the  offence,  I  have  thought 
it  my  duty,  (not  for  the  purpose  of  deprecating  any  punish- 
ment which  the  court  may  deem  it  proper  to  inflict,  but)  to 
prevent  any  accidental  or  apparent  harshness  of  punishment 
on  part  of  the  court,  for  want  of  that  information  which  it  is 
in  my  power  to  give.  For  this  reason,  therefore,  and  that  the 
court  may  not  be  misled,  I  think  it  right  to  say  that  my  pro- 
perty in  this  country  is  moderate.  That  some  resources  I  had 
in  England,  commercial  failures  there  have  lately  cut  off:  that 
I  depend  principally  on  my  practice  :  that  practice  imprison- 
ment will  annihilate.  Be  it  so.  1  have  been  accustomed  to 
make  sacrifices  to  opinion,  and  I  can  make  this.  As  to  cir- 
stances  in  extenuation,  not  being  conscious  that  I  have  set 
down  aught  in  malice,  I  have  nothing  to  extenuate." 

Judge  Chase.  I  have  heard  what  you  have  to  say.  I  am 
sorry  you  did  not  think  proper  to  make  an  affidavit  in  regard 
to  your  circumstances  ;  you  are  a  perfect  stranger  to  the  court, 
to  me  at  least.  I  do  not  know  you  personally — I  know  no- 
thing of  you  more,  than  having  lately  heard  your  name  men- 
tioned in  some  publication.  Every  person  knows  the  politi- 
cal disputes  which  have  existed  amongst  us.  It  is  notorious, 
that  there  are  two  parties  in  the  country — you  have  staved 
this  yourself — you  have  taken  one  side  ;""  we  do  not  pretend  to 
say  that  you  have  not  a  right  to  express  your  sentiments,  only 
taking  care  not  to  injure  the  characters  of  those  to  whom  you 
are  opposed. 

Your  circumstances  ought  to  have  been  disclosed  on  affida- 
23 


266  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

vit,  that  the  court  might  have  judged  as  to  the  amount  of  the 
offence ;  nor  did  we  want  to  hurt  you  by  this  open  disclosure. 

Mi\  Coope7\  I  have  nothing  to  disclose  that  I  am  ashamed 
of. 

Judge  Chase.  If  we  were  to  indulge  our  own  ideas,  there 
is  room  to  suspect  that  in  cases  of  this  kind,  where  one  party 
is  against  the  government,  gentlemen  who  write  for  that  party 
would  be  indemnified  against  any  pecuniary  loss;  and  that  the 
party  would  pay  any  fine  which  might  be  imposed  on  the  per- 
son convicted.  You  must  know,  I  suppose,  before  you  make 
any  publication  of  this  kind,  whether  you  were  to  be  supported 
by  a  party  or  not,  and  whether  you  would  not  be  indemnified 
against  any  pecuniary  loss :  if  the  fine  were  only  to  fall  on 
yourself,  I  would  consider  your  circumstances,  but  if  I  could 
believe  you  were  supported  by  a  party  inimical  to  the  govern- 
ment, and  that  they  were  to  pay  the  fine,  not  you,  I  w^ould  go 
to  the  utmost  extent  of  the  power  of  the  court.  I  under- 
stand you  have  a  family,  but  you  have  not  thought  proper  to 
state  that  to  the  court.  From  what  I  can  gather  from  you, 
it  appears,  that  you  depend  on  your  profession  for  support — 
w^e  do  not  wish  to  impose  so  rigorous  a  fine  as  to  be  beyond  a 
person's  abilities  to  support,  but  the  government  must  be  se- 
cured against  these  malicious  attacks.  You  say  that  you  are 
not  conscious  of  having  acted  from  malicious  motives.  It  may 
be  so ;  saying  so,  we  must  believe  you :  but  the  jury  have 
found  otherwise.  You  are  a  gentleman  of  the  profession,  of 
such  capacity  and  knowledge  as  to  have  it  more  in  your  power 
to  mislead  the  ignorant.  I  do  not  want  to  oppress,  but  I  will 
restrain,  as  far  as  I  can,  all  such  licentious  attacks  on  the 
government  of  the  country. 

Mr.  Cooper.  I  have  been  asked  by  the  court  whether,  in 
case  of  fine  being  imposed  on  me,  I  should  be  supported  by  a 
party.  Sir,  I  solemnly  aver,  that  throughout  my  life,  here 
and  elsewhere,  among  all  the  political  questions  in  which  I 
have  been  concerned,  I  have  never  so  far  demeaned  myself  as 
to  be  a  party  writer.  I  never  was  in  the  pay,  or  under  the 
support,  of  any  party — there  is  no  party  in  this  or  any  other 
country,  that  can  offer  me  a  temptation  to  prostitute  my  pen. 
If  there  are  any  persons  here  who  are  acquainted  with  what 
I  have  published,  they  must  feel  and  be  satisfied  that  I  have 
had  higher  and  better  motives,  than  a  party  could  suggest.  I 
have  written  to  the  best  of  my  ability,  what  I  have  seriously 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  267 

thought  would  conduce  to  the  general  good  of  mankind.  The 
exertions  of  my  talents,  such  as  they  are,  have  been  unbought, 
and  so  they  shall  continue — they  have  indeed  been  paid  for, 
but  they  have  been  paid  for  by  myself,  and  by  myself  only, 
and  sometimes  dearly.  The  public  is  my  debtor,  and  what  I 
have  paid  or  suffered  for  them,  if  my  duty  should  again  call 
upon  me  to  write  or  to  act,  I  shall  again  most  readily  submit 
to.  I  do  not  pretend  to  have  no  party  opinions,  to  have  no 
predilection  for  particular  descriptions  of  men  or  of  measures; 
but  I  do  not  act  upon  minor  considerations:  I  belong  here,  as 
in  my  former  country,  to  the  great  party  of  mankind. 

With  regard  to  any  offers  which  may  have  been  made  to 
me  to  enable  me  to  discharge  the  fine  which  may  be  imposed, 
I  will  state  candidly  to  the  court  what  has  passed,  for  I  wish 
not  to  conceal  the  truth.  I  have  had  no  previous  communi- 
cation or  promise  whatever ;  I  have  since  had  no  specific 
promises  of  money  or  any  thing  else.  I  wrote  from  my  own 
suggestions.  But  many  of  my  friends  have  in  the  expectation 
of  a  verdict  against  me,  come  forward  with  generous  offers  of 
pecuniary  assistance.  These  offers  I  have  hitherto  neither 
acceptetl  or  rejected.  If  the  court  should  impose  a  fine  be- 
yond ray  ability  to  pay,  I  shall  accept  them  without  hesita- 
tion; but  if  the  fine  be  within  my  circumstances  to  discharge, 
I  shall  pay  it  myself.  But  the  insinuations  of  the  court  are 
ill  founded,  and  if  you,  sir,  from  misapprehension  or  misinfor- 
mation have  been  tempted  to  make  them,  your  mistake  should 
be  corrected. 

Judge  Peters.  I  think  we  have  nothing  to  do  with  parties  ; 
we  are  only  to  consider  the  subject  before  us.  I  wish  you 
had  thought  proper  to  make  an  affidavit  of  your  property — I 
have  nothing  to  do,  sitting  here,  to  inquire  whether  a  party 
in  whose  favour  you  may  be,  or  you,  are  to  pay  the  fine.  I 
shall  only  consider  your  circumstances,  and  impose  a  fine  which 
I  think  adequate;  we  ought  to  avoid  any  oppression.  It  ap- 
pears that  you  depend  chiefly  upon  your  profession  for  support. 
Imprisonment  for  any  time  would  tend  to  increase  the  fine, 
as  your  family  would  be  deprived  of  your  professional  abilities 
to  maintain  them. 

Judge  Chase.  We  will  take  time  to  consider  this.  Mr. 
Cooper,  you  may  attend  here  again. 

Thursday.  Mr.  Cooper  attended,  and  the  court  sentenced 
him  to  pay  a  fine  of  four  hundred  dollars;  to  be  imprisoned 


268  THE  ADMINISTRATION 

for  six  months,  and  at  the  end  of  that  period  to  find  surety 
for  his  good  behaviour,  himself  in  a  thousand,  and  two  sureties 
in  five  hundred  dollars  each. 

The  second  trial  of  John  Fries  was  brought  on  at  Phila- 
delphia on  the  30th  of  April ;  the  former  witnesses  were  ex- 
amined, and  a  verdict  was  returned  by  the  jury  as  before, 
finding  the  prisoner  guilty  of  high  treason.  Judge  Chase 
then  addressed  Fries  in  the  following  words  : 

"  John  Fries, — You  have  already  been  informed  that  you 
stood  convicted  of  the  treason,  charged  upon  you  by  the  in- 
dictment on  which  you  have  been  arraigned,  of  levying  war 
against  the  United  States.  You  had  a  legal,  fair,  and  impartial 
trial,  with  every  indulgence  that  the  law  would  permit.  Of 
the  whole  pannel,  you  peremptorily  challenged  thirty-four, 
and,  with  truth  I  may  say,  that  the  jury  who  tried  you  were 
of  your  own  selection  and  choice.  Not  one  of  them  before 
had  ever  formed  and  delivered  any  opinion  respecting  your 
guilt  or  innocence.  The  verdict  of  the  jury  against  you  was 
founded  on  the  testimony  of  many  creditable  and  unexception- 
able witnesses.  It  was  apparent  from  the  conduct  of  the  jury, 
when  they  delivered  their  verdict,  that  if  innocent  they  would 
have  acquitted  you  with  pleasure,  and  that  they  pronounced 
their  verdict  against  you  with  great  concern  and  reluctance, 
from  a  sense  of  duty  to  their  country,  and  a  full  conviction  of 
your  guilt. 

"  The  crime  of  which  you  have  been  found  guilty  is  trea- 
son ;  a  crime,  considered  in  the  most  civilized  and  the  most 
free  countries  in  the  world,  as  the  greatest  that  any  man  can 
commit.  It  is  a  crime  of  so  great  a  dye,  and  atterrded  with 
such  a  train  of  fatal  consequences,  that  it  can  receive  no 
aggravation;  yet  the  duty  of  my  station  requires  that  I  should 
explain  to  you  the  nature  of  the  crime  of  which  you  are  con- 
victed ;  to  show  the  necessity  of  that  justice,  which  is  this 
day  to  be  administered;  and  to  awaken  your  mind  to  proper 
reflections  and  a  due  sense  of  your  own  condition,  which  I 
imagine  you  must  have  reflected  upon  during  your  long  con- 
finement. 

"You  are  a  native  of  this  country.  You  live  under  a 
constitution  or  form  of  government  framed  by  the  people 
themselves;  and  under  laws  made  by  your  representatives, 
faithfully  executed  by  independent  and  impartial  judges. 
Your  government  secures  to  every  member  of  the  community. 


OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  269 

equal  liberty,  and  equal  rights ;  by  which  equality  of  liberty 
and  rights,  I  mean  that  every  person,  without  regard  to 
wealth,  rank  or  station,  may  enjoy  an  equal  share  of  civil 
liberty,  an  equal  protection  of  law,  and  an  equal  security  for 
his  person  and  property.  You  enjoyed,  in  common  with  your 
fellow-citizens,  all  these  rights. 

"  If  experience  should  prove  that  the  Constitution  is  de- 
fective, it  provides  a  mode  to  change  or  amend  it,  without  any 
danger  to  public  order,  or  any  injury  to  social  rights. 

"  If  Congress,  from  inattention,  error  in  judgment,  or  want 
of  information,  should  pass  any  law  in  violation  of  the  con- 
stitution, or  burthensome,  or  oppressive  to  the  people,  a 
peaceable,  safe,  and  ample  remedy  is  provided  by  the  consti- 
tution. The  people  themselves  have  established  the  mode  by 
which  such  grievances  are  to  be  redressed ;  and  no  other  mode 
can  be  adopted  without  a  violation  of  the  constitution,  and  of 
the  laws.  If  Congress  should  pass  a  law  contrary  to  the 
constitution,  such  a  law  would  be  void,  and  the  courts  of  the 
United  States  possess  complete  authority,  and  are  the  only 
tribunal  to  decide,  whether  any  law  is  contrary  to  the  con- 
stitution. If  Congress  should  pass  burthensome  or  oppres- 
sive laws,  the  remedy  is  with  their  constituents,  from  whom 
they  derive  their  existence  and  authority.  If  any  law  is 
made,  repugnant  to  the  voice  of  a  majority  of  their  con- 
stituents, it  is  in  their  power  to  make  choice  of  persons  to  re- 
peal it;  but  until  it  is  repealed,  it  is  the  duty  of  every  citizen 
to  submit  to  it,  and  to  give  up  his  private  sentiments  to  the 
public  will.  If  a  law,  burthensome,  or  even  oppressive  in  its 
nature  or  execution,  is  to  be  opposed  by  force,  and  obedience 
cannot  be  compelled,  there  must  soon  be  an  end  to  all  govern- 
ment in  this  country.  It  cannot  be  credited  by  dispassionate 
men  of  any  information,  that  Congress  will  intentionally 
make  laws  in  violation  of  the  constitution,  contrary  to  their 
sacred  trust  and  solemn  obligation  to  support  it.  None  can 
believe  that  Congress  will  wilfully  or  intentionally  impose 
unreasonable  and  unjust  burthens  on  their  constituents,  in 
which  they  must  participate.  The  most  ignorant  man  must 
know,  that  Congress  can  make  no  law,  that  wull  not  affect 
them  equally,  in  every  respect,  wuth  their  constituents.  Every 
law  that  is  detrimental  to  their  constituents,  must  prove  hurt- 
ful to  themselves.  From  these  considerations,  every  one  may 
23* 


270  THE    ADMlNlSTRxiTlON 

see,  that  Congress  can  have  no  interest  in  oppressing  their 
fellow-citizens. 

"  It  is  almost  incredible,  that  a  people  living  under  the  best 
and  mildest  government  in  the  whole  world,  should  not  only 
be  dissatisfied  and  discontented,  but  should  break  out  in  open 
resistance  and  opposition  to  its  laws. 

"  The  insurrection  in  1794,  in  the  four  western  counties  of 
this  state,  particularly  in  Washington,  to  oppose  the  execution 
of  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  which  laid  duties  on  stills 
and  spirits  distilled  within  the  United  States,  is  still  fresh  in  me- 
mory. It  originated  from  prejudices  and  misrepresentations, 
industriously  disseminated  and  diffused  against  those  laws. 
Persons  either  disaffected  to  our  government,  or  wishing  to 
aggrandize  themselves,  deceived  and  misled  the  ignorant  and 
uninformed  class  of  the  people.  The  opposition  commenced  in 
meetings  of  the  people,  with  threats  against  the  officers,  which 
ripened  into  acts  of  outrage  against  them,  and  were  extended  to 
private  citizens.  Committees  were  formed  to  systematize  and 
inflame  the  spirit  of  opposition.  Violence  succeeded  to  violence, 
and  the  collector  of  Fayette  county  was  compelled  to  surrender 
his  commission  and  official  books ;  the  dwelling-house  of  the 
inspector  (in  the  vicinity  of  Pittsburg)  was  attacked  and  burnt ; 
and  the  marshal  was  seized,  and  obtained  his  liberty  on  a 
promise  to  serve  no  process  on  the  west  side  of  the  Alleghany 
mountain.  To  compel  submission  to  the  laws,  the  government 
were  obliged  to  march  an  army  against  the  insurgents,  and 
the  expense  was  above  one  million  one  hundred  thousand 
dollars.  Of  the  whole  number  of  insurgents  (many  hundreds) 
only  a  few  were  brought  to  trial,  and  of  them  only  two  were 
sentenced  to  die,  (Vigol  and  Mitchell)  and  they  were  pardoned 
by  the  late  President.  Although  the  insurgents  made  no  re- 
sistance to  tlie  army  sent  against  them,  yet  not  a  few  of  our 
troops  lost  their  lives  in  consequence  of  their  great  fatigue  and 
exposure  to  the  severity  of  the  season. 

"  This  great  and  remarkable  clemency  of  the  government 
had  no  etfect  upon  you,  and  the  deluded  people  in  your 
neighbourhood.  The  rise,  progress,  and  termination  of  the 
late  insurrection,  bear  a  strong  and  striking  analogy  to  the 
former;  and  it  may  be  remembered,  that  it  has  cost  the  United 
States  eighty  thousand  dollars.  It  cannot  escape  observation, 
that  the  ignorant  and  uninformed  are  taught  to  complain  of 
taxes  which  are  necessary  for  the  support  of  government,  and 


OF    JOHN   ADAMS.  271 

yet  they  permit  themselves  to  be  seduced  into  insurrections, 
which  have  so  enormously  increased  the  public  burthens,  to 
which  their  contribution  can  scarcely  be  calculated. 

"  When  citizens  combine  and  assemble  with  intent  to  pre- 
vent, by  threats,  intimidation,  and  violence,  the  execution  of 
the  laws,  and  they  actually  carry  such  traitorous  designs  into 
execution,  they  reduce  the  government  to  the  alternative  of 
prostrating  the  laws  before  the  insurgents,  or  of  taking  neces- 
sary measures  to  compel  submission.  No  government  can 
hesitate.  The  expense,  and  all  the  consequences,  therefore, 
are  not  imputable  to  the  government,  but  to  the  insurgents — 
the  mildness  and  lenity  of  our  government  are  as  striking  on 
the  late  as  on  the  former  insurrection  :  of  nearly  one  hundred 
and  thirty  persons,  who  might  have  been  put  on  their  trial  for 
treason,  only  five  have  been  prosecuted  and  tried  for  that 
crime. 

"  In  the  late  insurrection,  you,  John  Fries,  bore  a  con- 
spicuous and  leading  part.  If  you  had  reflected,  you  would 
have  seen  that  your  attempt  was  as  weak  as  it  was  wicked. 
It  was  the  height  of  folly  in  you  to  suppose  that  the  great 
body  of  our  citizens,  blest  in  the  enjoyment  of  a  free  repub- 
lican government  of  their  own  choice,  and  of  all  rights, 
civil  and  religious,  secure  in  their  persons  and  property,  and 
conscious  that  the  laws  are  the  only  security  for  their  preser- 
vation from  violence,  would  not  rise  up  as  one  man  to  oppose 
and  crush  so  ill-founded,  so  unprovoked  an  attempt  to  disturb 
the  public  peace  and  tranquillity.  If  you  could  see  in  a  proper 
light  your  own  folly  and  wickedness,  you  ought  now  to  bless 
God  that  your  insurrection  was  so  happily  and  speedily  quelled 
by  the  vigilance  and  energy  of  our  government,  aided  by  the 
patriotism  and  activity  of  your  fellow-citizens,  who  left  their 
homes  and  business,  and  embodied  themselves  in  the  support 
of  its  laws. 

"  The  annual  necessary  expenditures  for  the  support  of  an 
extensive  government  like  ours  must  be  great,  and  the  sum 
required  can  only  be  obtained  by  taxes  or  loans.  In  all 
countries  the  levying  taxes  is  unpopular,  and  a  subject  of  com- 
plaint. It  appears  to  me  that  there  was  not  the  least  pretence 
of  complaint  against,  much  less  of  opposition  and  violence  to 
the  law  for  levying  taxes  on  dwelling-houses,  and  it  becomes 
you  to  recollect,  that  the  time  you  chose  to  rise  up  in  arms  to 
oppose  the  laws  of  our  country,  was  when  it  stood  in  a  very 


272  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

critical  situation  with  regard  to  France,  and  on  the  eve  of  a 
rupture  w  ith  that  country. 

"  I  cannot  omit  to  remind  you  of  another  matter  worthy  of 
your  consideration.  If  the  marshal,  or  any  of  the  posse,  or 
any  of  the  few  friends  of  government  who  were  with  him, 
had  been  killed  by  you,  or  any  of  your  deluded  followers,  the 
crime  of  murder  would  have  been  added  to  the  crime  of  treason. 

"  In  your  serious  hours  of  reflection,  you  ought  to  consider 
the  consequences  that  would  have  flowed  from  the  insurrec- 
tion, which  you  excited,  encouraged,  and  promoted  in  the 
character  of  a  captain  of  militia,  whose  incumbent  duty 
it  is  to  stand  ready,  whenever  required,  to  assist  and  defend 
the  government  and  its  laws,  if  it  had  not  been  immediately 
quelled.  Violence,  oppression  and  rapine,  destruction,  waste 
and  murder  always  attend  the  progress  of  insurrection  and 
rebellion;  the  arm  of  the  father  would  have  been  raised  against 
the  son;  that  of  the  son  against  the  father  ;  a  brother's  hand 
would  have  been  stained  with  brother's  blood  ;  the  sacred 
bands  of  friendship  would  have  been  broken,  and  the  ties  of 
natural  affection  w^ould  have  been  dissolved. 

"  The  end  of  all  punishment  is  example ;  and  the  enormity 
of  your  crime  requires  that  a  severe  example  should  be  made 
to  deter  others  from  the  commission  of  like  crimes  in  future. 
You  have  forfeited  your  life  to  justice.  Let  me  therefore 
earnestly  recommend  to  you,  most  seriously  to  consider  your 
situation;  to  take  a  review  of  your  past  life,  and  to  employ 
the  very  little  time  you  are  to  continue  in  this  world  in  en- 
deavours to  make  your  peace  with  that  God,  whose  mercy  is 
equal  to  his  justice.  I  expect  that  you  are  a  Christian,  and 
as  sucli  I  address  you.  Be  assured,  my  guilty  and  unhappy 
fellow-citizen,  that  without  serious  repentance  of  all  your  sins, 
you  cannot  expect  happiness  in  the  world  to  come;  and  to 
your  repentance  you  must  add  faith  and  hope  in  the  merits 
and  mediation  of  Jesus  Christ.  These  are  the  only  terms 
upon  which  pardon  and  forgiveness  are  promised  to  those  who 
})rofess  the  Christian  religion.  Let  me,  therefore,  again  en- 
treat you  to  apply  every  moment  you  have  left,  in  contrition, 
sorrow,  and  repentance.  Your  day  of  life  is  almost  spent,  and 
the  night  of  death  fast  approaches.  Look  up  to  the  Father 
of  mercies,  and  God  of  comfort.  You  have  a  great  and  an 
immense  work  to  perform,  and  but  little  time  in  which  you 
must  finish  it.     There  is  no  repentance  in  the  grave;  for  after 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  273 

death  comes  judgment ;  and  as  you  die,  so  you  must  be  judged. 
By  repentance  and  faith,  you  are  the  object  of  God's  mercy ;  but 
if  you  will  not  repent,  and  have  faith  and  dependance  upon  the 
merits  of  the  death  of  Christ,  but  die  a  hardened  and  impeni- 
tent sinner,  you  will  be  the  object  of  God's  justice  and  ven- 
geance. If  you  will  sincerely  repent  and  believe,  God  hath 
pronounced  his  forgiveness,  and  there  is  no  crime  too  great  for 
his  mercy  and  pardon. 

"  Although  you  must  be  strictly  confined  for  the  very  short 
remainder  of  your  life,  yet  the  mild  government  and  laws 
which  you  have  endeavoured  to  destroy,  permit  you,  if  you 
please,  to  converse  and  commune  with  ministers  of  the  gospel; 
to  whose  pious  care  and  consolation,  in  fervent  prayers  and 
devotion,  I  most  cordially  recommend  you. 

"What  remains  for  me  is  a  very  painful  but  a  very  necessary 
part  of  my  duty.  It  is  to  pronounce  that  judgment  which  the 
law  has  appointed  for  crimes  of  this  magnitude.  The  judgment 
of  the  law  is,  and  this  court  doth  award,  '  that  you  be  hanged 
by  the  neck  untd  dead ;'  and  I  pray  God  Almighty  to  be 
merciful  to  your  soul." 

On  the  28th  of  May,  the  trial  of  James  Thomson  Callender, 
for  a  Ubel  against  the  President  of  the  United  States,  came  be- 
fore the  circuit  court,  at  Richmond,  in  Virginia,  in  which  Judge 
Chase  presided.  Mr.  Hay,  as  counsel  for  Mr.  Callender, 
moved  the  court  to  postpone  the  trial  till  the  next  term. 

Judge  Chase  observed  that  it  would  be  first  proper  to  read 
the  indictment. 

Mr.  Hay  said  it  could  not  be  necessary  to  read  the  indict- 
ment. In  prosecutions  for  misdemeanours  in  the  state  courts, 
the  defendant  was  not  arraigned.  The  party  accused  was  in 
court,  and  both  he  and  his  counsel  were  willing  to  admit,  that 
they  had  been  furnished  with  a  copy  of  the  indictment,  and 
that  they  were  prepared  to  put  in  their  plea. 

The  judge,  however,  instantly  ordered  the  indictment  to  be 
read,  declaring  if  this  was  not  done,  it  would  be  said  that  the 
traverser  had  not  been  made  acquainted  with  the  nature  of 
his  offence,  and  consequently  could  not  be  prepared  to  answer 
to  the  various  charges  alleged  against  him. 

Some  observations  were  then  made  by  the  attorney-general 
and  Mr.  Hay,  respecting  the  mode  of  practice  observed  in  the 
courts  of  this  commonwealth,  when  by  the  direction  of  the 


274  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

court,  the  clerk  proceeded  to  read  the  indictment,  to  the 
different  charges  of  which  Mr.  Callender  pleaded,  not  guilty. 

Mr.  Hay  then  renewed  his  motion  for  a  continuance,  and 
offered  to  the  court  two  affidavits  sworn  to  by  Mr.  Callender. 
One  of  the  affidavits  was  in  the  usual  form  of  those  for  similar 
purposes  in  the  courts  of  Virginia  ;  that  is,  stating  generally 
the  names  of  persons  whose  testimony  was  essential  to  a  fair 
trial.  The  other  not  only  contained  a  similar  statement,  but 
also  went  to  explain  the  different  facts  which  it  w^ts  believed 
each  witness  could  substantiate. 

Mr.  Hay  observed,  that  he  had  procured  the  last  affidavit, 
because  he  had  been  informed,  that  such  an  one  would  be  re- 
quired by  the  court;  but  that  he  presumed  he  might  first  offer 
the  general  affidavit ;  and  if  that  was  insufficient,  he  should 
consider  himself  at  liberty  to  offer  the  special  affidavit. 

The  judge  said  that  he  might  act  as  he  thought  proper,  but 
that  a  material  difference  would  be  made,  where  the  traverser 
was  provided  with  counsel,  and  when  he  defended  himself ;  in 
the  latter  case,  if  an  affidavit  was  offered,  the  substance  of 
which  was  insufficient  to  procure  a  continuance,  an  amendment 
would  be  consented  to,  because  it  might  be  presumed  that  the 
party  was  ignorant  of  the  law  ;  but  in  the  last  instance,  it 
could  only  be  done  with  the  consent  of  the  attorney  of  the 
United  States. 

Mr.  Hay  applied  then  to  the  attorney  for  the  United  States, 
who  observed  that  the  traverser  had  better  take  his  strongest 
ground — upon  which,  the  special  affidavit  was  immediately 
read,  of  which  the  following  is  a  copy : 

"  City  of  Richmond,  ss. 

"  This  day,  James  Thomson  Callender  made  oath  before 
me,  a  magistrate  of  the  said  city,  that  William  Gardner,  Tench 
Coxe,  Judge  Bee,  Timothy  Pickering,  William  B.  Giles, 
Stevens  Thomson  Mason,  and  General  Blackburn,  he  believes 
to  be  material  witnesses  in  the  defence  against  an  indictment 
found  against  him  during  the  present  term  of  the  circuit  court 
of  the  United  States,  for  the  middle  circuit,  Virginia  district 
— that  William  Gardner  aforesaid,  resides,  he  believes,  in 
Portsmouth,  in  the  state  of  New  Hampshire — that  Tench 
Coxe  aforesaid,  resides  in  Philadelphia,  in  the  state  of  Penn- 
sylvania— that  Judge  Bee  resides,  the  deponent  hath  under- 
stood, in  South   Carolina,  but  in  what  part  of  the  state  he 


OF    JOHN   ADAMS.  275 

knows  not — that  Timothy  Pickering  aforesaid,  resided  of  late 
in  Philadelphia,  in  the  state  of  Pennsylvania,  but  where  he 
resides  at  this  time,  the  deponent  doth  not  know — that  William 
B.  Giles  aforesaid,  he  hath  understood,  since  he  hath  been 
furnished  with  a  copy  of  the  indictment,  and  since  the  said 
Giles  hath  left  town,  resides  in  the  county  of  Amelia — and 
that  General  Blackburn  resides  in  the  county  of  Bath. 

"  The  said  James  Thomson  Callender,  further  declareth, 
that  he  expects  to  prove  by  the  said  WiUiam  Gardner,  and 
that  he  verily  believes  that  he  shall  prove  by  the  said  William 
Gardner,  that  the  said  William  Gardner  was  commissioner  of 
Joans  for  the  state  of  New  Hampshire,  under  the  government 
of  the  United  States,  and  that  he  was  turned  out  of  the  said 
office  of  commissioner  of  loans,  because  he,  the  said  Gardner, 
refused  to  subscribe  an  address,  circulated  in  the  town  of 
Portsmouth,  in  New  Hampshire,  and  presented  to  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States  in  the  year  1798,  at  the  instance 
of  several  inhabitants  of  the  said  town,  in  which  address,  un- 
equivocal approbation  of  the  conduct  of  the  said  President, 
in  the  administration  of  the  affairs  of  the  United  States,  is 
expressed. 

"  The  said  James  Thomson  Callender,  also  declares  on 
oath,  that  he  verily  believes  that  he  shall  prove  by  the  evidence 
of  Tench  Coxe  aforesaid,  that  he,  the  said  Tench  Coxe,  held, 
in  the  year  1798,  an  important  office  under  the  government  of 
the  United  States,  to  wit,  a  commissioner  of  the  revenue,  from 
which  office,  the  said  Coxe  was  ejected  by  the  President  of 
the  United  States,  because  he  did  not  approve  the  "-leasures 
of  the  said  President's  administration,  or  the  principles  on 
which  it  was  conducted. 

''  That  he  verily  believes  that  he  shall  be  able  to  prove  by 
the  evidence  of  Judge  Bee,  that  he  did  receive  from  the  Pre- 
sident of  the  United  States,  in  the  year  1799,  a  letter  in  which 
he,  the  said  President,  did  advise  and  request  the  said  Judge 
Bee,  then  acting  in  his  judicial  character,  to  deliver  to  the 
consul  of  the  British  nation  in  Charleston,  Jonathan  Bobbins, 
alias  Thomas  Nash,  who  had  been  apprehended  and  carried 
before  the  said  judge,  on  a  charge  of  murder  committed  on 
the  high  seas,  on  board  the  British  frigate  Herraione, 

"  He  further  deposes  on  oath,  that  he  verily  believes,  that 
he  shall  be  able  to  prove  by  the  evidence  of  Timothy  Picker- 
ing, that  the  President  of  the  United  States  was  in  possession 


276 


THE    ADMINISTRATION 


of  despatches  from  Mr.  Vans  Murray,  American  minister  of 
Holland,  containing  assurances  on  the  part  of  the  French  Re- 
public, that  ambassadors  from  the  United  States  would  be  re- 
ceived in  a  way  satisfactory  to  the  people  and  government  of 
the  United  States,  many  weeks,  while  Congress  was  in  ses- 
sion, before  he  communicated  the  same  to  Congress. 

"  The  deponent  further  saith,  he  verily  believeth,  that  he 
shall  be  able  to  prove,  by  the  evidence  of  Stevens  Thomson 
Mason,  and  William  B.  Giles,  that  John  Adams,  President  of 
the  United  States,  has  unequivocally  avowed,  in  conversation 
with  them,  principles  utterly  incompatible  with  the  principles 
of  the  present  constitution  of  the  United  Skrtes  ;  principles 
■which  could  not  be  carried  into  operation  under  any  political 
institution,  without  the  establishment  of  a  direct,  powerful,  and 
dangerous  aristocracy  ;  that  he  declared  in  express  terms  to 
the  said  Stevens  T.  Mason,  that  he  had  no  more  idea  the  pre- 
sent federal  constitution  could,  for  any  length  of  time,  control 
the  people  of  the  United  States,  than  that  it  could  control  the 
motion  of  the  planets ;  that  he  also  declared  to  the  said  Ste- 
vens T.  Mason,  that  he  had  no  more  idea  that  a  political  so- 
ciety could  exist  without  a  distinction  of  ranks,  than  that  an 
army  could  exist  without  officers:  and  also,  that  he  can  prove 
by  the  said  William  B.  Giles,  that  the  President  of  the  United 
States  has  avowed  in  conversation  with  him,  a  sentiment  to 
this  e^ect — That  he  thought  that  the  Executive  Department 
of  the  United  States  ought  to  be  vested  with' power  to  direct 
and  control  the  public  will. 

"  That  this  deponent  verily  believes  that  he  shall  be  able  to 
prove  by  General  Blackburn,  that  he  did,  on  the 
day  of  in  the  year  1798,  receive  an  address  from 

John  Adams,  President  of  the  United  States,  in  answer  to  the 
field-officers  of  Bath  county,  in  which  the  said  President  does 
avow,  that  there  was  a  party  in  Virginia  which  deserved  to 
be  humbled  in  dust  and  ashes,  before  the  indignant  frowns  of 
their  injured,  insulted,  and  offended  country. 

"And  this  deponent  further  saith,  that  he  is  advised,  and 
believes  that  it  is  material  to  his  defence  against  the  indictment 
aforesaid,  that  he  should  procure  authentic  copies  of  sundry 
answers  made  by  the  President  of  the  United  States,  in  various 
parts  thereof;  which  authentic  copies  he  cannot  procure  so  as 
to  be  in  readiness  for  trial  during  the  present  term. 


OF    JOHN   ADAMS.  277 

"  He  also  salth,  that  he  is  advised,  and  that  he  doth  beHeve 
that  a  certain  book,  entitled,  "  An  Essay  on  Canon  and  Feu- 
dal Law,"  or,  entitled  in  words  to  that  purport,  ascribed  to 
the  present  President  of  the  United  States,  and  of  which  he 
believes  the  President  is  the  author,  is  material  to  his  defence, 
and  that  he  cannot  procure  a  copy  of  the  same,  and  evidence 
to  prove  that  the  said  President  is  the  author  thereof,  without 
being  allowed  several  weeks,  or  perhaps  months,  for  the  pur- 
pose. 

"  He  further  saith,  that  he  is  told  by  the  counsel  who  mean 
to  appear  for  him,  that  they  cannot  possibly  be  prepared  to 
investigate  the  evidence  relating  to  the  several  charges  in  the 
indictment,  even  if  all  the  persons  and  documents  wanted 
were  on  the  spot." 

The  jury  being  called,  Mr.  Nicholas  stated  to  the  court, 
that  he  conceived  there  was  legal  ground  of  challenge  to  the 
array.  In  support  of  this,  he  read  the  passage  from  trials  per 
pais.  Mr.  Nicholas  then  added,  that  he  believed  there  was 
testimony  in  court  to  show  that  the  sheriff  had  returned  a  juror 
who  avowed  his  sentiments  extremely  hostile  to  the  traverser. 

Judge  Chase.  Why,  sir,  how  is  this  business  done  in  your 
country  ?  I  have  always  seen  triers  sworn  to  decide  these 
questions — I  suppose  there  must  be  triers  sworn. 

Mr.  JYicholas.  I  believe  the  books  lay  down  this  distinc- 
tion: Challenges  to  the  array  are  either  principal  challenges, 
or  challenges  for  favour.  Causes  of  principal  challenge  are 
always  tried  by  the  court.  Challenges  for  favour  are  always 
decided  by  triers. 

Judge  Chase.  Well,  sir,  your  challenge  is  for  favour. 

M)\  Micholas.  The  book  in  my  hand  states  it  a  cause  of 
principal  challenge. 

Judge  Chase.  Let  me  see  that  book ;  it  is  not  the  best  au- 
thority— if  I  had  Coke  upon  Lyttleton  we  should  see  the  whole 
doctrine  at  once.  I  am  persuaded  that  the  oath  of  triers  is 
laid  down  there. 

Coke  upon  Lyttleton  was  brought,  and  the  judge  having 
run  over  the  passage  which  is  copied  into  the  trial  per  pais, 
observed  that  the  case  was  clear,  that  principal  challenges  to 
the  array  were  for  partiality  in  the  sheriff,  not  in  the  juror. 

Mr.  Nicholas  admitted  it,  but  inquired  whether  the  law 
might  not  consider  the  return  of  a  partial  juror  as  a  sufficient 
24 


278  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

proof  of  partiality  on  the  part  of  the  sheriff  to  ground  a  chal- 
lenge to  the  array. 

Judge  Chase.  No,  sir,  no:  you  must  proceed  regularly. 
I'll  tell  you  what  you  may  do.  You  may  bring  in  proof  if 
you  can,  that  any  juror  has  delivered  his  opinion  upon  the  case 
hitherto,  or  you  may  examine  the  juror  himself  on  oath  to  this 
effect — you  may  do  either,  but  not  both  ;  and  you  are  to  con- 
sider this  as  a  favour  and  not  a  right.  The  counsel  having 
chosen  to  rely  on  the  jurors  themselves,  a  juror  was  sworn  to 
answer  questions,  and  the  judge  put  the  following  question  » 
to  him: 

"  Have  you  ever  formed  and  delivered  an  opinion  upon 
the  charges  in  the  indictment  ?"  The  juror  answered  that 
he  had  never  seen  the  indictment  or  heard  it  read. 

Judge  Chase.     Very  well — swear  him  in  chief. 

Mr.  Hay.  Will  the  court  permit  me  to  put  a  question  to 
the  juror  before  he  is  sworn  in  chief? 

Judge  Chase.  What  sort  of  a  question  do  you  want  to 
put?  I  must  hear  the  question;  and  then  if  I  choose,  you 
may  put  it.     Come,  what  is  your  question  ? 

Mr.  Hay.  The  question  which,  with  the  permission  of 
the  court,  I  meant  to  have  asked  is  this:  "Have  you  ever 
formed  an  opinion  on  the  book  entitled  '  The  Prospect  before 
Us,'   from  which  the  charges  in  the  indictm.ent  are  extracted  ?" 

Judge  Chase.  You  shall  ask  no  such  question.  I'll  tell 
you  what  the  only  proper  question  is :  "  Have  you  ever 
formed  and  delivered  an  opinion  upon  this  particular  charge  ?" 
I  say  formed  and  delivered,  for  he  must  have  delivered  the 
opinion  as  well  as  formed  it — he  has  answered  that  he  never 
saw  the  indictment  or  heard  it  read. 

Mr.  Hay.  Will  the  court  suffer  him  to  hear  the  indict- 
ment read  now ;  because,  perhaps,  when  he  understands  what 
the  charge  is,  he  will  answer  that  he  has  formed  and  delivered 
an  opinion  upon  it. 

Judge  Chase.  No,  sir,  no.  The  court  cannot  indulge 
you  so  far ;  they  have  gone  as  far  as  they  can,  and  you  ought 
to  be  satisfied. 

The  jury  was  then  sworn,  and  the  prosecutor  proceeded  to 
prove  the  fact  of  publication.  The  evidence  introduced  on 
the  part  of  the  United  States  was  unquestionably  sufficient  to 
prove  that  the  traverser  was  the  author  of  the  "  Prospect." 
This  point  was  ascertained  by  the  testimony  of  W.  A.  Rind, 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  279 

the  editor  of  the  "  Federalist,"  who  had  printed  the  book  by 
contract,  and  had  retained  a  part  of  the  original  manuscript. 
This  he  produced  in  court,  and  swore  to  the  hand-writing  of 
Callender.  In  this  stage  of  the  proceeding,  the  judge  put 
frequent  and  pointed  questions  to  the  witness,  and  was  at  the 
trouble  of  cotnparing  the  manuscript  with,  the  corresponding 
passages  in  the  book,  which  it  required  some  time  to  find. 
Before  Mr.  Rind  was  sworn,  the  counsel  for  the  traverser, 
Mr.  Hay,  observed,  that  he  understood  the  witness  then  about 
to  be  introduced  to  prove  the  guilt  of  the  accused,  was  him- 
self, in  the  estimation  of  the  law,  equally  guilty  ;  because  he 
had  printed,  though  he  had  not  written  the  libel  in  question ; 
and  he  would  therefore  take  leave  to  make  known  to  the  wit- 
nesses, who  were  in  any  degree  implicated  in  the  transactions, 
that  they  were  not  bound  to  accuse  themselves,  and  might,  if 
they  pleased,  withhold  every  part  of  their  testimony  which 
has  a  tendency  to  their  own  crimination.  The  judge  re- 
marked, with  his  usual  promptihcde,  that  though  the  principle 
advanced  by  the  counsel  for  the  traverser  was  true,  it  was  of 
no  consequence,  because  the  witnesses,  whose  evidence  was 
called  for  by  the  United  States,  might  rest  assured  that  they 
were  not  to  be  molested.  Mr.  Rind,  between  whom  and 
Callender  great  animosity  had  subsisted,  did  not  choose  to 
avail  himself  of  the  right  to  withdraw,  thus  acknowledged  by 
the  court,  as  some  men,  perhaps,  from  erroneous  sentiments 
of  delicacy  and  honour,  would  have  done ;  nor  had  the  weak- 
ness even  to  hesitate  in  making  his  choice.  He  went  to  the 
book  with  a  promptitude  at  least  equal  to  that  with  which 
the  judge  had  tokl  him  he  might  do  it  with  safety. 

The  evidence  on  the  part  of  the  prosecution  being  finished,  the 
counsel  for  the  traverser  desired  that  Colonel  Taylor,  of  Caro- 
line, might  be  sworn.  He  was  sworn.  At  the  moment  when  the 
oath  was  administered,  the  judge  called  on  the  counsel  for  the 
traverser,  and  desired  to  know  what  they  intended  to  prove  by 
the  witness.  He  was  told  that  they  intended  to  examine  Co- 
lonel Taylor,  to  prove  that  Mr.  Adams  had  avowed  in  his 
presence,  principles  in  hostility  with  a  republican  government; 
that  he  had  voted  against  the  sequestration  law,  and  the  reso- 
lution concerning  commercial  intercourse  with  Great  Britain. 

The  judge  demanded  a  statement  in  writing  of  the  questions 
he  meant  to  be  put  to  the  witness.  Mr.  Nicholas  remarked, 
that  this  requisition  v.'as  not  conformable  to  the  usages  of 


280  THE   ADMINISTRATION 

the  state,  and  had  not  been  made  when  the  attorney  for  the 
United  States  introduced  witnesses  on  the  part  of  the  prosecu- 
tion. The  truth  is,  that  I  do  not  know  what  the  witness  can 
prove.  I  wish  him  to  state  all  that  he  knows  which  can  apply 
to  the  defence  of  the  traverser  on  this  charge.  My  interroga- 
tories will  be  suggested  by  the  facts  which  he  may  state.  But 
if  the  court  insist  upon  it,  I  will  furnish  a  statement  of  the 
questions  which  I  shall  propound  in  the  first  instance ;  re- 
questing, at  the  same  time,  that  I  may  not  be  considered  as 
being  confined  in  the  examination  of  the  witnesses  to  the 
questions  so  stated. 

The  judge  said  in  reply,  that  the  demand  which  he  had 
made  was  legal  and  proper,  and  that  the  attorney  for  the  Uni- 
ted States,  in  opening  the  cause,  had  stated  the  purpose  for 
which  he  introduced  the  witnesses ;  but,  continued  he,  though 
this  was  done,  we  were  not  bound  to  do  so. 

The  judge  having  received  a  statement  of  the  questions,* 
declared  Colonel  Taylor's  evidence  to  be  inadmissible.  No 
evidence  can  be  received,  said  he,  that  does  not  go  to  justify 
the  whole  charge.  The  charge  is,  that  the  traverser  has  said 
that  "  the  President  is  a  professed  aristocrat.  He  had  proved 
faithful  and  serviceable  to  the  British  interest."  Now  you 
must  prove  both  of  these  points  or  you  prove  nothing ;  and 
as  your  evidence  relates  to  one  only,  it  cannot  be  received. 
This  is  the  law  ;  and  I  pronounce  it  to  be  so.  You  have  all 
along  mistaken  this  business,  and  you  keep  pressing  your  mis- 
takes upon  the  court.  I  tell  you  that  you  cannot  prove  part 
of  a  charge — you  must  prove  the  whole  or  none. 

Mr.  Nicholas  said,  can  we  not  prove  one  part  of  the  charge 
by  one  witness,  and  another  part  by  another ;  and  by  that 
means  make  out  the  proof  of  the  whole  charge  ? 

Understand  me,  sir,  said  the  judge.  If  your  witness  can 
prove  the  whole  of  any  one  charge,  let  him  do  it.  If  he  can- 
not, you  must  not  examine  him. 

The  counsel  for  the  traverser  again  desired  to  be  heard  on 

*  Questions  alluded  to,  which  were  propounded  by  Mr.  Nicholas : 

Q.  1.  Did  you  ever  hear  Mr.  Adams  express  any  opinions  favourable  to 
monarchy  and  aristocracy,  and  what  were  they  ? 

Q.  2.  Did  you  ever  hear  Mr,  Adams,  whilst  Vice  President,  express  his 
disapprobation  of  the  funding  system  ? 

Q.  3.  Do  }'ou  know  whether  Mr.  Adams  did  not,  in  the  year  1798,  vote 
against  the  sequestration  law,  and  the  bill  for  stopping  all  intercourse  with 
England  ? 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  281 

this  subject.  Mr.  Hay  said  they  meant  to  justify  the  whole 
charge;  that  they  meant  to  prove  by  Colonel  Taylor^jthat  the 
President  of  the  United  States  had  in  conversation  avowed 
anti-republican  principles,  and  that  he  had  proved  faithful  and 
serviceable  to  the  British  interest,  at  least  in  the  sense  in  which 
the  assertion  was  made  by  the  traverser,  by  giving  the  votes 
before  mentioned. 

The  judge  instantly  repeated  his  decision.  My  country, 
said  he,  has  made  me  a  judge,  and  it  is  my  business  to  pro- 
nounce the  law.  The  evidence  offered  is  inadmissible.  The 
counsel  for  the  traverser  knows  it  to  be  so ;  but  they  want  to 
deceive  and  mislead  the  populace.  I  take  upon  myself  the 
responsibility  of  this  decision,  and  I  say,  that  the  testimony 
of  this  witness  cannot  be  received. 

When  it  was  thus  finally  decided,  that  the  trial  should  pro- 
gress without  any  evidence  in  support  of  the  defence,  though 
the  traverser  had  sworn,  and  truly  sv^'orn,  that  much  could  be 
adduced;  the  attorney  for  the  United  States  rose,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  pointing  out  to  the  jury  the  passages  in  the  "  Pros- 
pect," corresponding  with  those  in  the  indictment.  He  was 
interrupted  by  Mr.  Hay,  who  inforined  him  that  he  meant  to 
object  to  the  introduction  of  the  book  which  he  held  in  his 
hand,  as  evidence  in  support  of  the  indictment. 

What  ?  vociferated  the  judge. — Mr.  Hay  repeated  what  he 
had  said. — Upon  what  ground  ?  said  the  judge. — I  will  state 
it,  said  Mr.  H.,  if  the  court  will  hear  me. — Let  us  have  it 
then,  said  the  judge. 

Mr.  Hay  began  by  saying,  that  he  addressed  the  court  with 
great  diffidence  on  the  point  which  he  was  about  to  mention. 
It  was  a  subject  which  he  did  not  thoroughly  understand,  and 
which  circumstances  had  not  allowed  him  leisure  to  investi- 
gate. It  had  been  the  pleasure  of  the  court  to  observe  that 
the  defence  had  begun  and  continued  in  error.  What  he  was 
about  to  say,  would  not,  perhaps,  induce  the  court  to  change 
that  opinion ;  but  if  he  was  mistaken  in  the  position  which  he 
meant  to  advance,  the  severity  of  the  censure  which  the  court 
might  pronounce,  ought  to  be  mitigated,  when  it  was  remem- 
bered that  the  trial  was  brought  on  with  a  rapidity  which 
precluded  the  possibiUty  of  a  full  examination  of  the  case. 

Mr.  H.  proceeded  to  observe  that  the  specific  proposition 
for  which  he  contended,  was,  that  the  book  in  the  hands  of 
the  attorney  for  the  United  States,  which  was  intitled,  "  The 
24* 


282  THE   ADMINISTRATION 

Prospect  before  Us,"  was  not  evidence  in  support  of  the  in- 
dictmentf 

In  prosecutions  for  libels,  said  Mr.  H.,in  the  English  courts, 
great  strictness  is  observed ;  if  there  be  a  difference  of  a 
single  letter,  between  the  libellous  words  charged  in  the  in- 
dictment, and  the  printed  or  written  paper  adduced  in  evi- 
dence, the  variance  is  fatal.  It  is  the  duty  of  the  prosecutor 
to  give  "  the  tenor"  of  the  libel,  and  it  has  been  frequently 
determined  that  this  word  imposes  on  him  the  necessity  of 
giving  an  exact  and  literal  copy.  The  omission  or  addition  of 
a  letter,  or  the  substitution  of  one  letter  for  another,  where  a 
different  word  was  produced,  was  an  incurable  defect.  Mr. 
Hay,  in  support  of  this  opinion,  quoted  Salkeld's  Reports, 
page  417,  and  Hawkins's  Pleas  of  the  Crown. — Here  Judge 
Chase  interrupted  Mr.  H.  to  tell  him  that  he  was  mistaken  in 
the  law.  That  the  words  "  tenor  and  effect,"  which  were 
used  in  the  indictment,  justified  the  prosecutor  in  giving  only 
the  substance  of  the  libel  if  he  thought  proper.  It  is  con- 
tended, said  he,  that  the  original  must  be  copied  in  the  indict- 
ment, verbatim  et  literatim.  I  wonder  they  do  not  conform 
punduatim  too.     The  law  is  not  so. 

Mr.  H.  observed  that  he  did  not  know  what  the  decisions 
in  the  courts  of  the  United  States  had  been ;  but  the  English 
authorities  supported  the  doctrine  which  he  advanced. 

The  principle,  continued  Mr.  H., which  renders  this  strict- 
ness necessary  and  proper,  applies  with  full  force  to  the  case 
before  the  court.  The  traverser  is  charged  with  a  libellous 
writing  of  the  following  tenor :  "  The  reign  of  Mr.  Adams, 
&c."  In  support  of  this  charge  a  book  is  introduced,  which 
is  not  named  in  the  indictment,  which  begins  with  different 
words,  and  which  contains  not  the  precise  words  recited  in 
the  indictment,  but  many  passages  and  pages  besides.  Mr. 
H.  conceived  that  the  "  Prospect"  could  not  therefore  be 
offered  in  evidence,  unless  the  indictment  had  charged  the 
traverser  with  a  false,  scandalous,  and  malicious  writing,  in- 
titled,  "  The  Prospect  before  Us,"  containing  among  other 
things,  the  passages  which  occasioned  the  prosecution. 

Mr.  H.  said  that  he  had  examined  many  adjudged  cases, 
and  in  every  instance  the  title  of  the  writing  charged  to  be 
libellous,  was  recited,  and  called  on  the  attorney  of  the  United 
States  to  produce  a  single  instance  to  the  contrary.  If  then 
the  invariable  practice  was  as  he  stated  it  to  be  ;  if  the  ablest 


OF    JOHN  ADAMS.  283 

lawyers  had  uniformly  adhered  to  it,  the  observation  of  Coke, 
(Co.  Lyt.  115,  b.)  that  the  forms  of  pleading  are  the  best 
evidence  of  law,  seemed  to  be  conclusive,  that  the  title  of  the 
libel  ought  to  have  been  stated  in  the  indictment. 

Mr.  H.  said,  that  from  about  twenty  cases  which  he  had 
examined,  he  would  select  three,  which  seemed  best  calculated 
to  show  that  the  description  of  the  libellous  writing,  by  the 
title  given  to  it  by  the  author,  was  essentially  necessary. 
The  first  case  was,  where  the  title  was  very  long  ;  the  second 
was,  where  the  paper  containing  the  libel  had  a  number  as 
well  as  a  title,  in  which  case  the  number  as  well  as  the  title 
was  recited ;  and  the  third  was,  where  the  libel  was  pub- 
lished in  the  French  language,  in  which  case  the  title,  though 
very  lengthy,  was  recited  in  French,  and  then  in  English. 

Here  Judge  Chase  interrupted  Mr.  Hay,  to  tell  him  that  he 
was  mistaken.  I  pronounce  the  law  to  be  otherwise,  said  he. 
I  know  that  cases  can  be  produced  where  the  title  of  a  libel 
is  recited  in  the  indictment.  I  remember,  continued  he,  with 
an  increased  elevation  of  voice,  one  case  particularly.  A  man 
was  indicted  for  publishing  a  libel  called  "  Nun  in  her  smock," 
but  it  was  not  necessary  to  mention  the  title  of  the  libel  in 
that  case,  nor  is  it  necessary  in  any  case. 

Mr.  H.  observed  that  if  he  could  be  permitted  to  proceed, 
he  would  go  on  to  state  to  the  court  the  reasons  which  im- 
pressed his  mind  with  a  belief  that  the  omission  was  fatal,  and 
precluded  the  prosecutor  from  the  right  to  introduce  as  evi- 
dence "  The  Prospect  before  Us." 

The  practice  was,  he  said,  as  he  had  stated  it  to  be.  It 
appeared  to  him,  that  the  reasons  which  might  be  urged  in 
vindication  of  the  practice,  could  not  readily  be  answered. 

It  is  a  principle  of  universal  law,  said  Mr.  H.,  as  well  as  of 
common  sense  and  justice,  that  if  a  man's  words,  spoken  or 
written,  are  made  the  foundation  of  a  charge  against  him, 
they  are  all  to  be  taken  together.  If  the  title  of  the  "  Pros- 
pect" had  been  inserted,  and  the  whole  book  thus  brought  be- 
fore the  jury,  the  traverser  might  resort  to  any  part  of  it  for 
an  explanation  of  the  passages  charged  to  be  libellous.  But 
if  passages  of  this  description  are  taken  from  a  book  or  wri- 
ting without  naming  or  describing  it,  and  charged  in  the  in- 
dictment as  constituting  a  libel,  the  only  questions  before  the 
jury  would  be,  First,  Did  the  traverser  write,  print,  or  pub- 
lish the  words  charged:  and.  Second,  Are  these  words  false. 


284  THE   ADMINISTRATION 

scandalous  and  malicious.  If  this  reasoning  were  correct, 
the  traverser  would  be  excluded  from  the  benefit  held  out  to 
him  by  the  principle  which  has  been  just  stated,  and  which 
was  deemed  incontrovertible. 

Here  the  judge  again  interrupted  Mr.  H.  There  is  no 
doubt,  said  he,  but  that  the  traverser,  under  the  present  in- 
dictment, will  have  the  benefit  from  which  you  seem  to  fear 
he  is  excluded.  I  say  he  will  have  that  benefit — you  know 
that  he  will. 

Mr.  H.  said,  that  he  did  not  know  it  before ;  but  as  the 
court  meant  to  allow  the  traverser  the  privilege  which  he 
conceived  belonged  to  him,  he  would  say  no  more  on  that 
point. 

But,  continued  Mi.  H.,  another  reason  presents  itself  in 
vindication  of  the  practice  so  uniformly  maintained  in  England, 
which  perhaps  may  merit  a  more  serious  consideration  from 
the  court. 

It  is  doctrine  hitherto  unquestioned,  that  in  all  criminal  pro- 
secutions, the  offence  shall  be  described  with  all  possible  cer- 
tainty. 

In  larceny,  it  is  necessary  to  mention  not  only  the  specific 
articles  alleged  to  be  stolen,  but  the  name  of  the  person  to 
whom  they  belonged.  The  same  principle  was  extended  to 
every  description  of  criminal  prosecutions,  and  had  a  very 
considerable  operation  even  in  questions  of  a  private  nature. 
If  an  action  of  debt  were  brought  upon  a  bond,  the  declara- 
tion must  describe  precisely  such  a  bond  as  that  adduced  in 
evidence. 

Two  reasons  were  furnished  by  the  books  why  this  precision 
was  deemed  necessary:  the  first  was,  that  the  party  accused 
might  know  exactly  how  to  defend  himself;  the  second,  that 
he  might  plead  his  conviction  or  acquittal  in  bar  of  a  subse- 
quent prosecution  for  the  same  offence.  Hawk.  322. 

The  first  reason  seemed  to  be  as  consonant  to  humanity  as 
to  law:  and  if  it  was  a  good  reason,  it  operated  with  fatal 
force  against  the  attempt  of  the  attorney  of  the  United  States 
to  produce  the  "  Prospect"  as  evidence.  If  the  title  of  the 
book  had  been  mentioned  in  the  indictment,  Mr.  Callender 
would  have  been  fully  apprised,  by  the  copy  with  which  he 
has  been  furnished,  of  the  crime  with  which  he  was  charged. 
But  as  it  was  not  mentioned,  he  could  not  ascertain  from  the 
indictment  itself,  against  which,  and  against  which  only,  he 


OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  285 

was  to  make  his  defence,  whether  the  recited  passages  were 
taken  from  the  "  Prospect,"  or  from  some  gazette  in  which 
they  had  been  republished,  but  in  the  pubUcation  of  which  he 
had  no  concern.  In  support  of  the  charges  contained  in  this 
indictment,  facts  of  a  very  different  nature  might  be  stated, 
with  a  view  to  be  proved  :  and  the  traverser  therefore  could 
not  know  with  that  certainty  with  which  accusations  ought 
always  to  be  made,  whether  he  was  to  be  at  the  trouble  of 
justifying  what  he  had  said,  or  whether  he  could  safely  rest 
his  defence  on  the  insufficiency  of  the  evidence  brought  against 
him  to  prove  the  act  of  publication  only. 

The  second  reason  appeared  to  Mr.  H.  to  be  conclusive. 
He  contended,  that  one  writing  against  the  President,  contain- 
ing fifty  libellous  passages,  if  published  at  the  same  time,  was 
only  one  act  for  which  one  prosecution  only  could  be  main- 
tained. 

If  the  present  indictment  had  mentioned  the  title  of  the 
book  now  introduced,  the  decision  about  to  be  pronounced, 
whatever  it  might  be,  might  be  pleaded  in  bar  of  a  subsequent 
prosecution  for  the  same,  or  for  any  other  passages  in  the 
same  book.  In  support  of  this  plea,  the  traverser  would  have 
nothing  to  do  but  to  produce  the  record.  This  alone  would 
protect  him.  But  if  the  title  of  the  book  is  not  to  be  recited, 
the  production  of  the  record  would  not  be  sufhcient  to  support 
his  plea  of  "  formally  acquitted  or  formally  convicted."  In 
addition  to  the  record,  he  must  bring  forward  witnesses  to 
prove  that  the  "  Prospect"  had  been  given  in  evidence  against 
him  at  the  former  trial.  Such  witnesses,  perhaps,  might  be 
procured,  but  it  was  not  certain  ;  and  when  procured,  their 
evidence  might  not  be  sufficiently  explicit  to  establish  the 
point  relied  on  by  the  traverser.  He  did  not  stand  therefore 
in  the  state  of  security  in  which  a  man  ought  to  be  placed  who 
once  answered  a  charge  made  against  him  by  his  country,  and 
in  which  he  would  be  placed  if  the  doctrine  contended  for  by 
his  counsel  were  correct. 

Here  the  judge  observed  to  Mr.  Hay,  in  his  way,  that  it 
was  certain  that  the  traverser  might  plead  the  present  prose- 
cution in  bar  of  any  other.  It  was  clear  law,  and  Mr.  H. 
must  know  it  to  be  so.  Mr.  Hay  said  that  he  was  not  com- 
pletely understood.  The  present  prosecution  might  be  pleaded 
in  bar  of  another  prosecution  for  the  same  offence,  and  would, 
according  to  his  doctrine,  appear  on  the  record  ;  but  according 


286 


THE   ADMINISTRATION 


to  the  doctrine  to  which  the  court  seemed  to  incline,  the  evi- 
dence of  this  fact,  resting  on  memory  only,  might  perish  for- 
ever. 

Here  the  attorney  for  the  United  States  was  about  to  rise  ; 
but  the  judge  stopped  him.  Really,  Mr.  Attorney,  said  he, 
it  is  not  worth  your  while  to  take  up  the  time  of  the  court  in 
making  a  reply.  There  can  be  no  good  reason  for  excluding 
the  book  as  evidence.  The  traverser  is  charged  with  having 
written,  printed  or  published,  a  certain  libellous  waiting  ;  all 
that  is  to  be  done  on  the  part  of  the  United  States,  is  to  prove 
this  charge  to  be  true,  and  the  book  called  the  "  Prospect," 
is  good  evidence  to  support  it. 

This  point  being  disposed  of,  the  attorney  for  the  United 
States  rose  and  commented  at  great  length  on  every  charge 
contained  in  the  indictment. 

The  jury  then  retired  and  returned  a  verdict  of  guilty. 

The  sentence  of  the  court  was,  that  James  Thomson  Cal- 
lender  be  fined  two  hundred  dollars,  and  be  imprisoned  nine 
months ;  and  find  security  for  his  good  behaviour  during  the 
same  period  from  the  date  of  his  sentence. 

The  trials  of  Cooper  and  Callender  furnish  the  strongest 
proofs  of  the  partiality  which  prevailed  in  the  American  courts 
during  the  administration  of  Mr.  Adams.  The  conduct  of 
Judge  Chase  to  Mr.  Cooper  must  be  reprobated  by  every 
lover  of  justice  and  liberty.  In  Callender's  trial,  after  the 
jury  delivered  their  verdict.  Chase  observed  that  it  was  pleas- 
ing to  him,  because  it  showed  that  the  laws  of  the  United 
States  could  be  enforced  in  Virginia,  the  principal  object  of 
Callender's  prosecution.  In  charging  the  jury,  he  spoke  of 
Mr.  Callender  in  the  most  contemptuous  manner :  he  called 
upon  their  honest  indignation  :  he  declared  that  he  did  not 
think  there  was  so  bad  a  man  in  the  United  States.  This 
language  might  have  been  tolerated  from  the  prosecutor,  but 
coming  from  a  judge,  it  is  censurable  in  the  highest  degree. 

Before  we  proceed  with  an  account  of  the  elections  for 
President  in  the  different  states,  it  is  proper  to  give  an  account 
of  the  lives  and  characters  of  the  different  candidates.  This 
will  constitute  the  subject  of  the  next  chapter. 


OF     JOHN    ADAMS.  287 


CHAPTER  XV. 

Lives  and  Characters  of  Thomas  Jefferson,  Aaron  Burr, 
and  Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney. 

Thomas  Jefferson  was  born  in  the  year  1743,  at  Monti- 
cello,  in  the  county  of  Albemarle,  in  Virginia.  He  was  the 
eldest  son  of  his  father,  who  was  a  respectable  landholder, 
and  joint-commissioner  appointed  with  Colonel  Fry  for  settling 
and  extending  the  boundary  line  between  Virginia  and  North 
Carolina,  in  1749. 

About  the  age  of  fourteen  he  was  sent  to  the  University  of 
William  and  Mary,  in  the  city  of  Williamsburgh,  a  seminary, 
though  not  equal  to  the  European  schools,  has  yet  produced 
several  characters  that,  in  classical  knowledge  and  legal  abili- 
ties, would  do  honour  either  to  Cambridge  or  Oxford. 

The  progress  which  young  Jefferson  made  in  the  different 
departments  of  science  and  literature  was  rapid  ;  and  he  ob- 
tained the  degrees  of  the  college  with  honour  to  himself  and 
credit  to  his  instructors.  At  the  desire  and  advice  of  his  rela- 
tions, he  commenced  a  course  of  law  under  the  direction  of 
George  Wythe,  now  the  venerable  judge  and  sole  chancellor 
of  Virginia.  Being  naturally  fond  of  philosophic  pursuits, 
and  accustomed  to  acute  discrimination  and  logical  discussion 
with  his  fellow  students,  he  greatly  facilitated  the  acquirement 
of  legal  knowledge,  which  he  now  studied  as  a  profession. 

In  1766  he  came  to  the  bar  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  his 
native  State,  and  on  his  first  appearance  gave  indication  of 
talents  that  would  rise  to  high  eminence.  Here  he  continued 
to  practise  with  success  and  reputation  until  the  commence- 
ment of  the  American  Revolution,  in  1775,  when  he  was 
called  forward  to  support  the  rights  of  his  country,  and  for 
those  important  ends  which  have  been  so  conspicuously  re- 
alised in  the  various  capacities  in  which  he  has  acted. 

Mr.  Jefferson  is  in  his  person  tall  and  slender,  of  a  fresh 
complexion,  clear,  penetrating  eyes,  his  hair  inclining  to  red, 
and  of  a  deportment  modest,  affable,  and  engaging.  In  early 
youth,  the  only  period  which  fortune  seems  to  have  allotted 
him  for  a  social  intercourse  with  the  world,  he  was  in  every 


288  THE  ADMINISTRATION 

circle  its  ornament,  instructor,  and  pride.  A  close  application, 
aided  by  an  uncommon  strength  of  mind,  supplied  the  want 
of  many  European  advantages.  Without  neglecting  the  par- 
ticular study  which  was  the  primary  object  of  his  employment, 
Mr.  Jefferson  found  sufficient  time  to  attend  to  the  polite  ac- 
quirements. He  relieved  the  tedious  fatigue  of  law  by  im- 
proving the  knowledge  of  Geometry,  Astronomy,  and  Natural 
Philosophy  which  he  had  acquired  at  the  University  ;  and  the 
research  of  science  he  occasionally  blended  with  the  lighter 
and  perhaps  more  agreeable  amusements  of  drawing  and 
music.  In  the  latter  art  he  not  only  arrived  at  that  degree 
of  mediocrity  which  serves  to  soften  the  passions  and  refine 
the  tender  feelings,  but  was  considered  among  amateurs  as  a 
considerable  proficient. 

In  1774,  when  the  inhabitants  of  America  were  roused  into 
action  by  the  tyranny  and  accumulated  wrongs  of  the  British 
government,  Mr.  Jefferson  published  his  celebrated  pamphlet, 
*'  Summary  View  of  the  Rights  of  British  America,"  addressed 
to  the  king,  which  brought  forward  against  the  author  threats 
of  prosecution  from  the  Earl  of  Dunmore,  then  Governor  of 
Virginia.  Mr.  Jefferson  was  obnoxious  to  t'his  nobleman  on 
another  account.  Dunmore  was,  in  his  own  country,  con- 
sidered as  one  of  the  most  intemperate  and  dissolute  young 
men  of  his  age.  The  climate  of  Virginia,  with  the  unlimited 
authority  of  a  British  Governor,  served  to  inflame  his  pas- 
sions, and  heighten  his  licentious  habits.  His  hours,  in  place 
of  being  spent  in  redressing  the  wrongs  and  listening  to  the 
grievances  of  the  Virginia  planters,  were  devoted  to  the 
gambling  table,  and  the  indulging  of  the  sensual  appetites. 
When  the  arts  of  seduction  proved  ineffectual,  the  brutal  peer 
even  had  recourse  to  violence.  A  young  lady  of  the  name 
of  Campbell,  the  daughter  of  a  respectable  merchant  in  Rich- 
mond, became  the  victim  of  his  unbounded  amours.  Her 
brother,  an  officer  in  the  king's  service,  called  Dunmore  to 
account  for  his  injured  sister.  The  haughty  Governor,  in 
place  of  giving  the  satisfaction  which  justice  required,  had 
him  arrested  and  sent  to  England,  where,  by  the  sentence  of 
a  court-martial,  he  was  deprived  of  his  commission.  A  well 
wrote  and  accurate  statement  of  this  unwarrantable  outrage 
appeared  soon  after  in  the  public  papers  of  Virginia  ;  the 
author,  I  am  informed,  was  a  lawyer  of  the  name  of  Foster; 
but  the  Earl  of  Dunmore  supposed  it,  from  the  ability  it  dis- 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  289 

played,  to  have  been  the  production  of  Mr.  Jefferson.  His 
threats,  however,  produced  no  other  effect  than  to  cause  Mr. 
Jefferson  pubhcly  to  avow  himself  the  author  of  the  Rights 
of  British  America. 

About  this  time  he  married  an  amiable  woman,  the  daughter 
of  Mr.  Wayles,  an  eminent  counsellor  in  Virginia.  That  af- 
fectionate partner,  unfortunately  no  longer  exists.  The  death 
of  this  lady,  in  1780,  devolved  on  him  a  more  weighty  care, 
the  education  of  two  lovely  daughters,  their  surviving  issue. 
These  have  been  reared  under  his  immediate  inspection,  and 
have  accompanied  his  diplomatic  functions  whithersoever  they 
have  been  directed. 

It  was  not  to  be  expected  that  a  man  of  such  conspicuous 
qualifications  could  be  suffered  long  to  remain  in  the  shade  of 
philosophic  retirement.  In  the  year  1775,  he  \\  as  elected  a 
member  of  the  Virginia  convention,  and  on  the  4th  of  August, 
in  the  same  year,  one  of  the  members  to  represent  that  state, 
then  colony  of  Virginia,  in  Congress.  In  this  Legislature, 
he  became  a  distinguished  and  useful  member,  and  has  left 
many  traces  of  sufficient  importance  to  display  his  knowledge 
of  legal  jurisprudence. 

In  the  memorable  year  of  1776,  which  separated  the  United 
States  from  their  mother  country,  and  gave  the  example  of 
freedom  to  the  monarchies  of  Europe,  we  find  Mr.  Jefferson 
advancing  to  a  still  more  dignified  station.  He  was  chosen, 
along  with  Benjamin  Franklin,  John  Adams,  Roger  Sherman, 
and  R.  R.  Livingston,  to  draw  up  the  Declaration  of  our 
independence,  an  instrument  which  will  ever  be  considered  as 
the  magna  charta  of  American  liberty.  It  was  from  the  ele- 
gant pen  and  enlightened  mind  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  who  was 
first  named  on  the  committee,  that  this  instrument  proceeded ; 
which,  so  long  as  the  records  of  time  shall  endure,  will  per- 
petuate the  fame  of  its  author.  He  was  also  honoured  with 
the  public  confidence,  by  being  appointed  a  member  of  the 
first  Congress,  where  he  sat  two  years,  supporting  a  character 
highly  respectable,  and  which  will  stand  dignified  in  the 
judgment  of  our  remotest  posterity. 

In  the  year  1778,  Mr.  Jefferson,  being  then  a  member  of 
the  Virginia  Legislature,  presented  to  that  body  the  act  "  to 
prevent  the  importation  of  slaves,"  which  was  enacted  into  a 
law  in  the  month  of  October  of  the  same  year;  and  was 
shortly  followed  by  another  act,  "  to  authorise  manumissions,'^ 
25 


,^0  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

being  the  commencement  of  a  system  of  general  emancipation, 
also  proposed  by  him. 

The  first  critical  period  in  Mr.  Jefferson's  civil  administra- 
tion was  when  he  received  the  appointment  of  Governor  of 
Virginia,  in  the  year  1779,  in  the  room  of  Patrick  Henry, 
who  was  the  first  governor  under  the  renovated  constitution, 
and  the  successor  of  the  Earl  of  Dunmore.  Mr.  Jefferson 
continued  in  this  office  until  June,  1781. 

During  these  years  Mr.  Jefferson  had  much  to  contend 
with.  The  state  experienced  three  invasions,  and  he  had  not 
only  to  combat  an  open  enemy  in  the  field,  but  to  encounter 
the  insidious  snares  of  a  secret  faction,  who  assailed  his  repu- 
tation and  stabbed  him  in  the  dark.  They  insinuated  that  he 
had  abandoned  the  government  of  Virginia  to  its  enemies,  and 
sought  personal  safety  by  flight  to  the  mountains,  and  that  he 
likewise  had  refused  to  pay  military  claims  in  preference  to 
those  of  the  civil  list. 

Against  these  slanderous  falsehoods,  I  shall  transcribe  the 
arguments  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  biographer,  in  an  English  pub- 
lication entitled,  "  Public  Characters  of  1801." 

"  If  the  first  of  these  loose  insinuations  (says  this  writer)  be 
supposed  to  apply  to  the  evacuation  of  the  Virginia  metropo- 
lis, an  American  officer,  now  present,  was  with  him  on  the 
occasion,  and  contradicts  the  fact :  if  to  the  second  visit  which 
General  Tarleton  did  himself  the  honour  of  paying  to  the 
deliberating  councils  of  that  country,  the  whole  legislature 
must  be  implicated :  Dum  armes,  silent  leges/  The  propriety 
of  his  pecuniary  appropriations  are,  perhaps,  easily  to  be  jus- 
tified. 

"  In  regard  to  the  first  point  of  view,  facts  authorize  the 
bold  assertion,  that  the  government  deserted  Mr.  Jefferson, 
not  that  Mr.  Jefferson  deserted  the  government,  on  this  occa- 
sion of  unparalleled  risk  and  difficulty.  The  gentleman  pre- 
sent, and  now  ready  to  testify,  was  at  that  period  an  officer, 
in  the  confidence  of  the  commanding  general  in  that  part  of 
the  country,  and  was,  on  this  particular  occasion,  sent  to  Mr. 
Jefferson  with  despatches  of  an  important  nature,  (being  choice- 
ly mounted,  by  the  general's  particular  order,  on  the  most 
noted  running  horse  which  the  whole  country  afforded ;)  he 
found  Mr.  Jefferson  in  the  town  of  Manchester,  opposite  to 
Richmond,  which  is  the  metropolis  spoken  of,  and  then  about 
fourteen  miles  from  the  rear  of  General  Arnold,  who  was  re- 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  291 

tiring  from  his  predatory  incursion.  He  learnt  from  the  few 
confidential  friends  who  surrounded  the  governor,  that  his  ex- 
cellency had  been  busily  engaged,  even  in  personal  labour,  to 
secure  those  very  arms  in  a  place  of  safety  which  were  aban- 
doned by  his  citizens  to  the  mercy  of  the  enemy ;  while  some 
indeed,  were  as  industriously  employed  in  circulating  false- 
hoods to  his  prejudice. 

"  In  the  respect  of  his  pecuniary  appropriations,  before  al- 
luded to,  gentlemen  of  the  army  seem  to  have  been  a  little 
premature  in  imbibing  a  prejudice  against  a  public  character 
whose  office  demanded  of  him  an  independent  exercise  of  his 
judgment.  This  might  in  part,  perhaps,  proceed  from  the  im- 
perfect knowledge  to  which  military  life  in  general  attains  in  the 
affairs  of  civil  government,  and  partly  from  those  false  sugges- 
tions which  are  wont  to  arise  from  the  malice  of  faction.  It 
is  true  that  a  part  of  the  army  were  discontented  with  Mr. 
Jefferson,  and  it  is  equally  so,  that  their  jealousy  of  pecuniary 
partialities  was  the  chief  cause ;  but  it  remains  to  be  deter- 
mined, whether  this  was  a  reasonable  dissatisfaction.  It  was 
a  prevalent  complaint,  that  the  civil  list  was  paid  while  the 
claims  of  the  military  were  unattended  to.  In  canvassing  this 
murmur,  let  us  take  a  view  of  the  premises:  Every  one  knows 
the  situation  of  Virginia  at  that  time;  her  credit  was  sunk, 
her  strength  exhausted  by  the  marching  and  countermarching 
of  her  troops,  invaded  by  a  powerful  enemy,  and  her  contin- 
gent fund  at  a  very  low  ebb — certainly  the  propriety  of  sup- 
porting her  civil  government  through  such  disasters,  will  be 
viewetl  as  a  primary  object  by  all  sound  politicians.  Without 
that  supreme  head,  the  very  cause  which  called  for  a  defence 
would  have  been  annihilated,  and  the  dissatisfied  military 
would  have  been  disorganized,  and  no  longer  necessary.  With 
regard  to  the  component  individuals  who  were  included  in  the 
civil  list,  it  was  necessary  to  support  them;  for  to  do  this  was 
essential  to  the  existence  of  jurisprudence,  and  indispensably 
necessary  for  the  support  of  good  order  in  the  community. 
The  people  of  the  metropolis  (Richmond)  were  neither  will- 
ing nor  able  to  take  the  whole  burden  of  government  upon 
their  own  shoulders;  nor  were  they,  on  any  account,  bound 
to  submit  to  it ;  yet  the  departments  of  administration  must 
necessarily  reside  there,  and  the  inhabitants  must  as  neces- 
sarily be  paid  for  accommodating  men  who  have  sacrificed  the 
convenience  of  life  to  the  duties  of  public  service,  and  were 


292  THE  ADMINISTRATION 

unavoidably  dependent  on  the  national  fund.  Had  the  trea- 
sury of  the  state  been  adequate  to  the  whole  demand,  it  is 
presumed  no  man  would  have  felt  greater  pleasure  than  Mr. 
Jefferson  in  the  accommodation  of  all  their  wants,  for  benevo- 
lence is  a  trait  in  his  constitution  which  has  more  than  once 
placed  his  private  creduhty  in  the  hands  of  the  swindler.  It 
is  moreover  to  be  considered,  that  the  civil  list  contained  but 
a  small  number  of  individuals;  the  military  roll  comprised  a 
very  large  one.  Of  two  evils  it  was  certainly  proper  to  choose 
the  least ;  besides  the  military  had  one  resource  which  was  be- 
yond the  immediate  power  of  the  civil  authority :  their  arms  and 
the  laws  of  war,  empowered  and  justified  them  in  taking  needful 
supplies,  (otherwise  than  in  waste)  from  those  to  whom  Pro- 
vidence had  been  most  bountiful ;  for  such  had  been  made  the 
common  lot  of  the  war,  the  whole  property  of  the  people 
being  voluntarily  pledged  for  its  defence  at  the  period  of  its 
commencement.  Some  of  the  military,  however,  had  a  differ- 
ent sense  of  these  matters,  and  preferred  to  quarter  upon  the 
chief  magistrate  those  whom  rank  and  military  pride  should 
have  better  instructed  in  the  rules  of  decorum  and  common 
civility." 

In  the  year  1781,  under  the  pressure  of  public  business  and 
family  affliction,  Mr.  Jefferson  prepared  his  celebrated  work, 
afterwards  published  in  Europe,  entitled,  "  Notes  on  Virginia," 

In  the  year  1783,  Mr.  Jefferson  was  appointed  to  a  seat  in 
Congress,  from  whence  he  was  nominated  as  ambassador  to 
the  court  of  Spain,  but  the  approach  of  peace,  it  is  presumed, 
rendered  his  voyage  unnecessary.  In  the  following  y tar,  on 
the  7th  of  May,  he  was  nominated  by  that  honourable  body 
minister  plenipotentiary  of  tlie  United  States  to  the  court  of 
France,  as  the  successor  of  the  venerable  Franklin.  From 
thence  he  communicated  his  negotiations  concerning  the  free- 
dom of  the  tobacco  trade,  and  the  powerful  opposition  of  the 
farmers  general,  &c.  to  Mr.  Jay,  then  our  minister  of  foreign 
affairs,  in  a  letter  dated  27th  of  May,  1786.  In  this  letter 
he  evinces  considerable  diplomatic  talents  and  success,  having 
gained  the  approbation  of  Mr.  de  Vergennes  and  the  acquies- 
cence of  Mr.  de  Calonne.  He  has  also  recommended  to  the 
people  of  Carolina,  an  improvement  in  preparing  their  staple 
commodity,  rice,  in  order  to  lead  the  Mediterranean  market. 
In  another  letter  to  Dr.  Stiles,  President  of  Yale  college, 
dated  Paris,  September  1st,  1786,  he  displays  a  fund  of  senti- 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  293 

ment,  and  information  sufficient  to  entitle  him  to  the  confi- 
dence of  his  country  and  the  admiration  of  society. 

On  the  22d  of  October,  1786,  Mr.  de  Calonne  announced 
to  Mr.  Jefferson,  by  letter  from  Fontainbleau,  the  intention 
of  the  king  of  France  to  favour  the  commerce  of  the  United 
States  as  much  as  possible  ;  to  double  the  number  of  their  free 
ports ;  to  reduce  the  duties  which  were  prejudicial  to  the  com- 
merce with  America  ;  that  after  the  expiration  of  a  contract 
made  by  the  farmer-general  with  Mr.  Morris,  (concerning 
tobacco)  no  similar  one  should  be  permitted  ;  and  that  during 
the  existence  of  the  term  of  Mr.  Morris's  contract,  the  far- 
mers-general should  be  compelled  to  purchase  annually  about 
fifteen  thousand  hogsheads  of  American  tobacco.  This  regu- 
lation of  the  tobacco  trade,  (though  not  wholly  in  conformity 
to  the  principles  proposed  by  Mr.  Jefferson  in  his  letter  to  the 
Count  de  Vergennes)  appears  to  have  been  the  result  of  Mr. 
Jefferson's  negotiation,  which  had  first  in  view  to  eradicate 
that  monopoly  entirely. 

In  the  arguments  used  by  Mr.  Jefferson  for  the  abolishing 
of  French  duties  upon  the  oil  trade,  he  appears  to  have 
carried  equal  conviction;  for  although  France  could  not  con- 
sent to  a  total  abolition,  she  puts  the  United  States  on  a  foot- 
ing with  the  Hanse  towns,  and  Mr.  de  Calonne  assigns  the 
pre-existing  treaties  with  other  powers  as  a  reason  for  her 
doing  no  more  ;  His  Most  Christian  Majesty,  moreover,  thought 
fit  to  abolish  the  duties  of  fabrication  upon  this  article. 

About  the  same  period,  Mr.  Jefferson,  in  conjunction  with 
Franklin,  negotiated  with  a  minister  from  the  court  of  Prus- 
sia, then  at  the  Hague,  the  treaty  known  by  the  name  of  the 
"  Prussian  Treaty,"  in  which  an  astonished  world  has,  for 
the  first  time,  seen  a  public  avowal,  and  positive  provision  by 
treaty  between  two  sovereign  and  independent  nations,  for 
the  establishment  of  those  two  great  and  glorious  principles, 
promotive  of  universal  peace  and  happiness,  to  wit ;  First, 
That  free  ships  shall  make  free  goods  ;  and  Second,  That 
privateering  in  time  of  loar  be  abolished  ;  principles  which  it 
were  to  be  wished  could  be  rendered  universal.  Mr.  Adams 
was  one  of  the  commissioners  for  negotiating  this  treaty,  and 
on  its  completion  it  was  sent  over  to  London,  where  Mr. 
Adams  then  resided  as  minister  of  the  United  States,  for  his 
signature.  It  is  greatly  to  be  regretted  that  Mr.  Adams 
could  not  be  content  to  retain  to  himself  a  share  of  the  glory 
25* 


294  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

which  reflects  on  the  authors  of  this  celebrated  treaty  ;  but, 
unhappily  for  our  country,  while  he  was  President  of  the 
United  States,  we  have  seen  him  nominate  his  son,  John 
Quincy  Adams,  as  minister  to  the  court  of  Prussia,  for  the 
express  purpose,  as  declared,  of  renewing  the  treaty  with  that 
nation,  which  having  been  limited  to  continue  in  force  for  ten 
years  only,  had  expired.  Accordingly,  another  treaty  has 
been  made  by  his  son  M'ith  Prussia,  which  has  been  approved 
by  a  majority  of  the  Senate,  and  ratified  by  Mr.  Adams  ;  but 
which,  instead  of  renewing  and  continuing  the  old  treaty,  is 
in  itself  a  new  one,  expressly  abandoning  and  renouncing  the 
two  inestimable  principles;  First,  That  free  ships  shall  make 
free  goods  ;  and  Second,  That  i^rivateermg  in  time  of  war 
be  abolished;  principles  which,  it  appears  from  the  corres- 
pondence accompanying  the  negotiation,  laid  before  the  Sen- 
ate of  the  United  States  by  the  late  President,  the  wise  and 
enlightened  ministers  of  the  Prussian  monarch  were  brought, 
with  great  diflicuky  and  reluctance,  to  abandon  on  the  earnest 
solicitation  and  reiterated  demand  of  the  American  negotiator, 
under  the  suggestion  that  the  maritime  powers,  jjarticulurly 
Great  Britain,  would  never  sanction  or  permit  them. 

In  the  year  1789,  Mr.  Jetl'erson  being  returned  to  the 
United  States,  and  appointed  by  President  Washington  Secre- 
tary to  the  department  of  State,  immediately  entered  on  the 
arduous  duties  of  that  important  station,  having  previously 
stipulated  with  the  President,  that  in  consideration  of  the 
many  years  absence  fiom  his  family  and  estate,  he  might  be 
permitted,  at  the  expiration  of  the  constitutional  term  for 
which  the  President  was  elected,  to  retire  from  the  public 
service. 

The  first  result  of  the  labours  of  Mr.  Jefferson  in  the  de- 
partment of  State,  were  exhibited  to  Congress  in  the  folio w- 
reports,  to  wit : 

1st.  A  report  on  the  fisheries  of  the  United  States. 

2d.  A  report  on  coins,  weights,  and  measures. 

o^.  A  report  on  the  waste  and  unappropriated  lands  of  the 
United  States. 

4th.  A  report  on  the  privileges  and  restrictions  on  the  com- 
merce of  the  United  States  in  foreign  countries. 

Each  of  these  reports  displayed  the  usual  accuracy,  infor- 
mation, and  intelligence  of  the  writer. 

■.But  it  Avas  reserved  for  a  more  critical  and  delicate  period 


OF    JOHN   ADAMS.  295 

in  the  affairs  of  the  United  States,  that  the  pre-eminent  talents 
of  the  American  secretary  should  become  most  conspicuous, 
and  interestingly  useful  to  his  country.  The  non-execution 
of  the  treaty  of  peace  with  the  United  States,  on  the  part  of 
Great  Britain  ;  her  detention  of  our  western  posts,  and  the 
attendant  spoliations  on  our  commerce,  both  by  Great  Britain 
and  France,  then  at  war  with  each  other,  added  to  the  in- 
trigues of  the  minister  of  the  latter.  Genet,  all  conduced  to  a 
situation  difficult  and  perplexing.  Besides  which,  Spain  con- 
tinued to  withhold  from  us  the  free  navigation  of  the  Missis- 
sippi, so  essential  to  all  western  America.  In  this  state  of 
things,  the  just  confidence  which  the  discriminating  mind  of 
Washington  had  reposed  in  Mr.  Jefferson,  was  amply  repaid 
by  that  promptness,  zeal,  and  ability,  with  which  the  Ameri- 
can secretary  contributed  by  his  labours  to  relieve  the  execu- 
tive from  embarrassment. 

Through  a  series  of  masterly  and  unequalled  diplomatic 
correspondence,  which  he  maintained  at  the  same  time  with 
the  respective  ministers  of  Great  Britain  and  France,  namely, 
Hiuiimond  ami  Genet,  he  traversed  and  rebutted  their  respec- 
tive causes  of  charge  and  complaint  against  the  United  States, 
and  having  fully  proved  the  various  aggressions  and  infractions 
of  treaty  on  the  part  of  their  respective  governments,  pointed 
10  the  means  for  preserving  the  honour  and  maintaining  the 
rights  of  his  own  country :  whilst  alike  superior  to  the  intrigues 
of  Great  Britain  or  of  France,  he  fully  manifested  that  he  held 
no  particular  attachment  to  any  foreign  nation,  but  was  equally 
prepared,  with  the  decision,  firmness  and  intelligence  of  a  true 
American,  to  oppose  and  resist  the  aggressions  of  all.  The 
recall  of  Genet,  and  appointment  of  his  successor,  with  the 
subsequent  proceedings  between  the  United  States  and  France; 
the  appointment  of  Mr.  Jay,  his  treaty  with  Great  Britain, 
and  the  recall  of  Mr.  Hammond,  appointment  of  Mr.  Listen, 
and  subsequent  proceedings  with  Great  Britain,  are  all  well 
known.  In  respect  to  Spain,  the  labours  of  Mr.  Jefferson 
were  more  immediately  effective  and  complete. 

Having  possessed  the  commissioners  of  the  United  States, 
then  at  Madrid,  negotiating  a  treaty  with  the  court  of  Spain, 
with  the  most  ample  and  pointed  instructions,  and  also  of  the 
form  and  provisions  of  a  treaty  predicated  on  the  basis  of  the 
free  navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  it  remained  only  for  Mr. 
Thomas  Pinckney,  then  minister  from  the  United  States  at 


296  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

London,  under  special  instruction  from  the  President,  and  ap- 
pointed envoy  for  that  purpose,  to  repair  to  Madrid,  and,  see- 
ing the  favourable  moment  for  etfecting  it,  to  accomplish  this 
desirable  work. 

This  was  accordingly  done  with  equal  promptness  and  de- 
cision on  his  part,  and  jointly  to  that,  and  the  labours  of  the 
American  secretary  in  the  cabinet,  are  the  United  States  in- 
debted for  the  most  liberal,  lionourable,  and  beneficial  treaty 
they  ever  yet  entered  into  with  a  foreign  nation. 

It  in  the  fate  of  every  man  whom  virtue  and  talents  have 
elevated,  to  excite  the  envy  and  hatred  of  many.  Previous 
to  Mr.  Jefferson's  election,  a  great  clamour  was  raised  through 
the  United  States  respecting  debts  due  from  him  to  British 
merchants.  This  subject,  however,  when  examined,  in  place 
of  detracting,  will  add  considerably  to  the  lustre  of  his  cha- 
racter. 

In  the  year  1774,  before  a  shilling  of  paper  money  had  been 
issued,  Mr.  Jefferson  sold  about  five  thousand  acres  of  land  in 
Cumberland  and  Bedford  counties,  to  pay  his  proportion  of  a 
debt  due  from  the  estate  of  Mr.  Wayles  to  Farrel  and  Jones. 
He  offered  the  bonds  to  their  agent  immediately,  who  refused 
to  take  them.  The  money  was  paid  to  Mr.  Jefferson  in  1779 
and  1780,  and  he  carried  it  to  the  treasury  of  Virginia,  as  the 
laws  pressed  on  all  to  do  who  owed  money  to  British  subjects, 
declaring  that  the  public  would  pay  dollar  for  dollar.  This 
delusion  soon  passed  away,  and  it  became  evident  that  the 
public  neither  could,  nor  ought  to  pay  according  to  the  nomi- 
nal value.  The  reader  will  perceive  the  loss  which  Mr.  Jef- 
ferson sustained,  and  that  if  he  had  been  disposed  to  quibble, 
no  event  could  have  afforded  him  a  more  plausible  pretext. 
But  it  appears  that  Mr.  Jefferson  considered  himself  still  an- 
swerable to  Farrel  and  Jones,  and  therefore  settled  with  their 
nixent  otherwise. 

The  next  debt  in  succession  was  one  due  to  Kippen  and 
■company,  for  whom  Mr.  Lyle,  of  Manchester,  was  agent. 
Mr.  Jefferson's  conduct  in  the  settlement  of  this  claim  was 
strictly  honourable.  As  soon  as  he  returned  from  his  mission 
CO  France,  he  waited  upon  Mr.  Lyle,  and  made  immediate 
arrangements  for  payment,  deducting  the  eight  years'  war  in- 
terest. 

Respecting  the  v/ar  interest,  the  following  letter  from  Mr. 


OF    JOHN   ADAMS.  297 

Jefferson  is  quite  satisfactory.     It  was  produced  in  court  by 
Jones's  agent,  and  afterwards  published  in  the  Aurora: 

"  Paris,  January  5,  1787. 

"  Sir, — When  I  had  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you  in  London, 
I  mentioned  to  you  that  the  affairs  of  Mr.  Wayles's  estate 
were  left  to  be  ultimately  settled  by  Mr.  Eppis,  the  only  act- 
ing executor;  that  I  have  left  in  his  hands  also,  and  in  those 
of  a  Mr.  Lewis,  the  part  of  Mr.  Wayles's  estate  which  came 
to  me  together  with  my  own ;  that  they  were  first  to  clear 
off  some  debts  which  had  been  necessarily  contracted  during 
the  war,  and  would  after  that  apply  the  whole  profits  to  the 
payment  of  my  part  of  Mr.  Wayles's  debt  to  you,  and  to  a 
debt  of  mine  to  Kippen  and  company,  of  Glasgow.  Being 
anxious  to  begin  the  payment  of  these  two  debts,  and  finding 
that  it  would  be  too  long  postponed  if  the  residuary  ones, 
were  to  be  paid  merely  from  the  annual  profits  of  the  estate, 
a  number  of  slaves  have  been  sold,  and  I  have  lately  received 
information  from  Messrs.  Eppis  and  Lewis,  that  the  proceeds 
of  that  sale,  with  the  profits  of  the  estate  to  the  end  of  1781, 
would  pay  off  the  whole  of  the  residuary  debts.  As  we  are 
now,  therefore,  clear  of  embarrassment  to  pursue  our  princi- 
pal object,  I  am  desirous  of  arranging  with  you  such  just  and 
practicable  conditions,  as  will  ascertain  to  you  the  terms  at 
which  you  will  receive  my  part  of  your  debt,  and  give  me 
the  satisfaction  of  knowing  that  you  are  contented.  What 
the  laws  of  Virginia  are  or  may  be,  will  in  no  wise  influence 
my  conduct ;  substantial  justice  is  ray  object,  as  decided  by 
reason,  not  by  authority  or  compulsion. 

"  The  first  question  which  arises,  is  as  to  the  article  of  in- 
terest ;  for  all  the  time  preceding  the  war,  and  all  subsequent 
to  it,  I  think  it  reasonable  that  interest  should  be  paid,  but 
equally  unreasonable  during  the  war.  Interest  is  a  compen- 
sation for  the  use  of  money  ;  your  money  in  my  hands  is  in 
the  form  of  lands  and  negroes  ;  from  these,  during  the  war, 
no  use,  no  profits  could  be  derived.  Tobacco  is  the  article 
they  produce  ;  that  only  can  be  turned  into  money  at  a  foreign 
market ;  but  the  moment  it  went  out  of  our  ports  for  that 
purpose,  it  was  captured  either  by  the  king's  ships,  or  by 
those  of  individuals.  The  consequence  was,  that  tobacco 
worth  from  twenty  to  thirty  shillings  the  hundred,  sold  gene- 
rally in  Virginia,  during   the  war,  for  five  shillings  :    this 


298  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

price,  it  is  known,  will  not  maintain  the  labourer,  and  pay  his 
taxes ;  there  was  no  surplus  of  profit  then  to  pay  an  interest : 
in  the  mean  while  we  stood  insurers  of  the  lives  of  the  labour- 
ers, and  of  the  ultimate  issue  of  the  war.  He  who  attempted 
during  the  war,  to  remit  either  the  principal  or  interest,  must 
have  expected  to  remit  three  times  to  make  one  payment, 
because  it  is  supposed  that  two  out  of  three  parts  of  the  ship- 
ments were  taken.  It  was  not  possible  then  for  the  debtor 
to  derive  any  profit  from  the  money  which  might  enable  him 
to  pay  an  interest,  nor  yet  to  get  rid  of  the  principal  by  re- 
mitting it  to  his  creditors. 

"  With  respect  to  creditors  in  Great  Britain,  they  turned 
their  attention  to  privateering,  and  arming  the  vessels  they 
had  before  employed  in  trading  with  us  ;  they  captured  on 
the  seas  not  only  the  produce  of  the  farms  of  their  debtors, 
but  of  those  of  the  whole  state.  They  thus  paid  themselves 
by  capture  more  than  their  annual  interest,  and  we  lost  more ; 
some  merchants,  indeed,  did  not  engage  in  privateering  ;  these 
lost  their  interest ;  but  we  did  not  gain  it ;  it  fell  into  the 
hands  of  their  countrymen — it  cannot,  therefore,  be  demanded 
of  us.  As  between  these  merchants  and  their  debtors,  it  is 
the  case  where  a  loss  being  incurred,  each  party  may  justifia- 
bly endeavour  to  shift  it  from  himself;  each  has  an  equal  right 
to  avoid  it ;  one  party  can  never  expect  the  other  to  yield  a 
thing  to  which  he  has  as  good  a  right  as  the  demander.  We 
even  think  he  has  a  better  right  than  the  demander  in  the 
present  instance  ;  this  loss  has  been  occasioned  by  the  fault  of 
the  nation  which  was  creditor  ;  our  right  to  avoid  it,  then, 
stands  on  less  exceptionable  grounds  than  theirs.  But  it  will 
be  said  that  each  party  thought  the  other  the  aggressor  ;  in 
these  disputes  there  is  but  one  umpire,  and  that  has  decided 
the  question  where  the  world  in  general  thought  the  right  lay. 

"  Besides  these  reasons  in  favour  of  the  general  mass  of 
debtors,  I  have  some  peculiar  to  my  own  case.  In  the  year 
1776,  before  a  shilling  of  paper-money  was  issued,  I  sold 
lands  to  the  amount  of  £4,200  in  order  to  pay  these  two 
debts.  I  offered  the  bonds  of  the  purchasers  to  your  agent, 
Mr.  Evans,  if  he  would  acquit  me  and  accept  of  the  purcha- 
sers as  debtors  in  my  place.  They  were  as  sure  as  myself; 
had  he  done  it,  these  debts  being  turned  over  to  you,  would 
have  been  saved  to  you  by  the  treaty  of  peace  ;  but  he  de- 
clined it. 


OF    JOHN  ADAMS.  299 

"  Great  sums  of  paper  money  was  afterwards  issued  :  this 
depreciated,  and  payment  was  made  me  in  this  money,  when 
it  was  but  a  shadow.  Our  laws  do  not  entitle  their  fellow- 
citizens  to  require  repayment  in  these  cases,  though  the  treaty 
authorizes  the  British  creditor  to  do  it.  Here  then  I  lost  the 
principal  and  interest  once.  Again,  Lord  Cornwallis  en- 
camped ten  days  on  an  estate  of  mine  at  Elk  Island,  having 
his  head-quarters  in  my  house  ;  he  burned  all  the  tobacco 
houses  and  barns  on  the  farm  ;  he  burned  all  the  enclosures, 
and  wasted  the  fields  in  which  the  crop  of  that  year  was 
growing,  (it  was  in  the  month  of  June  ;)  he  killed  or  carried 
off  every  living  animal,  cutting  the  throats  of  those  which 
were  too  young  for  service  ;  of  the  slaves,  he  carried  away 
thirty.  The  useless  and  barbarous  injury  he  did  me  in  that 
instance,  was  more  than  would  have  paid  your  debt,  principal, 
and  interest ;  thus  I  lost  it  a  second  time.  Still  I  will  lay  my 
shoulders  to  the  payment  of  it  a  third  time  ;  in  doing  this, 
however,  I  think  yourself  will  be  of  opinion,  I  am  authorized 
in  justice  to  clear  it  of  every  article  not  demandable  in  strict 
right :  of  this  nature  I  conceive  interest  during  the  war. 

"  Another  question  is,  as  to  the  paper  money  I  deposited 
in  the  treasury  of  Virginia,  towards  the  discharge  of  this 
debt.  I  before  observed,  that  I  had  sold  lands  to  the  amount 
of  £  4,200  sterling,  before  a  shilling  of  paper  money  was  re- 
mitted, with  a  view  to  pay  this  debt — I  received  this  money 
in  depreciated  paper.  The  state  was  then  calling  on  those 
who  owed  money  to  British  subjects,  to  bring  it  into  the  trea- 
sury, engaging  to  pay  a  like  sum  to  the  creditor  at  the  end 
of  the  war.  I  carried  the  identical  money,  therefore,  to  the 
treasury,  where  it  was  apphed,  as  all  the  money  of  the  same 
description  was,  to  the  support  of  the  war.  Subsequent 
events  have  been  such,  that  the  state  cannot,  and  ought  not 
to  pay  the  same  nominal  sura  in  gold  or  silver,  which  they  re- 
ceived in  paper,  nor  is  it  certain  what  they  will  do. 

"  My  intention  being,  and  having  always  been,  that  when- 
ever the  state  decides,  you  shall  receive  my  part  of  the  debt 
fully.  I  am  ready  to  remove  all  difficulty  arising  from  this 
deposit ;  to  take  back  to  myself  the  demand  against  the  state, 
and  to  consider  the  deposit  as  originally  made  for  myself,  and 
not  for  you. 

"  These  two  articles  of  interest  and  paper  money  being 
thus  settled,  I  would  propose  to  divide  the  clear  proceeds  of 


THE   ADMINISTRATION 

the  estate  (in  which  there  are  from  eighty  to  a  hundred  la- 
bouring slaves)  between  yourself  and  Kippen  and  Co.  two 
thirds  to  you  and  one  third  to  them  ;  and  that  a  crop  of  this 
year,  17S7,  shall  constitute  the  first  payment.  That  crop, 
you  know,  cannot  be  got  to  the  warehouse  completely  till 
May  next  year ;  and  I  suppose  three  months  more  will  be 
little  enough  to  send  it  to  Europe,  or  to  sell  it  in  Virginia  and 
remit  the  money ;  so  that  it  could  not  safely  answer  for 
placing  the  proceeds  in  your  hands  till  the  month  of  August, 
and  annually  every  August  till  the  debt  shall  be  paid — it  will 
always  be  both  my  interest  and  my  wish,  to  get  it  to  you  as 
much  sooner  as  possible,  and  probably  a  part  of  it  may  always 
be  paid  some  months  sooner. 

"  If  the  assigning  the  profits  in  general  terms  may  seem  to 
you  too  vague,  I  am  willing  to  fix  the  annual  payment  at  a 
certain  sum — but  that  I  may  not  fall  short  of  my  engagement, 
I  shall  name  it  somewhat  less  than  I  suppose  may  be  counted 
on  ;  I  shall  fix  your  part  at  four  hundred  pounds  sterling  an- 
nually ;  and  as  you  know  our  crops  of  tobacco  to  be  uncer- 
tain, I  should  reserve  a  right,  if  they  fall  short  one  year,  to 
make  it  up  the  ensuing  one,  without  being  supposed  to  have 
failed  in  my  engagement ;  but  every  other  year  at  least,  all 
arrearages  shall  be  paid  up. 

"  My  part  of  this  debt  of  Mr.  Wayle's  estate  being  one 
third,  I  should  require  that  in  proportion  as  I  pay  my  third  I 
shall  stand  discharged  as  to  the  other  two  thirds,  so  that  the 
payment  of  every  one  hundred  pounds  shall  discharge  me  as 
to  three  hundred  of  the  undivided  debt.  The  other  gentlemen 
having  equal  means  of  paying,  equal  desires,  and  more  skill  in 
affairs,  their  parts  of  the  debt,  therefore,  are  at  least  as  sure 
as  mine  ;  and  my  great  object  is,  in  case  of  any  accident  to 
myself,  not  to  leave  my  family  involved  with  any  matters 
whatever. 

"  I  do  not  know  what  the  balance  of  this  debt  is  ;  the  last 
account  current  I  saw  was  before  the  war,  making  the  whole 
balance,  principal,  and  interest,  somewhat  about  nine  thousand 
pounds,  and  after  this  there  were  upwards  of  four  hundred 
hogsheads  of  tobacco,  and  some  payments  in  money  to  be  cre- 
dited. However,  this  settlement  can  admit  of  no  difficulty, 
and  in  the  mean  time  payments  may  proceed  without  affecting 
the  right  of  either  party  to  have  a  just  settlement. 

"  Upon  the  whole,  then,  I  propose  on  your  part,  you  relin- 


*"  OP  JOHN  ADAMS.  '  301 

quish  the  claim  to  interest  during  the  war,  say  from  the  com- 
mencement of  hostilities,  April  19,  1775,  to  their  cessation, 
April  19,  1784,  being  exactly  eight  years,  and  that  in  pro- 
portion as  I  pay  my  third  I  shall  be  acquitted  as  to  the  other 
two  thirds.  On  my  part,  I  take  on  myself  the  loss  of  the  pa- 
per money,  deposited  in  the  treasury  ;  I  agree  to  pay  interest 
previous  and  subsequent  to  the  war,  and  oblige  myself  to 
remit  to  you  for  that  and  the  principal,  four  hundred  pounds 
sterhng,  annually,  until  the  third  of  the  whole  debt  shall  be 
fully  paid,  and  I  will  begin  their  payments  in  August  in  next 
year.  If  you  think  proper  to  accede  to  these  propositions, 
be  so  good  as  to  say  so  at  the  foot  of  a  copy  of  this  letter  ; 
on  the  receipt  of  that,  I  will  send  an  acknowledgement  of  it, 
which  shall  render  this  present  letter  obligatory  on  me  ;  in 
which  case  you  may  count  on  my  faithful  execution  of  this 
undertaking. — I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  great  respect, 
sir,  your  most  obedient,  and  most  humble  servant, 

(Signed)  "  Thomas  Jefferson." 

The  following  letter  to  Mr.  Mazzei,  a  resident  in  Tuscany, 
attributed  to  Mr.  Jefferson,  has  been  handed  about,  and  at- 
tempts made  to  question  its  veracity  ;  but  as  it  has  never  been 
denied,  it  may  be  considered  as  the  production  of  our  Presi- 
dent, and  it  reflects  considerable  credit  on  his  love  of  truth 
and  principles,  as  well  as  a  writer. 

"  Our  political  situation  is  prodigiously  changed  since  you 
left  us — instead  of  that  noble  love  of  liberty,  and  that  republi- 
can government  which  carried  us  triumphantly  through  the 
dangers  of  the  war,  an  anglo-monarchico  aristocratic  party 
has  arisen.  Their  avowed  object  is  to  impose  on  us  the  sub- 
stance, as  they  have  already  given  us  the  form  of  the  British 
government ;  nevertheless,  the  principal  body  of  our  citizens 
remain  faithful  to  republican  principles.  All  our  proprietors 
of  lands  are  friendly  to  those  principles,  as  also  the  mass  of 
men  of  talents — we  have  against  us  the  executive  power,  all 
the  officers  of  government,  all  who  are  seeking  offices,  and  all 
timid  men  who  prefer  the  calm  of  despotism,  to  the  tempestu- 
ous sea  of  liberty  ;  the  British  merchants,  and  Americans  who 
trade  on  British  capitals,  the  speculators,  persons  interested  in 
the  bank  and  public  funds. 

*'  I  should  give  you  a  fever  if  I  should  name  the  apostates 
26 


302 


THE   ADMINISTRATION 


who  have  embraced  those  heresies — men  who  were  Solomons 
in  council,  and  Sampsons  in  combat,  but  whose  hair  has  been 
cut  off  by  the  whore,  England. 

"  They  would  wrest  from  us  that  liberty  which  we  have 
obtained  by  so  much  labour  and  peril,  but  we  shall  preserve  it. 
Our  mass  of  weight  and  riches  is  so  powerful,  that  we  have 
nothing  to  fear  from  any  attempt  against  us  by  force — it  is 
sufficient  that  we  guard  ourselves,  and  that  we  break  the  Lil- 
liputian ties  by  which  they  have  bound  us,  in  the  first  slum- 
bers which  succeeded  our  labours  ;  it  suffices  that  we  arrest 
the  progress  of  that  system  of  ingratitude  and  injustice  towards 
France,  from  whom  they  would  alienate  us  to  bring  us  under 
British  influence." 

This  article  I  shall  conclude  with  the  following  extract 
from  a  character  given  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  by  a  celebrated  coun- 
sellor in  the  state  of  New  York  ; — 

"  There  was  no  character  perhaps  in  America,  more  emi- 
nently calculated  to  fill  the  department  of  state,  than  Mr.  Jef- 
ferson. Few  men  who  have  travelled  at  all,  have  travelled 
with  more  advantage  ;  and  had  a  greater  capacity  of  receiving 
improvement  from  this  mode  of  it,  than  him.  The  genius  of 
each  nation,  its  particular  customs  and  manners,  and  the  great 
relative  interest  which  regulated  the  policy  of  courts,  were 
subjects  with  which  he  was  acquainted ;  and  eminently  fitted 
him  to  fill  a  department,  the  peculiar  organ  of  their  communi- 
cations. Controversy,  which  so  frequently  betrays  the  falli- 
bility of  the  understanding,  because  it  begets  intemperance, 
never  makes  him  a  victim  to  the  designs  of  his  opponent.  He 
listens  to  his  arguments  with  scrupulous  attention ;  draws  new 
sources  of  information  from  conflicting  principles  ;  and  if  he 
is  animated  at  all,  it  is  with  the  discovery  of  a  new  truth. 
There  are,  perhaps,  few  men  better  calculated  always  to 
triumph,  and  always  to  leave  upon  the  mind,  at  least  the  most 
favourable  impressions,  if  not  the  most  decisive  conviction. 
This  is  not  difficult  to  account  for,  when  applied  to  Mr.  Jef- 
ferson ;  because  few  men,  like  him,  deserve  the  application. 
He  never  hazards  an  opinion  without  the  authority  of  expe- 
rience, and  the  conviction  of  reason.  Travel  and  observation 
have  matured  the  one,  and  extensive  application  and  reflection 
have  invigorated  the  other.  His  principles,  therefore,  convey 
the  strongest  impressions ;  which  he  enforces  by  logical  de- 


OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  303 

duction,  and  mathematical  precision,  drawn  from  an  expanded 
intellect,  that  separates  with  infinite  facility,  the  purity  of 
truth  from  the  grossest  materials  of  error. 

"  When  citizen  Genet,  the  ex-minister  of  Robesperian  fa- 
naticism, appeared  in  America,  he  attempted  to  impose  his 
new  philosophy  of  light  and  liberty  upon  the  government. 
He  had  nothing  to  boast  of,  on  the  score  of  superior  diplomatic 
skill.  His  communications  to  the  secretary  of  state  were  evi- 
dently of  the  tampering  kind.  They  were  impressed  with 
all  the  marks  of  that  enthusiastic  insanity,  which  regulated 
the  councils  of  the  faction ;  and  which  were  calculated  to 
mistake  their  object,  by  disgusting  their  intended  victims. 
The  mind  of  Mr.  Jefferson  discovered  itself  in  an  early  period 
of  his  correspondence  with  the  French  minister.  The  commu- 
nications of  Genet  were  decorated  with  all  the  flowers  of 
eloquence,  without  the  force  and  conviction  of  rhetorical 
energy.  Accustomed  to  diplomatic  calculation,  and  intimately 
combining  cause  with  effect,  Mr.  Jefferson  apprehended  the 
subject  with  strength  and  precision — considered  it,  developed 
it,  viewed  it  on  all  sides,  listened  to  every  appeal,  and  attended 
to  every  charge;  and  in  every  communication  burst  forth  with 
a  strength  of  refutation  that  at  once  detected  and  embarrassed 
the  disappointed  minister  of  a  wily  and  fanatic  nation. 

"  It  is,  in  most  instances,  useless  to  oppose  enthusiasm  with 
the  deliberate  coolness  of  reason  and  argument.  They  are 
the  antipodes  of  each  othei  ;  and  of  that  imperious  nature 
which  mutually  solicits  triumph,  and  disdains  reconciliation. 
The  tyranny  of  the  Robesperian  principles  w^ere  calculated  to 
mveigle  within  the  vortex  of  European  politics,  the  American 
government  and  people.  The  coolness  and  sagacity  of  the 
secretary  of  state  composed  their  defence  and  protection. 
The  appeal  was  mutually  made  to  the  government ;  and  it  is 
a  fortunate  circumstance,  that  there  existed  this  tribunal  to 
approbate  the  measures  of  the  secretary,  and  to  silence  for- 
ever the  declamatory  oracle  of  an  insidious  faction.  Checked 
and  defeated  on  all  sides,  his  doctrine  stripped  of  its  visionary 
principles,  and  himself  betrayed  into  the  labyrinth  of  diplo- 
matic mystery,  the  ex-divinity  shrunk  into  the  silence  of  con- 
tempt ;  declaring  with  his  last  breath,  that  Mr.  Jefferson  was 
the  only  man  in  America  whose  talents  he  highly  respected. 

"  The  diplomatic  contest  with  Genet  was  not  the  only  one 
which  drew  forth  into  action    the  splendid  abilities  of  Mr. 


304  THE   ADMINISTRATION 

Jefferson.  The  American  world  was,  for  some  time,  amused 
with  the  communications  of  the  English  minister,  Hammond. 
Their  object  is  too  well  known  to  require  delineation.  It  was 
a  contest  between  the  antiquated  principles  of  a  rotten  mon- 
archy, deluded  by  the  fallacious  idea  of  eifecting  a  triumph, 
and  the  newly  acquired  maxims  of  the  repubhcan  philosophy. 
The  communications  of  Hammond  were  stamped  with  the 
original  dullness  and  stupidity  of  their  author.  Incapable  of 
convicting  by  the  energy  of  argument,  the  importance  of  the 
minister  was  maintained  by  the  length  and  number  of  his 
letters,  and  by  that  rigid  perseverance,  which  was  calculated 
to  irritate  and  disgust.  Tired  with  the  correspondence,  the 
Secretary  of  State  appears  to  have  collected  together  the 
united  energies  of  his  mind  in  a  single  letter  of  considerable 
length,  wherein  he  combines  with  infinite  skill,  the  erudition 
of  the  counsellor,  the  wisdom  of  the  politician,  and  the  sa- 
gacity of  diplomatic  ingenuity.  No  longer  deluded  by  the 
dreams  of  triumph,  Hammond  in  a  short  time  went  home,  to 
kiss  the  aristocratical  hand  that  made  him  a  slave;  and  Mr. 
Jefferson  to  see  that  repose  in  retirement,  which  his  laborious 
attention  to  the  duties  of  his  office  seemed  to  demand. 

"  Mr.  Jefferson  appears,  from  the  incomparable  felicity  of 
his  temper,  to  have  arrived  at  the  most  elevated  height  of 
philosophy.  He  has  not  escaped  the  misfortune,  if  it  is  one, 
of  having  enemies  to  depreciate  his  virtues  and  calumniate  his 
principles.  These  virtues  have  frequently  furnished  pre- 
tences for  the  bitterest  calumny.  The  equanimity  of  his 
temper,  however,  never  fell  a  victim  to  the  unmanly  provoca- 
tives, which  so  often  disturb  little  minds.  His  contempt  for 
unjust  censure,  his  dignified  reserve  beneath  the  insolence  of 
ministerial  loquacity,  and  his  unshaken  serenity,  whilst  the 
whole  political  world  is  moving  around  him,  make  a  soul  ca- 
pable of  holding  calamity  in  defiance.  Viewing  mankind  as 
they  really  are,  biassed  by  passion,  swayed  by  prejudice,  and 
with  ears  continually  open  to  the  invocations  of  inchvidual  in- 
terest, it  stands  aloof  in  the  sentiments  of  his  own  exalted 
mind,  and  like  Jupiter  from  Olympus,  surveys  with  serenity 
and  silence  the  fate  of  empires.  It  is  well  known,  however, 
that  his  enemies  are  of  that  obsequious  tribe  of  court  para- 
sites, who  move  in  the  inferior  circles  of  respectability,  and  feel 
the  influence  of  talents,  which  they  seek  to  decry  by  the  arts 
of  petulance  and  loquacity.     He  has  sufficient  knowledge  of 


OF    JOHN   ADAMS.  305 

human  nature  to  know  that  this  is  the  involuntary  tribute  of 
envy ;  and  is  consoled  that  it  is  the  medium  of  the  inculcation 
of  truth,  and  is  satisfied  that  he  is  not  conscious  of  deserving 
reproach,  and  is  silent.  Surely  the  man  who  can  preserve 
such  an  equanimity  of  temper,  who  can  maintain  the  compo- 
sure of  his  mind,  and  listen  to  unmerited  reproach,  without 
deserving  it ;  surely  such  a  man  is  entitled  to  the  first  place  in 
our  esteem.  They  are  attributes  which  few  men  possess,  are 
the  productions  of  the  most  difficult  of  all  attainments,  the 
knowledge  and  esteem  of  ourselves,  and  flow  from  an  elevated 
philosophy,  that  seeks  tranquilhty  in  conscious  rectitude ; 
which  teaches  forbearance  whilst  it  refines  our  knowledge  of 
human  nature,  and  views  the  conflicting  passions  of  mankind, 
as  connected  with  the  destiny  of  social  life.  To  descend  from 
this  dignified  sphere  of  human  reason,  like  the  Pagan  gods 
from  Olympus,  to  participate  in  the  conflicts  of  an  inferior 
order  of  beings,  would  be  doing  violence  to  the  sanctuary  of 
philosophy.  His  enemies  may  desire  it ;  and  seek  an  occasion 
for  that  triumph  which  pertinacious  mediocrity  sometimes 
acquires  over  the  sublimity  of  genius.  He  feels  the  most 
complete  security  in  the  celestial  sanctuary  of  self-applause; 
in  the  steady  discharge  of  the  duties  committed  to  his  care ; 
in  an  inflexibility  to  ill,  and  in  the  obstinacy  to  do  justice. 
The  arts  of  malice,  and  the  rude  voice  of  faction  assail  him 
in  vain.  The  senseless  clamours  of  his  enemies  make  no  im- 
pression on  him.  He  appears  invulnerable  to  the  shafts  of 
malignity  which  fall  every  where  around  him,  blunted  by  the 
invincible  dignity  of  his  character,  and  the  respectability  of 
his  talents." 

Aaron  Burr,  the  Vice-President  of  the  United  States,  was 
the  only  son  of  president  Burr,  of  New  Jersey  College.  Pre- 
sident Burr  was  born  in  the  year  1714,  at  Fairfield,  in  Con- 
necticut, in  which  colony  his  forefathers,  who  were  persons  of 
great  respectability,  had  been  settled  for  several  preceding 
generations.  The  late  Governor  Livingston,  in  speaking  of 
this  gentleman,  has  the  following  words :  "  whether  we  con- 
sider him  in  a  private  or  public  view,  he  is  still  equally  striking, 
equally  distinguished,  and  without  exaggerated  expression, 
something  surpassing  the  ordinary  bounds  of  human  nature." 
He  married  Miss  Edwards,  the  daughter  of  Dr.  Jonathan 
Edwards,  who  was  afterwards  his  successor  in  New  Jersey 
26* 


306  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

College:  by  this  lady  he  had  Aaron  Burr,  and  a  daughter, -who 
married  Judge  Tappen  Reeve,  of  Connecticut. 

President  Burr  died  in  the  year  1757,  when  his  son  Aaron 
was  about  three  years  of  age;  the  care  of  Aaron's  education 
consequently  devolved  on  Mrs.  Burr,  and  none  could  have 
been  more  fit  for  that  purpose  than  this  lady.  She  was,  in 
every  respect,  an  ornament  to  her  sex,  being  equally  distin- 
guished for  suavity  of  manners,  purity  of  religion,  and  bril- 
liancy in  literature  and  science. 

At  the  age  of  fourteen,  Aaron  Burr  was  sent  to  the  college 
of  Cambridge,  where  he  soon  displayed  that  quickness  of  com- 
prehension, blended  with  an  ease  in  expression  and  gentleness 
of  manners,  though  clothed  with  a  prudent  reserve,  which 
have  composed  the  leading  features  of  his  character  through 
life.  In  the  beginning  of  1774,  when  the  standard  of  liberty 
was  erected  in  the  Eastern  states.  Burr,  then  a  youth  of 
eighteen,  left  his  academic  pursuits  to  share  in  those  laurels 
which  were  afterwards  to  constitute  a  new  era  in  the  history 
of  the  world,  to  teach  kings  that  they  had  not  derived  the 
prerogative  of  power  from  the  throne  of  Heaven,  and  to  dis- 
close to  mankind  the  pleasing  doctrine  that  they  had  only  one 
sovereign  to  obey,  the  Creator  of  the  universe. 

Aaron  Burr,  though  of  a  person  slender  and  delicate,  was 
not  deterred  from  encountering  the  hardships  of  a  winter  cam- 
paign. Disdaining  the  advice  and  entreaties  of  his  relations  when 
the  interest  of  his  country  was  at  stake,  he  joined  the  ranks 
under  the  brave  Montgomery,  and  continued  for  several  months 
unknown  in  the  humble  but  honourable  capacity  of  a  private 
soldier.  His  merit  soon  raised  him  to  the  active  station  of 
aid-de-camp  to  that  general,  with  whom  he  continued  until 
the  unfortunate  attack  on  Quebec,  the  81st  of  December,  1775, 
deprived  America  of  the  services  of  that  illustrious  officer. 

After  the  death  of  General  Montgomery,  we  find  Aaron 
Burr  in  the  array  of  General  Putnam,  with  the  rank  of  lieu- 
tenant-colonel. In  the  campaign  of  1777,  and  autumn  of  that 
year,  Colonel  Burr  signalized  himself  by  the  capture  of  a 
British  piquet  without  the  loss  of  a  single  man,  although  his 
party  was  inferior  in  number. 

As  this  circumstance  is  not  narrated  in  any  of  the  histories 
of  the  revolutionary  war,  the  particulars  of  it  cannot  be  unac- 
ceptable to  the  American  patriot.  General  Clinton  lay  across 
the  bridge  of  Hackensack  with   about  four  thousand  British 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  307 

troops;  the  American  army  was  stationed  above.  One  evening 
about  dark,  Colonel  Burr  marched  down  with  a  company  of 
twenty-four  men  to  reconnoitre  the  enemy.  At  a  little  dis- 
tance from  the  new  bridge,  he  perceived  the  glimmering  of  a 
light,  which  proceeded  from  the  enemy's  piquet.  He  imme- 
diately halted,  and  having  ordered  a  profound  silence,  he 
crossed  the  road  to  the  opposite  side  of  the  way,  and  took  his 
quarters  under  a  chesnut  tree :  leaving  his  party,  he  went 
alone  to  observe  the  situation  of  the  enemy,  and  got  so  near 
them  as  to  obtain  their  watch- word.  He  returned  a  little  be- 
fore the  break  of  day,  and  led  his  men  directly  between  the 
piquet  and  the  main  body  of  the  British  troops  ;  then  dividing 
his  small  company  into  four  divisions  of  six  men  each,  he  gave 
orders  for  two  of  them  to  attack  on  the  front,  one  on  the  right 
and  the  other  on  the  left,  with  a  strict  injunction  not  to  dis- 
charge a  musket.  Having  advanced  within  twenty-five  or 
thirty  paces,  he  was  hailed  by  the  sentinel,  whom  he  imme- 
diately shot  dead,  then  charged  his  enemy  with  fixed  bayonets, 
and  obliged  the  whole  to  surrender,  consisting  of  one  officer, 
a  Serjeant,  a  corporal,  and  twenty-seven  men. 

A  circumstance  occurred  on  this  occasion,  which  will  mark 
the  strong  enthusiastic  zeal  that  British  soldiers  possess  for 
the  cause  of  their  sovereign  ;  and  will  even  compel  a  tear  of 
compassion  to  drop  from  the  republican  patriot. 

One  of  the  British  soldiers  alone  attempted  to  resist ;  in 
the  brave  effort  he  received  three  bayonet  thrusts,  two  before, 
and  one  behind  ;  the  wounds,  however,  were  not  so  mortal  as 
to  prevent  his  endeavouring  to  accompany  his  fellow-prisoners, 
but  he  had  not  proceeded  more  than  a  quarter  of  a  mile,  when 
he  was  obliged  to  stop.  Colonel  Burr,  with  his  usual  human- 
ity, went  up  to  him,  and  thus  addressed  him  ;  "  My  good 
fellow  proceed  a  little  farther  and  we  will  procure  a  surgeon 
to  your  relief."  The  veteran  replied,  (his  last  words)  "  Dear 
sir,  all  the  doctors  in  America  can  do  me  no  service,  for  I  am 
a  dying  man  ;  but  it  grieves  me  sore  to  the  heart,  to  think  I 
have  served  my  king  upwards  of  twenty  years,  and  at  length 
must  die  with  a  charged  musket  in  my  hand  ;  had  I  discharged 
ray  piece  I  should  not  have  regarded  my  life,  but  would  have 
died  with  satisfaction." 

Colonel  Burr,  soon  after  this  affair,  was  appointed  to  a 
command  at  West  Point,  where  he  continued  until  the  begin- 
ning of  1778,  when  indisposition  interrupted,  for  a  few  months, 


308  THE   ADMINISTRATION 

his  military  career.  The  first  engagement  in  which  he  acted 
a  part  after  his  recovery,  was  at  the  battle  of  Monmouth ; 
but  by  an  unlucky  arrangement  of  General  Washington,  he 
was  placed  in  a  situation  where  he  was  exposed  to  the  British 
artillery,  without  the  capacity  either  of  saving  the  men  under 
his  command,  or  of  injuring  the  enemy. 

Towards  the  fall  of  this  year,  he  accomplished,  by  a  dex- 
terous manoeuvre,  the  destruction  of  a  block-house  in  New 
Jersey,  with  a  party  of  only  sixty  men,  although  the  same 
was  defended  by  fifty  British  soldiers.  This  act  ought  to  be 
regarded  as  an  exploit  of  the  first  magnitude,  when  it  is  re- 
membered that  General  Wayne,  with  an  army  of  two  thou- 
sand men,  nearly  about  the  same  time,  made  an  unsuccessful 
attack  upon  another  block-house,  even  inferior  in  strength. 

Soon  after  this  period.  Colonel  Burr,  partly  from  the  bad 
state  of  his  health,  and  other  reasons  of  an  urgent  nature, 
was  under  the  necessity  of  retiring  from  the  army,  to  the  in- 
finite regret  of  all  who  had  witnessed  his  bravery,  and  knew 
the  extent  of  his  military  talents. 

Colonel  Burr,  after  his  retirement,  gave  his  mind  entirely 
to  literary  pursuits;  and  in  the  year  17S9,  was  appointed  at- 
torney-general for  the  state  of  New  York,  which  office  he 
discharged  with  the  greatest  zeal  and  impartiality.  In  1791, 
he  was  sent  to  the  senate  of  Congress.  That  the  reader  may 
form  some  idea  of  the  sentiments  which  Colonel  Burr  espoused, 
while  a  member  of  that  honourable  body,  we  have  subjoined 
several  of  the  most  important  bills  for  which  he  voted : 

"  That  the  conducting  of  the  legislative  and  judicial  powers 
of  the  Senate  in  public,  and  suffering  an  account  of  their  mea- 
sures and  deliberations  to  be  published  in  the  newspapers,  is 
the  best  means  of  diffusing  general  information  concerning  the 
principles,  motives,  and  conduct  of  individual  members;  and 
that  by  withholding  this  information,  responsibility  becomes 
unavailing,  the  influence  of  their  constituents  over  one  branch 
of  the  legislature,  in  a  great  measure,  annihilated,  and  the  best 
security  which  experience  has  devised  against  the  abuse  of 
power  and  a  mal-administration,  abandoned." 

"  That  it  be  a  standing  rule,  that  the  doors  of  the  senate- 
chamber  remain  open  whilst  the  Senate  shall  be  sitting  in  a 
legislative  and  judicial  capacity,  except  on  such  occasions  as 
in  their  judgment  may  require  secrecy;  and  that  this  rule  shall 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  309 

commence  and  be  in  force  on  the  first  day  of  the  next  session 
of  Congress." 

"  The  judicial  power  of  the  United  States  shall  not  be  con- 
strued to  extend  to  any  suit  in  law  or  equity,  commenced  or 
prosecuted  against  one  of  the  United  States,  by  citizens  of  an- 
other state,  or  by  citizens  or  subjects  of  any  foreign  state." 

"  That  the  President  of  the  United  States  be  requested  to 
lay  before  the  Senate,  the  correspondence  which  had  passed 
between  the  minister  of  the  United  States  at  the  Republic  of 
France,  and  said  Republic,  and  between  said  minister  and  the 
office  of  the  secretary  of  state." 

"  That  after  the  end  of  the  then  session  of  Congress,  and 
as  soon  as  suitable  galleries  shall  be  provided  for  the  senate 
chamber,  the  said  galleries  shall  be  permitted  to  be  opened 
every  morning,  so  long  as  the  Senate  shall  be  engaged  in  their 
legislative  capacity,  unless  in  such  cases  as  may,  in  the  opinion 
of  the  Senate,  require  secrecy ;  after  which  the  said  galleries 
shall  be  closed." 

"  That  every  printer  of  newspapers  may  send  one  paper  to 
each  and  every  other  printer  of  newspapers  within  the  United 
States,  free  of  postage,  under  such  regulations  as  the  post- 
master-general shall  provide." 

"  That  from  and  after  the  thirtieth  day  of  September,  1794, 
there  be  levied,  collected,  and  paid  upon  all  sugars  which  shall  be 
refined  within  the  United  States,  a  duty  of  twocentsperpound," 

It  is  impossible  to  draw  a  character  of  Colonel  Burr  in  more 
applicable  and  expressive  terms  than  Governor  Livingston  has 
done  of  his  father  :  "  Though  a  person  of  a  slender  and 
delicate  make,  to  encounter  fatigue  he  has  a  heart  of  steel ; 
and  for  the  despatch  of  business,  the  most  amazing  talents 
joined  to  a  constancy  of  mind  that  insures  success  in  spite  of 
every  obstacle.  As  long  as  an  enterprise  appears  not  abso- 
lutely impossible,  he  knows  no  discouragement,  but,  in  pro- 
portion to  its  difficulty,  augments  his  diligence ;  and  by  an  in- 
superable fortitude,  frequently  accomplishes  what  his  friends 
and  acquaintances  conceive  utterly  impracticable." 

The  ancestors  of  Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney  were  for 
three  generations  natives  of  South  Carolina.  His  father  was 
chief-justice  of  the  colony  of  Carolina,  and  a  member  of  the 
king's  council.  Charles  Cotesworth  was  born  in  the  year 
1746 ;  he  was  educated  at  the  University  of  Oxford,  in  Eng- 


310  THE   ADMINISTRATION 

land,  where  he  gave  early  proofs  of  conspicuous  talents.  After 
finishing  his  classical  education,  he  commenced  and  prosecuted 
the  study  of  the  law  at  the  temple.  He  then  passed  a  year  at 
the  University  of  Angers,  in  France,  and  made  the  tour  of 
Europe  before  his  return  to  his  native  state.  The  great  length 
of  time  he  had  spent  in  accomplishing  himself  as  a  scholar  and 
lawyer,  at  the  first  seminaries,  enabled  him  to  commence  the 
practice  of  law  at  the  bar  of  South  Carolina  with  considerable 
eclat. 

At  the  breaking  out  of  hostilities  between  America  and 
Great  Britain,  he  commanded  the  first  volunteer  corps  that 
was  raised  in  Charleston,  and  encouraged  the  embodying  of 
independent  companies  throughout  the  state  :  soon  after,  he 
was  appointed  a  major  in  the  first  state  regiment,  of  which 
General  Gadsden  was  colonel  commandant.  He  was  after- 
wards promoted  to  the  command  of  the  first  regiment.  After 
the  defeat,  at  Fort  Moultrie,  in  1776,  of  the  British  fleet  un- 
der Sir  Peter  Parker,  and  of  the  army  commanded  by  Sir 
Henry  Clinton,  the  project  of  making  an  effective  impression 
in  the  south,  seemed  to  have  been  abandoned,  and  Colonel 
Pinckney  believing  that  quarter  would  not  very  shortly  be  the 
theatre  of  active  war,  solicited  General  Washington's  per- 
mission to  leave  his  regiment,  and  repair  wherever  there  should 
be  most  service  to  be  seen  and  performed.  He  was  desired  to 
join  the  General's  family,  and  acted  for  some  time  as  his  aid- 
de-camp. 

As  soon  as  it  was  known  that  the  British  had  contemplated 
a  second  invasion  of  the  southern  states.  Colonel  Pinckney  re- 
paired to  his  command ;  headed  his  regiment  in  the  assault  on 
Savannah,  and  was  present  at  most  actions  which  were  fought 
in  Carolina  previous  to  the  fall  of  Charleston.  When 
Charleston  was  a  second  time  besieged,  General  Lincoln,  the 
commanding  officer,  selected  Colonel  Pinckney  as  a  fit  oflicer 
to  defend  the  important  pass  of  Fort  Moultrie.  The  surrender 
of  Charleston  gave  him  a  prisoner  to  the  British,  in  whose 
hands  he  continued  until  the  peace. 

In  1794,  Colonel  Pinckney  was  appointed  commander-in- 
chief  of  the  militia  of  South  Carolina,  which  station  be  held 
until  his  memorable  embassy  to  France.  The  particulars  of 
that  diplomatic  expedition  have  been  already  narrated.  As  a 
soldier,  General  Pinckney  deserves  every  encomium  of  ap- 
plause ;  but  as  a  political  character,  although   he   does  not 


OF    JOHN   ADAMS.  311 

possess  SO  much  integrity  as  Hamilton,  yet  it  would  be  great 
injustice  to  place  him  on  the  same  scale  with  Mr.  Adams,  or 
even  the  most  virtuous  of  his  adherents.  General  Pinckney 
possesses  at  least  some  principles  of  honour,  and  a  share  of 
judgment  that  will  always  prevent  him  from  covering  his 
country  with  infamy  and  disgrace. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

Meeting  of  Congress — President's  Speech — French  Treaty 
— Proceedings  of  the  House  of  Representatives — Anec- 
dotes of  Mr.  Adams — Election  of  the  President  and 
Vice-President — Observations  on  the  Dismission  of  Pick- 
ering and  M'Henri/ — Conclusion. 

On  Monday,  November  the  22d,  Mr.  Adams  met  both 
Houses  of  Congress  in  the  Senate  chamber,  at  the  capitol  in 
Washington ;  when  he  delivered  the  following  speech : 

"  Gentlemen  of  the  Senate,  and 

"  Gentlemen  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 

"  Immediately  after  the  adjournment  of  Congress  at  their 
last  session  in  Philadelphia,  I  gave  directions,  in  compliance 
with  the  laws,  for  the  removal  of  the  public  offices,  records 
and  property — these  directions  have  been  executed,  and  the 
public  officers  have  since  resided  and  conducted  the  ordinary 
business  of  the  government  in  this  place. 

"  I  congratulate  the  people  of  the  United  States  on  the 
assembling  of  Congress  at  the  permanent  seat  of  their  govern- 
ment ;  and  I  congratulate  you,  gentlemen,  on  the  prospect  of 
a  residence  not  to  be  changed.  Although  there  is  cause  to 
apprehend  that  accommodations  are  not  so  complete  as  might 
be  wished,  yet  there  is  good  reason  to  believe  that  this  incon- 
venience will  cease  with  the  present  session. 

"  It  would  be  unbecoming  the  representatives  of  this  na- 
tion, to  assemble  for  the  first  time  in  this  solemn  temple,  with- 
out looking  up  to  the  Supreme  Ruler  of  the  Universe,  and 
imploring  his  blessing. 


312  THE  ADMINISTKATION 

"  May  this  territory  be  the  residence  of  virtue  and  happi- 
ness !  In  this  city  may  that  piety  and  virtue,  that  wisdom, 
and  magnanimity,  that  constancy  and  self-government,  which 
adorned  the  great  character  whose  name  it  bears,  be  forever 
held  in  veneration !  Here,  and  throughout  our  country,  may 
simple  manners,  pure  morals,  and  true  religion  flourish  forever. 

"  It  is  with  you,  gentlemen,  to  consider  whether  the  local 
powers  over  the  district  of  Columbia,  vested  by  the  consti- 
tution in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  shall  be  im- 
mediately exercised.  If  in  your  opinion,  this  important  trust 
ought  now  to  be  exercised,  you  cannot  fail,  while  performing 
it,  to  take  into  view  the  future  probable  situation  of  the 
territory  for  the  happiness  of  which  you  are  about  to  provide. 

"  You  will  consider  it  as  the  capital  of  a  great  nation,  ad- 
vancing, with  unexampled  rapidity,  in  arts,  in  commerce,  in 
wealth,  and  in  population ;  and  possessing  within  itself  those 
energies  and  resources  which,  if  not  thrown  aw^ay,  or  lamenta- 
bly misdirected,  secure  to  it  a  long  course  of  prosperity  and 
self-government. 

"  In  compliance  with  a  law  of  the  last  session  of  Congress, 
the  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  temporary  army  have  been 
discharged.  It  affords  real  pleasure  to  recollect  the  honour- 
able testimony  they  gave  of  the  patriotic  motives  w'hich 
brought  them  into  the  service  of  their  country  by  the  readi- 
ness and  regularity  with  which  they  returned  to  the  station 
of  private  citizens. 

"  It  is,  in  every  point  of  view,  of  such  primary  importance 
to  carry  the  laws  into  prompt  and  faithful  execution,  and  to 
render  that  part  of  the  administration  of  justice,  which  the 
constitution  and  laws  devolve  on  the  Federal  courts,  as  con- 
venient to  the  people  as  may  consist  with  their  present  cir- 
cumstances, that  I  cannot  omit,  once  more,  to  recommend  to 
your  serious  consideration,  the  judiciary  system  of  the  United 
States.  No  subject  is  more  interesting  than  this  to  the  public 
happiness,  and  to  none  can  those  improvements,  which  may 
have  been  suggested  by  experience,  be  more  beneficially  ap- 
plied. 

"  A  treaty  of  amity  and  commerce  with  the  king  of  Prus- 
sia has  been  concluded  and  ratified.  The  ratification  has  been 
exchanged,  and  I  have  directed  the  treaty  to  be  promulgated 
by  proclamation. 

"  The  difficulties  which  suspended  the  execution  of  the  6th 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  313 

article  of  our  treaty  of  amity,  Commerce,  and  Navigation 
with  Great  Britain,  have  not  yet  been  removed.  The  ne- 
gotiation on  this  subject  is  still  depending.  As  it  must  be  for 
the  interest  and  honour  of  both  nations,  to  adjust  this  dif- 
ference with  good  faith,  I  indulge  confidently  the  expectation 
that  the  sincere  endeavours  of  the  government  of  the  United 
States  to  bring  it  to  an  amicable  termination,  will  not  be  dis- 
appointed. 

"  The  Envoys  Extraordinary  and  Ministers  Plenipotentiar}'- 
from  the  United  States  to  France,  were  received  by  the  First 
Consul  with  the  respect  due  to  their  characters ;  and  three 
persons,  with  equal  powers,  were  appointed  to  treat  with  them. 
Although  at  the  date  of  the  last  otficial  intelligence  the  ne- 
gotiation had  not  terminated,  yet  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  our 
efforts  to  effect  an  accommodation  will,  at  length,  meet  with 
a  success  proportioned  to  the  sincerity  with  which  they  have 
been  so  often  repeated. 

"  While  our  best  endeavours  for  the  preservation  of  har- 
mony with  all  nations  will  continue  to  be  used,  the  experience 
of  the  world,  and  our  own  experience,  admonish  us  of  the  in- 
security of  trusting  too  confidently  to  their  success.  We 
cannot,  without  committing  a  dangerous  imprudence,  abandon 
those  measures  of  self-protection,  which  are  adapted  to  our 
situation,  and  to  which,  notwithstanding  our  pacific  policy, 
the  violence  and  injustice  of  others  may  compel  us  to  resort. 
While  our  vast  extent  of  sea-coast,  the  commercial  and  agri- 
cultural habits  of  our  people,  the  great  capital  they  will  con- 
tinue to  trust  on  the  ocean,  suggest  the  system  of  defence 
which  will  be  most  beneficial  to  ourselves,  our  distance  from 
Europe,  and  our  resources  for  maritime  strength,  will  enable 
us  to  employ  it  with  effect.  Seasonable  and  systematic  ar- 
rangements, so  far  as  our  resources  will  justify,  for  a  navy 
adapted  to  defensive  war,  and  which  may  in  case  of  necessity, 
be  quickly  brought  into  use,  seem  to  be  as  much  recommended 
by  a  wise  and  true  economy,  as  by  a  just  regard  for  our  fu- 
ture tranquillity — for  the  safety  of  our  shores,  and  for  the 
protection  of  our  property  committed  to  the  ocean. 

"  The  present  navy  of  the  United  States,  called  suddenly 
into  existence  by  a  great  national  exigency,  has  raised  us  in 
our  own  esteem,  and  by  the  protection  afforded  to  our  com- 
merce, has  effected,  to  the  extent  of  our  expectations,  the  ob- 
ject for  which  it  was  created. 
27 


314  THE   ADMINISTRATION 

"  In  connexion  with  a  navy  ought  to  be  contemplated  the 
fortification  of  some  of  our  principal  sea-ports  and  harbours. 
A  variety  of  considerations,  which  will  readily  suggest  them- 
selves, urged  an  attention  to  this  measure  of  precaution.  To 
give  security  to  our  principal  ports,  considerable  sums  have 
already  been  expended,  but  the  works  remain  incomplete.  It 
is  for  Congress  to  determine  whether  additional  appropria- 
tions shall  be  made,  in  order  to  render  competent  to  the  in- 
tended purposes  the  fortifications  which  have  been  commenced. 

"  The  manufacture  of  arms  within  the  United  States,  still 
invites  the  attention  of  the  national  Legislature.  At  a  con- 
siderable expense  to  the  public,  this  manufactury  has  been 
brought  to  such  a  state  of  maturity  as,  with  continued  encour- 
agement, will  supersede  the  necessity  of  future  importations 
from  foreign  countries. 

"  Gentlemen  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 

"  I  shall  direct  the  estimates  of  the  appropriations  necessary 
for  the  ensuing  year,  together  with  an  account  of  the  public 
revenue  and  expenditure  to  a  like  period,  to  belaid  before  you. 

*'  I  observe  with  much  satisfaction,  that  the  product  of  the 
revenue,  during  the  present  year,  has  been  more  considerable 
than  during  any  former  equal  period.  This  result  affords 
conclusive  evidence  of  the  great  resources  of  this  country,  and 
of  the  wisdom  and  efficiency  of  the  measures  which  have  been 
adopted  by  Congress  for  the  protection  of  commerce,  and  pre- 
servation of  public  credit. 

"  Gentlemen  of  the  Senate,  and 

"  Gentlemen  of  the  House  of  Representatives : 

"  As  one  of  the  grand  community  of  nations,  our  attention 
is  irresistibly  drawn  to  the  important  scenes  which  surround 
us.  If  they  have  exhibited  an  uncommon  portion  of  calamity, 
it  is  the  province  of  humanity  to  deplore,  and  wisdom  to  avoid, 
the  causes  which  may  have  produced  it.  If,  turning  our  eyes 
homeward,  we  find  reason  to  rejoice  at  the  prospect  which 
presents  itself;  if  we  perceive  the  interior  of  our  country 
prosperous,  free,  and  happy ;  if  we  all  enjoy  in  safety,  under 
the  protection  of  laws  emanating  only  from  the  general  will, 
the  fruits  of  our  own  labour,  we  ought  to  fortify  and  cling  to 
those  institutions  which  have  been  the  source  of  much  real 
felicity,  and  resist,  with  unabating  perseverance,  the  progress 
of  those  dangerous  innovations  which  may  diminish  their  in- 
fluence. 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  315 

"  To  your  patriotism,  gentlemen,  has  been  confided  the 
honourable  duty  of  guarding  the  public  interests;  and,  while 
the  past  is  to  your  country  a  sure  pledge  that  it  will  be  faith- 
fully discharged,  permit  me  to  assure  you,  that  your  labours 
to  promote  the  general  happiness  will  receive  from  me  the 
most  zealous  co-operation. 

"  John  Adams. 

"United  States,  November  22,  1800.'" 

The  business  which  principally  occupied  the  attention  of 
Congress  this  session,  was  the  French  treaty,  which  was  signed 
at  Paris  the  3d  of  September,  1800.  As  this  treaty,  next  to 
the  British,  is  the  most  important  w^hich  the  United  States 
ever  contracted,  we  have  thought  proper  to  subjoin  a  copy 
of  it. 

"  The  First  Consul  of  the  French  Republic,  in  the  name  of 
the  French  people,  and  the  President  of  the  United  States  of 
America,  equally  animated  with  a  desire  to  put  an  end  to  the 
differences  which  have  arisen  between  the  two  states,  have 
respectively  nominated  their  plenipotentiaries,  and  invested 
them  with  full  powers  to  negotiate  upon  these  differences,  and 
terminate  them:  that  is  to  say,  the  First  Consul  of  the  French 
Republic,  in  the  name  of  the  French  people,  has  nominated 
for  plenipotentiaries  of  the  said  Republic,  the  citizens  Joseph 
Buonaparte,  ex-ambassador  of  the  French  Republic  at  Rome, 
and  counsellor  of  state;  Charles- Pierre  Claret-Fleurieu,  mem- 
ber of  the  National  Institute,  and  of  the  office  of  longitude  of 
France,  counsellor  of  state,  and  president  of  the  section  of 
marine;  and  Pierre-Louis  Roederer,  member  of  the  National 
Institute,  counsellor  of  state,  and  president  of  the  interior; 
and  the  President  of  the  United  States  of  America,  by  and 
with  the  consent  of  the  Senate  of  said  states,  has  appointed 
for  their  plenipotentiaries,  Oliver  Ellsworth,  chief  justice  of  the 
United  States ;  William  Richardson  Davie,  late  governor  of 
North  Carolina;  and  William  Vans  Murray,  resident  minister 
of  the  United  States  at  the  Hague. 

■'  Who,  after  having  exchanged  their  full  powers,  and 
patiently  and  carefully  discussed  their  respective  interests,  have 
agreed  to  the  following  articles  : 

"1.  There  shall  be  a  firm,  inviolable,  and  universal  peace, 
and  true  and  sincere  friendship  between  the  French  Republic 
and    the  United    States   of  America,  as  well   between  their 


316  THE   ADMINISTRATION 

countries,  territories,  cities,  and  places,  as  between  their 
citizens  and  inhabitants,  without  exception  of  persons  or 
places. 

"  2.  The  ministers  plenipotentiary  of  the  two  parties  not 
being  empowered  at  present  to  agree  relative  to  the  treaty  of 
alliance  of  the  6th  of  February,  1778,  to  the  treaty  of  friend- 
ship and  commerce  of  the  same  date,  and  to  the  convention 
of  the  14th  of  November,  nor  to  the  indemnities  mutually  due 
and  claimed,  the  parties  shall  further  negotiate  upon  these 
points  at  a  convenient  time ;  and  until  they  shall  be  agreed 
upon  these  points,  the  said  treaties  and  convention  shall  have 
no  effect,  and  the  relations  of  the  two  nations  shall  be  regu- 
lated as  follows  : 

"  3.  The  ships  belonging  to  the  state,  taken  on  either  side, 
or  which  may  be  taken  before  the  exchange  of  ratifications, 
shall  be  given  up. 

"  4.  The  properties  captured  and  not  yet  definitely  con- 
demned, or  which  may  be  captured  before  the  exchange  of 
ratifications,  except  contraband  merchandise  destined  for  an 
enemy's  port,  shall  be  mutually  restored  upon  the  following 
proofs  of  property,  viz. 

"  On  the  one  part  and  on  the  other,  the  proofs  of  property 
relative  to  merchant  vessels,  armed  or  unarmed,  shall  be  a 
passport  in  the  following  form  : 

"  To  all  those  to  whom  these  presents  shall  come,  be  it 

known,  that  power  and  permission  has  been  given  to , 

master  or  commander  of  the  vessel  called  the  ,  of  the 

city  of  ,  of  the  burthen  of tons,  or  thereabouts, 

now  lying  in  the  port  or  harbour  of ,  and  destined  for 

,  laden  with ,  that  after  his  ship  has  been  visited, 

and  before  his  departure,  he  shall  make  oath  before  officers 
authorized  for  that  purpose,  that  the  said  ship  belongs  to  one 

or  more  citizens  of ;  the  execution  of  which  form  shall 

be  annexed  to  these  presents,  in  order  that  he  may  observe 
and  cause  to  be  observed  by  his  crew  the  maritime  ordinances 
and  regulations,  and  give  in  a  list,  signed  and  attested,  con- 
taining the  names  and  surnames,  places  of  birth  and  abode,  of 
the  persons  composing  the  crew  of  his  ship,  and  of  all  on 
board  her,  whom  he  shall  not  receive  on  board  without  the 
knowledge  and  permission  of  the  officers  authorized  for  that 
purpose  ;  and  in  every  port  and  harbour  where  he  shall  enter 
with  his  ship,  he  shall  show  the  present  permission  to  the  pro- 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  317 

per  officers,  and  make  to  them  a  faithful  report  of  all  that  has 
passed  during  his  said  voyage,  and  carry  the  colours,  arms, 
and  flags  of  the  French  Republic,  or  the  United  States,  during 
his  said  voyage.  In  testimony  of  which  we  have  signed  these 
presents,  caused  them  to  be  countersigned  by ,  and  there- 
unto put  the  seal  of  our  arms. 

"  Given  at ,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord, ." 

"  And  this  passport  shall  be  sufficient  without  any  other  docu- 
ment, notwithstanding  any  other  regulation  to  the  contrary. 

"It  shall  not  be  necessary  to  renew  or  revoke  this  passport, 
whatever  number  of  voyages  the  said  ship  shall  have  made, 
unless  they  shall  not  have  returned  home  within  the  space  of 
a  year. 

"With  respect  to  the  cargo,  the  proofs  shall  be  certificates 
containing  an  account  of  what  place  the  ship  has  left,  and 
where  it  is  going  to,  so  that  prohibited  and  contraband  mer- 
chandise may  be  distinguished  by  certificates,  which  certificates 
shall  have  been  made  by  the  officers  of  the  place  from  whence 
the  ship  shall  have  set  out,  agreeable  to  the  accustomed  forms 
of  the  country.  And  if  these  passports  or  certificates,  or 
both,  shall  have  been  destroyed  by  accident,  or  taken  away 
by  force,  the  want  of  them  shall  be  supplied  by  every  other 
proof  of  property,  admissible  according  to  the  general  usage 
of  nations, 

"For  other  ships  besides  merchant  ships,  the  proof  shall  be 
the  commissions  they  bear.  This  article  shall  take  effect  from 
the  date  of  the  signature  of  the  present  convention  ;  and  if  by 
the  date  of  the  said  signature,  property  shall  have  been  con- 
demned contrary  to  the  spirit  of  the  said  convention,  and 
previous  to  the  knowledge  of  this  stipulation,  the  property  so 
condemned  shall  be  restored  or  paid  for. 

"  5.  The  debts  contracted  by  either  of  the  two  nations  to- 
wards the  individuals  of  each,  shall  be  acquitted,  or  the  pay- 
ment shall  be  in  course,  as  if  there  had  been  no  misunderstand- 
ing between  the  two  states — but  this  clause  shall  not  extend 
to  indemnities  claimed  for  captures  or  condemnations. 

"  6.  The  trade  between  the  two  parties  shall  be  free — the 
ships  of  the  two  nations,  and  the  privateers  as  well  as  their 
prizes,  shall  be  treated  in  their  respective  ports  as  the  most 
favoured  nation;  and  in  general,  the  two  parties  shall  enjoy  in 
each  other's,  with  respect  to  commerce  and  navigation,  the 
same  privileges  as  the  most  favoured  nations. 
27*  . 


318  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

"7.  The  citizens  and  inhabitants  of  the  United  States  may 
dispose  by  will,  donations,  or  otherwise,  of  their  goods,  move- 
able or  immoveable  property,  possessed  in  the  European  terri- 
tory of  the  French  Republic — and  the  citizens  of  the  French 
Republic  shall  have  the  same  power  with  regard  to  the  goods, 
moveable  and  immoveable  property,  possessed  in  the  territory 
of  the  United  States,  in  favour  of  such  persons  as  they  shall 
think  proper.  The  citizens  and  inhabitants  of  one  of  the  two 
states,  who  shall  be  heirs  of  the  goods,  moveable  and  immove- 
able property,  situate  in  the  other,  may  succeed  ab  inlestat, 
without  there  being  any  necessity  for  letters  of  neutrality, 
and  without  the  effect  of  this  stipulation  being  contested  or 
impeached,  under  any  pretence  whatever — and  the  said  heirs, 
whether  by  private  right  or  ab  iidestat,  shall  be  exempt  from 
all  right  whatever  of  any  one,  in  either  of  the  two  nations. 
It  is  agreed,  that  this  article  shall  not  derogate  in  any  manner 
from  the  laws  which  are  now  in  force  in  either  of  the  two 
nations,  or  which  may  be  promulgated  hereafter  against  emi- 
gration. And  also,  that  in  case  the  laws  of  the  two  states 
shall  limit  to  foreigners  the  exercise  of  the  right  of  immove- 
able  property,  such  immoveable  property  may  be  sold,  or 
otherwise  disposed  in  favour  of  the  inhabitants  or  citizens  of 
the  country  where  they  shall  be  situate ;  and  it  shall  be  open 
to  the  other  nation  to  establish  similar  laws. 

"8.  To  favour  the  commerce  of  both  nations,  it  is  agreed, 
that  if  w'ar  (which  God  forbid)  should  break  out  between  the 
two  nations,  the  merchants  and  other  citizens,  or  respective 
inhabitants,  shall  be  allowed  on  both  sides  six  months  after 
the  declaration  of  war,  during  which  period  they  shall  have 
time  to  retire  with  their  effects  and  moveables,  wliich  they 
may  carry  away  or  sell,  as  they  think  proper,  without  the 
least  impeachment ;  their  effects,  and  still  less  their  per- 
sons, shall  not,  during  the  period  of  six  months,  be  seized. 
On  the  contrary,  they  shall  have  passports  which  shall  be 
valid  for  the  time  necessary  to  enable  them  to  return  home, 
and  those  passports  shall  be  given  for  themselves,  as  well  as  for 
their  ships  and  effects  which  they  shall  desire  to  take  or  send 
away.  These  passports  shall  serve  as  a  protection  against  all 
insidts  and  all  captures  on  the  part  of  privateers,  as  well 
with  regard  to  themselves  as  their  effects ;  and  if  within  the 
term  above  mentioned,  there  shall  have  been  committed  by 
one    of  the   parties,  its   citizens  or   inhabitants,   any  wrong 


OF    JOHN  ADAMS.  319 

towards  their  person  or  their  property,  they  shall  have  com- 
plette  satisfaction. 

"  9.  The  debts  due  by  individuals  of  one  of  the  two  na- 
tions, to  the  individuals  of  the  other,  shall  not,  in  case  of  war 
or  national  dispute,  be  sequestered  or  confiscated,  no  more 
than  the  claims  or  funds  which  shall  be  found  in  the  public 
funds,  or  in  the  public  or  private  banks. 

"  10.  The  two  contracting  parties  may  nominate  for  the 
protection  of  trade,  commercial  agents,  who  shall  reside  in 
France  and  in  the  United  States.  Each  of  the  parties  may 
except  such  place  as  he  shall  judge  proper,  where  the  resi- 
dence shall  be  fixed.  Before  any  agent  can  exercise  his 
functions,  he  must  be  accepted  according  to  the  received  forms 
of  the  party  to  which  he  is  sent,  and  when  he  shall  be  re- 
ceived and  provided  with  his  exequator,  he  shall  enjoy  the 
rights  and  prerogatives  which  are  enjoyed  by  similar  agents  of 
the  most  favoured  nations. 

"  11.  The  citizens  of  the  French  Republic  shall  not  pay,  in 
any  ports,  harbours,  roads,  countries,  islands,  cities,  and  places 
of  the  United  States,  other  or  greater  duties,  or  imposts,  of 
whatever  nature  soever  they  may  be,  and  whatever  names 
they  may  have,  than  those  which  the  most  favoured  nations 
are  or  shall  be  bound  to  pay ;  and  they  shall  enjoy  all  liber- 
ties, rights,  privileges,  immunities  and  exemptions,  relating  to 
trade,  navigation,  and  commerce,  whether  in  passing  from  one 
port  of  the  said  states  to  another,  or  whether  in  going  there 
or  returning  from  some  part  to  another  part  of  the  world, 
that  the  said  nations  enjoy,  or  shall  enjoy,  and  reciprocally 
the  citizens  of  the  United  States  shall  enjoy  in  the  territory 
of  the  French  Republic,  in  Europe,  the  same  privileges  and 
immunities,  as  well  for  their  goods  as  their  persons,  as  for 
what  concerns  trade,  navigation  and  commerce. 

"  12.  The  citizens  of  the  two  nations  may  conduct  their 
vessels  and  their  merchandises,  (always  excepting  such  as  are 
contraband)  from  any  port  to  another  belonging  to  the  enemy 
of  the  other  nation.  They  may  navigate,  with  full  liberty  and 
security,  with  their  ships  and  merchandises,  in  the  countries, 
ports,  and  places  of  the  enemies  of  the  two  parties,  or  of  the 
one  or  the  other  party,  without  obstacles  or  interruption ;  and 
not  only  pass  directly  from  the  places  and  ports  of  the  enemy 
above  mentioned  to  neutral  ports  and  places,  but  from  every 
place  belonging  to  an  enemy,  whether  it  be  or  be  not  subject 


320  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

to  the  same  jurisdiction,  unless  those  places  or  ports  shall  be 
really  blockaded,  besieged,  or  invested. 

"  And  in  case,  as  it  often  happens,  when  vessels  shall  be 
sailing  for  places  or  ports  belonging  to  an  enemy,  ignorant 
that  they  are  blockaded,  besieged,  or  invested,  it  is  agreed 
that  every  ship  which  shall  be  found  under  such  a  predicament, 
shall  be  turned  from  that  place  or  port  without  any  part  of 
his  cargo  being  retained  or  confiscated,  (unless  it  shall  be  con- 
traband, or  it  shall  be  proved  that  the  said  ship,  after  having 
been  informed  of  the  blockade  or  investiture,  attempted  to  enter 
the  same  port)  but  it  shall  be  allowed  to  go  to  any  other  port  or 
place  it  shall  think  proper.  No  ship  of  either  nation,  entered 
into  a  port  or  place  before  it  shall  have  been  really  blockaded, 
besieged,  or  invested  by  the  other,  shall  be  prevented  from 
going  out  with  its  cargo  ;  if  it  shall  be  there  when  the  said 
place  shall  surrender,  the  ship  shall  not  be  confiscated,  but 
sent  away  to  the  proprietors. 

"  13.  To  regulate  what  shall  be  understood  by  contraband 
warlike  stores,  under  this  denomination  shall  be  comprised 
powder,  saltpetre,  petards,  matches,  balls,  bullets,  bombs, 
grenades,  carcasses,  pikes,  halberts,  swords,  belts,  pistols, 
scabbards,  saddles,  cannons,  mortars  with  their  carriages,  and, 
generally,  all  arms  and  ammunition  of  war,  and  utensils  for 
the  use  of  troops.  All  the  above  articles,  whenever  they  shall 
be  destined  for  an  enemy's  port,  are  declared  contraband,  and 
justly  subject  to  confiscation  ;  but  the  ship  in  which  they  shall 
be  laden,  as  well  as  the  rest  of  the  cargo,  shall  be  considered 
as  free,  and  shall  in  no  manner  be  vitiated  bj'  the  contraband 
merchandise,  whether  they  belong  to  the  same  or  different 
proprietors. 

"  14.  It  is  stipulated  by  the  present  treaty,  that  the  free 
ships  shall  equally  insure  the  liberty  of  merchandise,  and  that 
all  things  shall  be  deemed  free  which  are  found  on  board  ships 
belonging  to  the  citizens  of  one  of  the  contracting  parties, 
even  though  the  same,  or  part  of  it,  shall  belong  to  the  enemies 
of  one  of  the  two  ;  provided,  nevertheless,  that  contraband 
goods  are  always  excepted.  It  is  likewise  agreed,  that  this 
same  liberty  shall  extend  to  persons  who  may  be  on  board  the 
free  ships,  though  they  should  be  enemies  of  the  two  contract- 
ing parties,  and  they  shall  not  be  taken  from  the  said  free 
ships  unless  they  are  in  a  military  capacity,  and  actually  in 
the  service  of  the  enemy. 


OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  321 

"  15.  It  is  on  the  contrary  agreed,  that  all  property  which 
shall  be  put,  by  the  respective  citizens,  on  board  ships  belong- 
ing to  an  enemy  of  either  party,  or  their  subjects,  shall  be 
confiscated  without  distinction  of  merchandise,  prohibited  or 
not  prohibited,  so  and  in  like  manner  as  if  it  belonged  to  an 
enemy,  with  the  exception  always  of  property  and  effects 
which  shall  have  been  put  on  board  the  said  ships  before  the 
declaration  of  war,  or  even  after  the  said  declaration,  if  at  the 
time  of  lading  the  party  were  ignorant  of  it ;  so  that  the  mer- 
chandises of  citizens  of  the  two  parties,  whether  they  be  in 
the  number  of  contraband  or  not,  which,  as  has  been  already 
said,  shall  have  been  put  on  board  a  ship  belonging  to  an 
enemy  before  the  war,  or  even  after  the  said  declaration  of 
war,  in  ignorance  of  it,  shall  not  be  in  any  manner  subject  to 
confiscation,  but  shall  be  faithfully  and  truly  given  up  without 
delay,  to  the  owners  claiming  them:  provided,  nevertheless, 
that  they  shall  not  be  permitted  to  carry  into  the  enemy's 
ports,  merchandise  which  shall  be  contraband.  The  two 
contracting  powers  agree,  that  after  a  term  of  two  months 
has  passed  from  the  declaration,  their  respective  citizens,  in 
whatever  part  of  the  world  they  may  be,  shall  be  at  liberty 
to  plead  the  ignorance  mentioned  in  this  article. 

"  16.  Merchant  vessels  belonging  to  citizens  of  either  of 
the  two  contracting  powers,  when  they  shall  have  a  mind  to 
pass  to  the  port  of  an  enemy  of  the  one  or  the  other,  and 
that  their  voyage  as  well  as  the  nature  of  their  cargo  shall 
afford  just  cause  of  suspicion,  the  said  ship  shall  be  obliged  to 
exhibit  at  high  sea,  as  well  as  in  ports  and  roads,  not  only 
their  passports,  but  further  their  certificates,  proving  that  these 
goods  are  not  of  the  class  of  contraband  specified  in  the  13th 
article  of  the  present  convention. 

"  17.  And  in  order  to  prevent  captures  on  frivolous  suspi- 
cions, and  the  damage  thence  resulting,  it  is  agreed  that  when 
one  of  the  tv/o  powers  shall  be  at  war,  and  the  other  neutral, 
the  vessels  of  the  neutral  party  shall  be  provided  with  pass- 
ports similar  to  those  specified  in  the  14th  article,  so  that  it 
may  thence  appear  that  the  parties  belong  to  a  neutral  power. 
These  passports  shall  be  valid  for  any  number  of  voyages 
whatever ;  but  they  shall  be  renewed  every  year,  if  the  ship 
returns  home  within  the  space  of  a  year.  If  these  ships  are 
laden,  they  shall  be  provided  not  only  with  the  passports 
abovementioned,  but  also  with  certificates  of  the  description 


322  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

of  those  mentioned  in  the  same  article,  that  it  may  be  known 
whether  they  have  on  board  any  contraband  goods.  No  other 
papers  shall  be  required,  all  nsage  and  regulations  to  the  con- 
trary notwithstanding;  and  if  it  should  appear  from  these  cer- 
tificates, that  there  is  not  contraband  merchandise  on  hoard, 
the  said  ships  shall  be  left  to  pursue  their  destination.  If,  on 
the  contrary,  it  should  appear  from  these  certificates,  that  the 
said  ships  have  contraband  merchandise  on  board  anrl  the 
commander  offers  to  deliver  them  up,  the  offer  shall  be  ac- 
cepted, and  the  ship  left  at  liberty  to  prosecute  her  voyage, 
unless  the  quantity  of  contraband  goods  should  be  too  great 
to  admit  of  being  taken  on  board  the  ship  of  war  or  cruisers ; 
in  this  case,  the  ships  shall  be  carried  into  port  for  the  pur- 
pose of  delivering  the  said  goods. 

"  Should  a  ship  be  found  with  the  passports  or  the  certifi- 
cates above  required,  the  business  shall  be  examined  by  com- 
petent judges  or  tribunals;  and  if  it  should  appear  from  other 
documents  or  proofs  admissible  by  the  laws  of  nations,  that 
the  ship  belongs  to  citizens  of  the  neutral  power,  it  shall  not 
be  condemned,  and  it  shall  be  set  at  liberty  with  its  cargo, 
(contraband  goods  excepted)  and  shall  have  leave  to  prosecute 
its  voyage. 

"  Should  the  captain  named  in  the  passport  happen  to  die 
or  be  removed,  and  another  shall  have  been  appointed  in  his 
place,  the  ship  and  cargo  shall  be  nevertheless  secure  and  the 
passport  shall  remain  in  full  force. 

"  18.  If  the  vessels  belongino-  to  citizens  of  the  one  nation 
or  the  other  shall  be  met  along  the  coast,  or  on  the  high  seas, 
by  any  ship  of  war  or  cruiser  belonging  to  the  other,  to  pre- 
vent all  disorder,  the  said  ships  or  cruisers  shall  keep  beyond 
the  reach  of  cannon  shot,  and  shall  send  their  boat  on  board 
the  merchant  vessel  so  met  with.  They  shall  not  be  allowed 
to  send  on  board  more  than  two  or  three  men  to  demand  from 
the  master  or  captain  of  the  ship  the  exhibition  of  his  passport 
concerning  the  property  of  said  ship,  executed  agreeably  to 
the  form  prescribed  in  the  14th  article,  as  also  the  certificates 
above  mentioned,  relative  to  the  cargo.  It  is  expressly  agreed, 
that  the  neutral  captain  shall  not  be  obliged  to  go  on  board 
the  visiting  ship  for  the  purpose  of  there  showing  the  papers 
demanded,  or  for  any  other  information  whatever. 

"  19.  It  is  expressly  agreed  by  the  parties,  that  the  above 
stipulations  relative  to  the  conduct  to  be  observed  at  sea,  by 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  323 

the  cruisers  of  the  belligerent  party  towards  the  vessels  of  the 
neutral  party,  shall  apply  only  to  ships  sailing  without  convoy 
— and  in  cases  when  the  said  ships  shall  be  convoyed,  the  in- 
tention of  the  parties  being  to  observe  all  the  respect  due  to 
the  protection  of  the  flag  hoisted  on  board  the  ships  of  the 
state,  no  visit  shall  be  made.  But  the  verbal  declaration  of 
the  commander  of  the  escort,  that  the  ships  under  his  convoy 
belong  to  the  nation  whose  flag  he  carries,  and  they  have  not 
any  thing  contraband  on  board,  shall  be  taken  by  the  respec- 
tive cruisers  as  amply  sufficient.  The  two  parties  bind  them- 
selves reciprocally,  not  to  admit  under  protection  of  their  con- 
voys, any  vessels  carrying  contraband  merchandise  destined 
for  an  enemy. 

"  20.  In  cases  when  the  ships  shall  be  taken  or  stopped, 
under  alleged  grounds  of  their  carrying  any  contraband  arti- 
cles to  the  enemy,  the  captors  shall  give  a  receipt  of  the  ship's 
papers  which  he  shall  detain,  which  receipt  shall  be  subjoined 
to  a  declaratory  list  of  the  said  papers.  He  shall  not  be  per- 
mitted to  force  open  the  hatches,  costers,  chests,  drawers, 
bales,  &c.  found  on  board  ships,  nor  to  carry  off  the  smallest 
article  of  the  effects,  before  the  cargo  has  been  disembarked, 
in  presence  of  the  officers  competent  to  make  an  inventory  of 
the  said  effects.  They  cannot  in  any  manner  be  sold,  ex- 
changed, or  alienated,  unless,  after  a  legal  process,  the  compe- 
tent judge  or  judges  have  passed  upon  the  said  effects,  a  sen- 
tence of  confiscation,  (excepting  always  the  ship  and  the  other 
objects  that  it  contains.) 

"  21.  In  order  that  the  vessel  and  the  cargo  may  be  watched 
with  care,  and  in  order  to  prevent  mistakes,  it  is  decreed,  the 
master,  captain,  or  supercargo  of  the  captured  ship  cannot  be 
taken  from  on  board,  either  while  the  ship  is  at  sea  after  being 
taken,  during  the  proceedings  against  it,  its  cargo,  or  any 
thing  relative  to  it. 

"  In  case  of  the  ship  belonging  to  either  party  being  taken, 
seized,  and  retained  for  judgment,  its  officers,  passengers,  and 
crew  shall  be  treated  with  humanity — they  cannot  be  impri- 
soned, nor  deprived  of  their  clothes  nor  pocket  money,  not 
exceeding  for  the  captain,  supercargo,  and  second,  five  hun- 
dred dollars  each,  and  for  the  sailors  and  passengers,  one 
hundred  dollars  each. 

"  22.  It  is  moreover  agreed  on,  that  in  every  case  the  tri- 
bunals appointed  in  prize  causes  in  the  countries  whither  the 


324  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

prizes  shall  be  taken,  shall  alone  be  competent  to  try  them  ; 
and  every  judgment  which  the  tribunal  of  either  party  pro- 
nounces against  a  ship,  or  merchandise,  or  property  reclaimed 
by  the  citizens  of  the  other  party,  the  sentence  or  decree  shall 
make  mention  of  the  reasons  or  motives  which  have  deter- 
mined this  judgment,  of  which  an  authentic  copy,  as  well  as 
of  all  the  proceedings  relative  to  it,  shall,  on  their  requisition, 
be  delivered  without  delay  to  the  captain  or  agent  of  the  said 
ship,  after  paying  the  expenses. 

"  23.  And  finally,  in  order  more  effectually  to  provide  for 
the  respective  security  of  the  citizens  of  the  two  contracting 
parties,  and  to  prevent  the  injuries  to  be  feared  from  ships  of 
war,  or  privateers  of  either  party,  all  the  commanders  of  ships 
of  war  or  privateers,  and  all  the  citizens  of  both  parties,  shall 
refrain  from  all  violence  against  one  another,  and  from  every 
personal  insult.  If  they  act  in  a  contrary  manner,  they  shall 
be  punished,  and  bound  over  in  their  persons  and  properties  to 
give  satisfaction  and  reparation  for  the  damage,  with  interest, 
of  whatever  kind  the  said  damage  may  be. 

"  To  this  effect  all  the  captains  of  privateers,  before 
receiving  their  commissions,  shall  become  bound  before  a 
competent  judge,  to  give  security  by  two  responsible  citizens 
at  least,  who  shall  have  no  interest  in  the  said  privateer,  and 
whom  each,  as  well  as  the  captain,  shall  engage  individually 
for  the  sum  of  7000  dollars,  or  36,820  francs ;  if  the  said 
vessels  carry  more  than  150  sailors  or  soldiers,  for  the  sum  of 
15,000  dollars,(73,670)francs,  which  shall  serve  to  repair  the 
damage  that  the  said  privateers,  their  officers  or  crews,  or  any 
of  them,  shall  have  committed  during  their  cruise  contrary  to 
the  disposition  of  the  present  convention,  or  to  the  laws  and 
instructions  which  ought  to  be  the  rule  of  their  conduct ;  be- 
sides this,  the  said  commission  shall  be  revoked  and  annulled 
in  every  case  where  an  aggression  has  been  committed. 

"  24.  When  the  ships  of  war  of  the  two  contracting  parties, 
or  those  which  their  citizens  shall  have  armed,  shall  be  ad- 
mitted with  their  prizes  into  the  ports  of  either  of  the  two 
parties,  the  said  public  or  private  vessels,  as  well  as  their  pri- 
zes, shall  not  be  obliged  to  pay  any  duties,  either  to  the 
officers  of  the  place,  or  to  the  judges,  or  to  any  others.  The 
said  prizes  entering  the  harbours  or  ports  of  one  of  the 
two  parties,  shall  not  be  arrested  or  seized,  and  the  officer  of 
the  place  shall  not  take  cognizance  of  the  validity  of  the  said 


OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  325 

prizes,  which  are  to  be  suffered  to  go  out,  and  be  conducted 
•with  full  freedom  and  liberty  to  their  ports,  by  the  commissions 
which  the  captains  of  the  said  vessels  shall  be  obliged  to 
show.  It  is  always  understood,  that  the  stipulations  of  this 
article  shall  not  extend  beyond  the  privilege  of  the  most 
favoured  nation. 

"  25.  All  foreign  privateers  having  commissions  from  a 
State  or  Prince  at  war  with  the  one  or  the  other  nation,  can- 
not arm  their  vessels  in  the  ports  of  either  nation,  or  dispose 
of  the  prizes  there,  or  in  any  manner  exchange  them.  They 
shall  not  be  allowed  to  buy  provisions  further  than  the  neces- 
sary quantity  to  gain  the  nearest  port  of  the  State  or  Prince 
from  whom  they  shall  have  received  their  commissions. 

"  26.  It  is  further  agreed,  that  neither  of  the  two  contract- 
ing parties  shall  receive  pirates  in  its  ports,  roads,  or  cities, 
and  shall  not  permit  any  of  its  inhabitants  to  receive,  protect, 
support,  or  conceal  them  in  any  manner,  but  shall  deliver  up 
to  due  punishment  such  of  its  inhabitants  as  shall  be  guilty  of 
the  like  acts  or  crimes ;  the  ships  of  those  pirates,  as  well  as 
their  effects  and  merchandise,  shall  be  seized,  wherever  they 
shall  be  discovered,  and  restored  to  their  proprietors,  agents 
or  factors,  duly  authorized  by  them,  after  having  proved  their 
right  before  judges  competent  to  decide  respecting  the  property. 

"  If  the  said  effects  have  passed  by  sale  into  other  hands, 
and  the  purchasers  were  or  might  be  informed,  or  have  sus- 
pected that  the  said  effects  were  carried  away  by  pirates,  they 
shall  be  equally  restored. 

"  27.  Neither  of  the  two  nations  shall  interfere  in  the  fish- 
eries of  the  other  upon  its  coasts,  or  disturb  it  in  the  exercise 
of  the  rights  which  it  now  has  or  may  acquire  on  the  coasts 
of  Newfoundland,  in  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence,  or  elsewhere 
on  the  coast  of  America,  or  in  the  north  of  the  United  States ; 
but  the  whale  and  seal  fishery  shall  be  free  for  the  two  na- 
tions in  all  parts  of  the  world. 

"  The  convention  shall  be  ratified  on  both  sides  in  due 
form,  and  the  ratification  exchanged  in  the  space  of  six 
months,  or  sooner  if  it  be  possible.  In  faith  whereof,  the  re- 
spective plenipotentiaries  have  signed  the  above  articles,  as 
•well  in  the  French  as  in  the  English  language,  and  have 
placed  their  seals,  declaring,  nevertheless,  that  the  signature 
in  two  languages  shall  not  be  cited  as  an  example,  and  shall 
not  prejudice  either  of  the  two  parties. 
28 


326  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

"  Done  at  Paris,  the  8th  day  of  Vendemaire,  the  9th  year 
of  the  French  RepubUc,  and  the  3d  day  of  September,  1800. 

"Joseph  Buonaparte, 
C.  P,  Flurieu, 
(Signed)  Rcederer, 

Oliver  Elsworth, 
W.  R.  Davie, 
W.  V.  Murray. 
"  An  exact  copy, 

"  C.  M.  Talleyrand." 

The  above  treaty  was  canvassed  in  the  senate  on  the  8th 
of  January,  and  agreed  to,  excepting  the  2d  and  3d  articles, 
which  were  rejected.  The  rejection  of  these  articles  on  the 
part  of  America,  was  both  imprudent  and  impolitic;  for  by 
the  rejection  of  the  2d  article,  the  very  intention  and  design 
upon  which  negotiation  was  commenced,  was  both  opposed 
and  defeated.  Indemnities  were  not  only  virtually  relin- 
quished, but  the  proposal  for  appointing  a  convenient  time  to 
negotiate  upon  them,  was  rejected.  The  rejection  of  the  3d 
article  necessarily  followed  that  of  the  former,  and  this  article 
seems  to  have  been  the  true  pretext  for  rejecting  the  preced- 
ing— but  the  obvious  intention,  in  rejecting  these  articles,  can 
only  be  traced  to  one  source:  the  motives  which  actuated  the 
desire  for  a  war,  actuated  also  the  opposition  to  negotiation  ; 
for  the  same  men  who  opposed  the  mission  to  France,  op- 
posed also  the  adjustment  of  differences  upon  principles  of 
equity. 

Mr.  Bingham  proposed  the  19th  article  to  be  struck  out, 
but  his  motion  was  negatived  by  a  majority  of  fifteen. 

The  mode  of  proceeding  in  the  election  of  President,  in  the 
event  of  the  President  and  Vice-President's  votes  being  equal, 
was  brought  before  the  House  of  Representatives,  on  the  9th 
of  February.  Messrs.  Rutledge,  Nicholas,  Griswold,  Ma- 
con, Bayard,  Taliaferro,  Foster,  Claiborne,  Otis,  Davis,  Mor- 
ris, Champlin,  Baer,  Cooper,  Linn  and  Woods,  who  were  ap- 
pointed the  committee  to  arrange  this  business,  presented  the 
following  resolutions,  which  were  accepted  of: 

1.  In  the  event  of  its  appearing,  upon  the  counting  and 
ascertaining  of  the  votes  given  for  the  President  and  Vice- 


OF     JOHN    ADAMS.  327 

President,  according  to  the  mode  prescribed  by  the  constitu- 
tion, that  no  person  has  a  constitutional  majority,  and  the 
same  shall  have  been  duly  declared  and  entered  on  the  journals 
of  this  house,  the  speaker,  accompanied  by  the  members  of  the 
house,  shall  return  to  their  chamber. 

"  2d.  Seats  shall  be  provided  in  this  house  for  the  President 
and  members  of  the  Senate  ;  and  notification  of  the  same  shall 
be  made  to  the  Senate. 

"od.  The  house  on  their  return  from  the  Senate  chamber,  it 
being  ascertained  that  the  constitutional  number  of  states  are 
present,  shall  immediately  proceed  to  choose  one  of  the  per- 
sons, from  whom  the  choice  is  to  be  made,  for  President ;  and 
in  case  upon  the  first  ballot  there  shall  not  appear  to  be  a 
majority  of  the  states  in  favour  of  one  of  them,  the  house  shall 
continue  to  ballot  for  a  President,  without  interruption  by 
other  business,  until  it  shall  appear  that  a  President  is  duly 
chosen. 

"  4th.  After  commencing  the  balloting  for  President,  the 
house  shall  not  adjourn  until  a  choice  be  made. 

"  5th.  The  doors  of  the  house  shall  be  closed  during  the 
balloting,  except  against  the  officers  of  the  house. 

"  6th.  In  balloting,  the  following  mode  shall  be  observed, 
to  wit:  The  representatives  of  the  respective  states  shall  be  so 
seated,  that  the  delegation  of  each  state  shall  be  together. 
The  representatives  of  each  state  shall,  in  the  first  instance, 
ballot  among  themselves,  in  order  to  ascertain  the  vote  of  that 
state  ;  and  it  shall  be  allowed,  where  deemed  necessary  by  the 
delegation,  to  name  one  or  more  persons  of  the  representation 
to  be  tellers  of  the  ballots.  After  the  vote  of  each  state  is 
ascertained,  duplicates  thereof  shall  be  made ;  and  in  case  the 
vote  of  the  state  be  for  one  person,  then  the  name  of  that 
person  shall  be  written  on  each  of  the  duplicates  ;  and  in  case 
the  ballots  of  the  state  be  equally  divided,  then  the  word 
'divided'  shall  be  written  on  each  duplicate,  and  the  said 
duplicates  shall  be  deposited  in  manner  hereafter  prescribed,  in 
boxes  to  be  provided.  That  for  the  conveniently  taking  the 
ballots  of  the  several  representatives  of  the  respective  states, 
there  be  sixteen  ballot  boxes  provided  for  the  purpose  of  re- 
ceiving the  votes  of  the  states — after  the  delegation  of  each 
state  shall  have  ascertained  the  vote  of  the  state,  the  Serjeant 
at  arms  shall  carry  to  the  respective  delegations  the  two  ballot 


328  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

boxes,  and  the  delegation  of  each  state,  in  the  presence  and 
subject  to  the  examination  of  all  the  members  of  the  delegation, 
shall  then  deposit  a  duplicate  of  the  vote  of  the  state  in  each 
ballot  box ;  and  where  there  is  more  than  one  representative 
of  a  state,  the  duplicates  shall  not  both  be  deposited  by  the 
same  person.  When  the  votes  of  the  states  are  all  thus  taken 
in,  the  serjeant  at  arms  shall  carry  one  of  the  general  ballot 
boxes  to  one  table,  and  the  others  to  a  second  and  separate 
table.  Sixteen  members  shall  be  appointed  as  tellers  of  the  bal- 
lots; one  of  whom  shall  be  taken  from  each  state,  and  be  nomi- 
nated by  the  delegation  of  the  state  from  which  he  was  taken. 
The  said  tellers  shall  be  divided  into  two  equal  sets  according 
to  such  agreement  as  shall  be  made  among  themselves ;  and 
one  of  the  said  sets  of  tellers  shall  proceed  to  count  the  votes 
in  one  of  the  said  boxes,  and  the  other  set  the  votes  in  the 
other  box — and  in  the  event  of  no  appointment  of  tellers  by 
any  delegation,  the  speaker  shall  in  such  case  appoint.  When 
the  votes  of  the  states  are  counted  by  the  respective  sets  of 
tellers,  the  result  shall  be  reported  to  the  House,  and  if  the 
reports  agree,  the  same  shall  be  accepted  as  the  true  votes  of 
the  states ;  but  if  the  reports  disagree,  the  states  shall  imme- 
diately proceed  to  a  new  ballot  in  manner  aforesaid. 

"  7th.  If  either  of  the  persons  voted  for  shall  have  a  ma- 
jority of  the  votes  of  all  the  states,  the  Speaker  shall  declare 
the  same  ;  and  official  notice  thereof  shall  be  immediately 
given  to  the  President  of  the  United  States,  and  to  the  Senate. 

"  8th.  All  questions  which  shall  arise  after  the  balloting 
commences,  and  which  shall  require  the  decision  of  the  house, 
shall  be  decided  without  debate." 

On  Wednesday  the  11th  of  February,  according  to  the 
rules  of  proceeding  established  by  the  house,  they  proceeded 
to  the  senate  chamber,  where  (Mr.  Nicholas  and  Mr.  Rut- 
ledge,  the  tellers  on  the  part  of  the  house,  and  Mr.  Wells  on 
the  part  of  the  Senate)  the  votes  were  counted  and  the  result 
declared  by  the  Vice  President  to  be, 

For  Thomas  Jefferson,     73         John  Adams,  65 

Aaron  Burr,  73         C.  C.  Pinckney,         64 

John  Jay,     1. 


OF    JOHN    ADAMS.  329 

The  following  table  represents  the  return  of  votes  from  the 
different  states  : 

Return  of  votes  for  President  and  Vice  President  of  the  United  States. 

Jefferson.       Burr.       Adams.       Pinckney.     Ko.  Voles. 


New  Hampshire, 

0 

0 

6 

6 

6 

Vermont, 

0 

0 

4 

4 

4 

Massachusetts, 

0 

0 

16 

16 

16 

Rhode  Island, 

0 

0 

4 

3 

4 

Connecticut, 

0 

0 

9 

9 

9 

New  York, 

12 

12 

0 

0 

12 

New  Jersey, 

0 

0 

7 

7 

7 

Pennsylvania, 

8 

8 

7 

7 

15 

Delaware, 

0 

0 

3 

3 

3 

Maryland, 

5 

5 

5 

5 

10 

Virginia, 

21 

21 

0 

0 

21 

North  Carolina, 

8 

8 

4 

4 

12 

South  Carolina, 

8 

8 

0 

0 

8 

Georgia, 

4 

4 

0 

0 

4 

Tennessee, 

3 

3 

0 

0 

3 

Kentucky, 

4 

4 

0 

0 

4 

Total,  73  73  65  64         138 

Rhode  Island  was  the  state  which  gave  the  single  vote  for 
Mr.  Jay. 

The  tellers  declared  there  was  some  informality  in  the  votes 
of  Georgia,  but  believing  them  to  be  true  votes,  reported  them 
as  such. 

The  Vice-President  then,  in  pursuance  of  the  duty  enjoined 
upon  him,  declared,  that  Thomas  Jefferson,  and  Aaron  Burr, 
being  equal  in  the  number  of  votes,  it  remained  for  the  House 
of  Representatives  to  determine  the  choice. 

The  two  houses  then  separated,  and  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives returned  to  their  chamber,  where  seats  had  been 
previously  prepared  for  the  members  of  the  Senate — a  call  of 
the  members  of  the  house,  arranged  according  to  States,  was 
then  made  ;  upon  which  it  appeared  that  every  member  was 
present,  except  General  Sumpter,  who  was  unwell  and  unable 
to  attend.  Mr.  Nicholson,  of  Maryland,  was  also  unwell, 
but  attended,  and  had  a  bed  prepared  for  him  in  one  of  the 
28* 


330  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

committee  rooms,  to  which  place  the  ballot  box  was  carried 
to  him,  by  the  tellers  appointed  on  the  part  of  the  state. 

The  first  ballot  was  eight  states  for  Mr.  Jefferson,  six  for 
Mr.  Burr,  and  two  divided ;  which  result  continued  to  be  the 
same  after  balloting  thirty-five  times.  The  thirty-sixth  ballot 
determined  the  question ;  and  rescued  America  from  the  hands 
of  an  administration,  whose  crimes  will  be  long  felt  and  ever 
remembered. 

This  important  decision  took  place  at  twelve  o'clock  on  the 
17th  of  February.  There  appeared  for  Mr.  Jefferson  ten 
States,  for  Mr.  Burr,  four  States,  and  the  remaining  two 
were  blank  ballots. 

The  states  which  voted  for  Mr.  Jefferson,  were,  Georgia, 
North  Carolina,  Tennessee,  Kentucky,  Virginia,  Maryland, 
Pennsylvania,  New  Jersey,  New  York,  and  Vermont.  The 
states  for  Mr.  Burr,  were.  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts, 
Connecticut,  and  Rhode  Island.  The  blank  states  were 
Delaware,  and  South  Carolina. 

Such  was  the  result  of  the  most  important  election  which 
America  had  yet  witnessed.  The  conduct  of  the  federalists 
on  this  occasion,  must  be  considered  by  impartial  men  of  every 
party,  to  have  been  the  most  disgraceful  that  could  have  been 
adopted  ;  for  when  disappointed  by  the  voice  of  the  people 
of  having  Mr.  Adams  returned  as  President,  they  used  every 
possible  means  to  throw  their  country  into  confusion — to 
effect  which,  they  voted  for  Mr.  Burr,  in  hopes  that  by  this 
measure  neither  he  or  Mr.  Jefferson  would  be  elected,  and 
that  consequently  the  constitution  would  be  dissolved. 

That  Mr.  Burr  had  neither  any  intention  or  desire  to  be 
elected  President,  is  evident  from  the  following  extract  of  a 
letter  to  General  Smith — the  sentiments  of  which  do  Mr.  Burr 
the  greatest  credit. 

"  It  is  highly  improbable  that  I  shall  have  an  equal  num- 
ber of  votes  with  Mr.  Jefferson.  But  if  such  should  be  the 
result,  every  man  who  knows  me,  ought  to  know,  that  1 
would  utterly  disclaim  all  competition.  Be  assured  that  the 
federal  party  can  entertain  no  wish  for  such  an  exchange. 

"  As  to  my  friends,  they  would  dishonour  my  views  and 
insult  my  feelings  by  a  suspicion  that  I  would  submit  to  be 
instrumental  in  counteracting  the  wishes  and  expectations  of 
the  United  Sates.  And  I  now  constitute  you  my  proxy  to 
declare  these  sentiments  if  the  occasion  shall  require." 


OF    JOHN   ADAMS.  331 

In  approaching  towards  the  close  of  federalism,  the  number 
of  facts  which  display  the  profligacy  of  the  late  administra- 
tion, are  so  many,  that  I  have  felt  at  a  loss  how  to  select  or 
how  to  conclude  the  few  remaining  pages  of  this  volume,  in 
which  I  intended  to  have  comprised  the  principal  transactions 
that  characterized  the  reign  of  Mr.  Adams.  Had  they  been 
of  a  favourable  nature  either  to  virtue  or  humanity,  I  certainly 
would  have  deemed  it  incumbent  upon  me  rather  to  have 
sported  with  the  patience  of  the  reader,  by  extending  the 
limits  of  the  work,  than  to  have  omitted  them ;  but  viewing 
only  an  ocean  of  folly  and  vice,  or,  if  I  may  be  allowed  the 
expression,  a  pandemonium  of  political  intrigue,  the  sooner  I 
withdraw  from  the  painful  scene,  I  trust  will  be  more  accept- 
able both  to  the  liberal  patriot  and  the  less  candid  monarchist. 

Committing  the  fires  at  Washington  to  the  charge  of  some 
future  historian,  who  may  have  it  more  in  his  power  to  expose 
to  the  public  eye  those  Cataline  conflagrations,  I  shall  only 
glance  at  such  circumstances  as  appear  most  important  in  the 
public  and  private  history  of  Mr.  Adams. 

The  dismissal  of  Timothy  Pickermg  and  James  M'Heriry, 
the  former  from  the  office  of  secretary  of  state,  and  the  latter 
from  that  of  secretary  of  war,  with  the  appointment  of  Gene- 
ral Marshall  and  Samuel  Dexter  to  their  places,  have  been 
generally  supposed,  and  not  without  reason,  to  have  proceeded 
from  the  political  schism  which  took  place  at  Trenton ;  but 
the  original  quarrel  between  Mr.  Adams  and  Mr.  Pickering,  I 
have  been  lately  informed,  from  the  best  authority,  was  of  a 
longer  standing.  It  arose  upon  the  nomination  of  Mr.  John- 
son to  the  stamp  office.  Mr.  Johnson  was  a  tory,  and  adhered 
to  or  fled  with  the  British  after  our  revolution,  and  resided  in 
England  until  within  the  last  three  years,  where  John  Quincy 
Adams  married  a  daughter  of  Mr.  Johnson.  Upon  the  nomi- 
nation of  this  gentleman,  Mr.  Pickering  had  the  honesty  to 
offer  his  opinion  against  him.     {See  Jlppendix.) 

Mr.  Adams  has  had  the  credit  of  proposing  to  make  the 
president's  office  hereditary  in  the  family  of  Lund  Washing- 
ton, the  General  having  no  heirs.  This  fact,  however,  is  not 
ascertained  as  to  period  or  place,  and  it  appears  either  contra- 
dictory or  a  mark  of  additional  instability  of  character,  when 
considered  with  another  fact  satisfactorily  authenticated.  At 
the  manufactory  of  Seve,  near  Paris,  there  is  made  the  finest 
porcelain  in  the  world. — The  directors  of  that  work,  soon 


332  THE    ADMINISTRATION 

after  the  peace  of  1783,  had  executed  a  miniature  of  General 
Washington,  and  another  of  Dr.  Franklin,  executed  in  porce- 
lain, and  beautifully  ornamented.  Over  the  bust  of  General 
Washington  the  courtly  fancy  of  the  artist  had  placed  a  regal 
crown,  over  that  of  the  doctor,  a  cap  of  liberty.  These 
miniatures  were  exhibited  for  some  time  in  the  chamber  of 
Congress,  and  there  Mr.  Adams,  with  a  pen-knife,  mutilated 
the  crown  placed  over  the  General's  head.  The  doctor's 
miniature  escaped  the  hand  of  the  Goth,  by  the  accidental  in- 
terposition of  a  member  of  Congress.  The  porcelain  minia- 
ture of  the  General  exists  still  in  its  mutilated  state,  and  it  is 
believed  is  in  the  possession  of  Mrs.  Washington. 

The  enmity  which  Mr.  Adams  exhibited  against  the  me- 
mory of  Dr.  Franklin  is  also  strongly  marked  by  the  persecu- 
tions of  Mr.  Bache,  the  grandson  of  Dr.  Franklin.  Upon  the 
appointment  of  John  Quincy  Adams  to  the  several  embassies 
in  Europe,  there  appeared  in  the  newspapers,  published  by 
Mr.  Bache,  some  strictures  on  the  7iepotis7n  which  Mr.  Adams 
pursued  in  creating  offices  for  his  relations.  A  letter  was  ad- 
dressed to  Mr.  Bache,  calling  on  him,  as  the  school-fellow  of 
young  John,  to  refrain  from  such  strictures.  The  letter  was 
in  a  female  hand,  and  a  gentleman  who  was  acquainted  with 
the  hand-writing  of  Mrs.  Adams,  asserted  it  to  be  from  her 
pen.  Mr.  Bache  not  choosing  to  comply  with  the  request  of 
a  woman,  when  the  interest  of  his  country  was  at  stake,  suf- 
fered afterwards  the  most  rigorous  treatment  from  the  whole 
family  of  our  late  President. 

Parental  affection  may,  in  the  breast  of  some,  excuse  Mr, 
Adams  for  employing  his  son  in  a  sphere  where  he  might  ac- 
quire political  knowledge ;  but  it  ought  not  to  be  forgotten, 
that  it  was  at  the  public  expense. 

Some  idea  of  the  unnecessary  expenses  that  were  incurred 
during  the  administration  of  Mr.  Adams  may  be  formed  from 
the  following  account  of  contingencies  during  the  year  1800. 

"  Gentlemen  of  the  Senate,  and 

"  Gentlemen  of'  the  House  of  Representatives. 

"  I  now  transmit  to  both  houses  of  Congress,  in  conformity 
to  law,  my  annual  account  of  the  application  of  grants  for  the 
contingent  charges  of  government  for  the  year  one  thousand 
eight  hundred. 

"  John  Adams. 
"United  States,  January  16,  1801." 


OF    JOHN   ADAMS.  333 

"  January  21,  1800.— To  warrant  No.  497,  in  fa- 
vour of  William  Smith  Shaw,  for  his  expenses 
on  a  mission  from  Philadelphia  to  Mount  Vernon, 
on  public  business,         _         _         _  -         -  $         50 

"  December  '61. — To  balance  unexpended  on  this 
day,  and  subject  to  the  orders  of  the  President 
of  the  United  States,  .         .        -        -  19,950 

120,000 


"  December  31, 1799. — By  grant  of  twenty  thousand 
dollars,  made  by  '  An  act  making  appropriations  for 
the  support  of  government,  for  the  year  1799,' 
passed  on  the  2d  March,  1799,  and  which  remained 
subject  to  the  orders  of  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  at  the  close  of  that  year,  according  to  a 
statement  rendered  under  date  of  January  17, 1800,  $  20,000 

Treasury  Department,  Register's  Office,  January  14,  1791. 

"  Joseph  Nourse,  Register." 

"  TREASURY  DEPARTMENT. 

"  December  30,  1800. 
"  I  hereby  certify,  that  I  have  examined  and  adjusted  an 
account  between  the  United  States  and  Oliver  Wolcott,  sec- 
retary of  the  treasury,  and  find  the  sum  of  five  hundred  and 
ten  dollars  and  eighty-four  cents  is  due  from  the  United  States 
vmto  Edward  Jones,  his  assignee ;  being  the  amount  of  expen- 
ses incurred  by  him  on  his  removal  from  Philadelphia  to  the 
City  of  Washington,  as  appears  from  the  statement  and 
vouchers  herewith  transmitted  for  the  decision  of  the  comp- 
troller of  the  Treasury  thereon. — $510  84. 

"  R.  Harrison,  Auditor. 
"  To  John  Steele,  Esq.  Comptroller." 

"  COMPTROLLER'S  OFFICE. 

"  I  admit  and  certify  the  above  balance  this  thirtieth  day 
of  December,  1800. 

"  John  Steele,  Comptroller. 
"  To  Joseph  Nourse,  Esq.  Register." 


334  THE   ADMINISTRATION 

"  Account  of  expenses  incurred  by  Oliver  Wolcott,  in  con- 
sequence of  the  removal  of  the  government,  from  Philadelphia 
to  the  City  of  Washington  : 

Dolls.  Cts. 
"  For  chests  and  cases,  and   expenses  of  packing 

furniture,  152  45 

"  Porterage  and  other  small  expenses,  31  97 

"  House-rent  in  Philadelphia,  66  66 

"  Freight  of  baggage  and  furniture,  43  92 

"  Loss  on  the  sale  of  sundry  articles  of  furniture,  (at 

least)  50  00 

"  Extra  expenses  at  Philadelphia,  and  in  travelling, 

and  at  the  City  of  Washington,  165  84 


510  84 


December  29,  1800. 
"  I  authorise  Edward  Jones,  Esq.  to  receive  payment  of 
the  above  account  (of  this  statement)  for  my  use. 

Oliver  Wolcott. 

"  N.  B.  Part  of  my  furniture  remains  at  Philadelphia,  the 
storage  and  removal  of  which  will  occasion  further  expense, 
which  in  my  opinion,  ought  to  be  borne  by  the  United  States, 
and  will  accordingly  be  claimed  by  me  when  the  amount  of 
said  expense  is  ascertained. 

"  Oliver  Wolcott." 


The  credulity  with  which  Mr.  Adams  is  possessed,  cannot 
be  better  exemplified  than  by  the  following  story: 

In  the  summer  of  1799,  a  person  waiter!  on  Mr.  Boudinot, 
director  of  the  mint,  and  after  soliciting  a  private  interview, 
produced  several  ingots  of  metal  of  a  dusky  white  colour,  and 
left  them  with  Mr.  Boudinot,  desiring  that  they  might  be  as- 
sayed, and  he  would  call  again  to  learn  the  result,  and  make 
a  very  important  discovery.  The  ingots  were  found  to  be  one- 
half  pure  tin,  the  remaining  half  pure  silver.  The  person  on 
calling,  informed  Mr.  Boudinot,  that  he  had  been  so  fortunate 
as  to  discover  a  chemical  process,  by  which  tin  was  converted 
into  silver,  and  that  the  silver  ingots  which  he  had  left  were 
so  produced.  He  suggested  to  Mr.  Boudinot  the  advantages 
which  the  country  would  derive  by  having  all  its  silver  bullion 


OF    JOHN   ADAMS.  335 

created  at  home,  and  that  by  a  proper  use  of  the  secret,  the  mint 
might  command  the  universe — that  it  was  a  dangerous  thing  for 
him  to  possess  it,  but  that  he  was  wilHng  to  engage  with  the 
mint  to  produce  a  given  quantity  exclusively  for  the  mint.  Mr. 
Boudinot  was  in  raptures,  and  solicited  the  chemist  to  call  upon 
him  the  next  day.  The  director  of  the  American  mint  waited 
directly  on  the  President  Adams,  and  to  him  communicated 
the  secret.  The  whole  of  the  conversation  on  this  momentous 
discovery  we  cannot  detail;  but  it  appears  that  Mr.  Adams 
was  equally  impressed  with  the  importance  and  value  of  the 
secret,  and  expressed  very  serious  apprehensions,  that  if  the 
secret  were  not  confined  to  himself,  the  director  of  the  mint, 
and  the  alchemist,  the  power  which  it  might  give  would  not 
only  endanger  the  government,  but  by  the  capacity  which  it 
gave  of  increasing  the  quantity  of  bullion,  produce  the  same 
consequences  as  the  discovery  of  the  American  mines  had  on  the 
Spanish  monarchy.  The  importance  of  preserving  the  secret 
inviolate  and  exclusively  to  themselves,  was  forcibly  impressed, 
and  the  negotiation  for  securing  it  intrusted  to  the  sagacity 
and  discretion  of  the  director. 

On  the  next  day  the  alchemist  produced  some  more  ingots, 
but  alarms  of  the  yellow  fever  were  then  general,  and  he 
pointed  out  the  necessity  of  removing  the  furnaces,  and  erect- 
ing them  at  some  safe  distance  from  the  city.  A  situation  on 
the  Delaware,  in  New  Jersey,  was  named,  and  after  some  pre- 
liminaries as  to  the  necessity  of  secrecy,  of  which  the  chemist 
appeared  to  be  equally  earnest  with  the  director,  there  re- 
mained nothing  more  to  be  done  than  to  rem.ove  the  apparatus 
and  procure  the  requisite  quantity  of  the  rate  material.  For 
these  purposes,  several  hundred  hard  dollars  of  the  vulgar 
silver  of  South  America  were  advanced ;  and  the  chemist,  to 
prevent  any  suspicions  in  the  minds  of  those  who  might  chance 
to  see  the  ingots,  took  the  tin  ingots  with  a  view  to  convert 
them  into  silver,  and  the  silver  ingots  to  pack  up  with  the 
quantity  that  was  to  form  the  first  delivery  for  public  use. 

The  director  left  town  along  with  others  who  were  appre- 
hensive of  the  contagion,  and  the  chemist  departed  likewise. 
Upon  the  return  of  Mr.  Boudinot  to  Philadelphia,  he  made 
inquiries  for  his  friend  the  chemist,  but  unhappily  without  suc- 
cess ;  upon  communicating  this  information  to  the  President, 
he  drily  observed,  the  man  must  have  died  of  the  yellow  fever, 
and  perhaps  fortunately  for  the  world.     But  it  appears  that 


336  THE     ADMINISTRATION  OF  JOHN  ADAMS. 

Mr.  Boudinot  discovered  that  the  man  did  escape  the  disease, 
but  by  some  cause  he  had  lost  the  secret  so  completely  as  not 
to  be  able  to  return  the  money  advanced  to  carry  on  the  pro- 
cess which  was  to  have  given  Mr.  Adams  the  command  of  the 
universe. 

Extravagance  characterized  the  measures  of  Mr.  Adams. 
The  benches  of  justice  were  filled  with  men  who  fought  against 
American  Independence,  and  those  who  have  been  since  most 
active  to  destroy  it.  Mr.  Adams  determined  and  declared  that 
he  would  nominate  to  the  last  hour  of  his  presidential  existence, 
and  was  not  sparing  of  a  species  of  insult  to  his  successor  which 
no  man  of  civility  could  be  guilty  of. 

There  were  several  Senators  nominated  for  judges  under  a 
law  created  by  themselves,  though  the  sixth  section  of  the 
constitution  declared,  that  "  No  senator  or  representative  shall, 
during  the  time  for  which  he  was  elected,  be  appointed  to  any 
civil  office,  uuder  the  authority  of  the  United  States,  which 
shall  have  been  created,  or  the  emoluments  whereof  shall  have 
been  increased  during  such  time."  Yet  Jacob  Reed  of  South 
Carolina,  Paine  of  Vermont,  Green  of  Rhode  Island,  were 
nominated  by  Mr.  Adams  to  the  offices  for  the  creation  of 
which  they  voted. 

The  manner  in  which  Mr.  Adams  departed  from  Washing- 
ton after  his  power  had  ceased,  has  even  received  the  censure 
of  his  warmest  friends :  in  place  of  remaining  to  witness  the 
inauguration  of  Mr.  Jefferson  like  his  illustrious  predecessor, 
he  ordered  his  carriage  ready  the  moment  the  hour  of  twelve 
at  night  struck,  and  took  his  departure  before  sunrise,  and  bid 
a  final  adieu  to  the  seat  of  American  government. 


APPENDIX. 


Outrage  on  Mr.  Schneider,  of  Reading,  Penn'a,  on  the  20th 
of  Jlpril  1799. 

[Taken  from  the  Reading  Eagle,  April  16,  1844.] 

The  inclination  of  President  Adams  seemed  determined  to 
establish  a  strong  government  tending  to  monarchical  powers, 
and  by  means  of  severe  enactments  to  prostrate  the  free  ex- 
pression of  popular  opinion,  at  least  as  to  his  own  official 
conduct. 

In  Northampton  County,  Pennsylvania,  symptoms  of  tu- 
mult arose  regarding  a  federal  tax-collector,  who  immediately 
preferred  a  suit  in  the  premises  against  sundry  persons  that 
had  resisted  his  rude  and  unbecoming  assaults ;  whereupon 
the  officer  of  the  law  was  sent  from  the  United  States  Court 
to  bring  before  them,  at  Philadelphia,  the  so-called  offenders. 

Resistance  being  made  by  the  people  to  this  groundless  and 
unnecessary  judicial  interference.  President  Adams  declared 
the  counties  of  Northampton,  Bucks,  and  Montgomery  as  in 
a  state  of  rebellion,  and  at  the  same  time  ordered  an  army  of 
twelve  hundred  regulars  and  volunteers,  to  march  into  those 
counties,  in  order  to  suppress  the  imputed  outrage. 

The  spirit  and  temper  of  that  army  may  be  gleaned  from 
an  incident  which  occurred  on  the  way,  and  from  which  a 
salutary  warning  was  inculcated  against  the  danger  of  a  mili- 
tary power  under  the  arbitrary  will  of  a  phrenzied  leader. 

On  their  way  to  Northampton  a  troop  of  cavalry  passed 
through  the  town  of  Reading,  and  deeming  themselves  clothed 
with  authority  to  suppress  any  meeting  of  the  people,  they 
signalized  themselves  by  searching  out  the  places  of  assem- 
blage, and  destroying  the  liberty  poles,  which,  as  an  evidence 
of  independence,  were  universally  planted. 

The  people  in  the  vicinity  of  these  harmless  but  patriotic 

29  <337) 


338  APPENDIX. 

symbols  of  freedom,  taken  by  a  guard  of  troopers,  and  amid 
threats  of  violence  too  often  positively  inflicted,  were  obliged 
to  level  to  the  earth  the  gallant  hickories  they  had  elevated. 

These  transactions  were  noticed  by  Jacob  Schneider,  a 
j)rinter  of  a  German  paper  in  Reading,  in  his  edition  of  the  9th 
of  April,  1799,  in  the  most  truthful  and  fearless  manner. 

Upon  their  return  from  Northampton,  the  whole  army 
passed  through  Reading  on  Saturday  the  20th  of  April,  1799. 

On  that  very  day,  whilst  Schneider  was  engaged  working 
at  his  press,  a  squad  of  armed  troopers  entered  his  printery, 
and  in  a  commanding  and  insolent  tone  gave  him  notice  to 
appear  at  the  captain's  quarters.  Schneider,  who  had  fought 
bravely  in  the  revolution,  felt  as  a  citizen  should  who  knew 
his  hard-earned  rights,  and  replied  indignantly  to  the  com- 
mand, that  "  if  the  captain  had  anything  to  say,  it  was  as  near 
to  come  to  the  office,  as  it  was  for  Schneider  to  go  to  him." 
They  declared  that  he  must  go  with  them,  and  drawing  their 
swords  took  him  by  force  to  the  captain's  quarters.  The  cap- 
tain immediately  ordered  him  to  receive  twenty-five  lashes  on 
his  back  in  the  public  market-place,  which  was  about  being 
executed,  when  a  portion  of  Captain  Leiper's  troop  from 
Philadelphia  interfered,  and  saved  the  gallant  veteran  from 
further  contumely  and  violence. 

Another  among  the  numerous  evidences  of  the  disposition 
to  good  order  and  regular  government  which  w^as  often  wit- 
nessed during  the  administration  of  Mr.  Adams,  deserves  a 
passing  notice. 

On  the  5th  of  October,  1799,  at  Pottsgrove,  Montgomery 
county,  Pennsylvania,  a  young  man  while  in  a  public  store, 
having  expressed  sentiments  favourable  to  the  election  of 
Judge  M'Kean,  was  most  violently  beaten  and  followed  into 
the  street  by  a  certain  General  f  who  not  only  knocked  the 
young  man  down,  but  otherwise  used  him  inhumanly.  The 
injured  man  went  to  a  magistrate  in  that  place;  but  he  being 
the  friend  of  Mr.  Ross,  the  protection  of  the  law  could  not 
be  obtained;  on  the  contrary,  the  young  man  was  taken  into 
custody  and  knocked  down  twice  with  a  loaded  whip,  then 
carried  along  by  an  oflScer  of  the  federal  government,  brother 
to  the  assailant,  and  tied  with  a  rope,  remaining  in  that  cruel 
situation  until  next  day,  when  the  humanity  of  a  guard 
placed  over  him  induced  them  to  untie  the  sufferer.     On  the 


APPENDIX,  339 

evening  he  was  carried  before  the  magistrate  to  whom  he  had 
appUed  for  justice  in  the  first  instance,  when  this  doubly  in- 
jured young  man  was  bound  over  to  stand  a  trial  for  being 
beaten,  falsely  imprisoned,  tied  with  a  rope,  and  twice  knocked 
down  on  his  way  to  the  magistrate's  office. 


Anecdote  of  President  Adams  and  the  Essex  Junto. 

During  the  prevalence  of  the  yellow  fever  in  Philadelphia, 
in  179S,  the  government  was  located  at  Trenton.  During 
that  summer,  President  John  Adams  made  a  visit  to  his  home 
in  Quincy  (Mass.),  and  whilst  there,  Harrison  G.  Otis  one 
morning  meeting  his  friend  William  Lee,  in  State  street,  Bos- 
ton, (late  second  Auditor  of  the  Treasury  at  Washington, 
and  a  warm  opponent  of  President  Adams,)  proposed  to  him 
to  ride  out  and  pay  their  respects  to  Mr.  Adams.  Lee  ob- 
jected on  account  of  the  political  stand  he  had  taken  against 
the  federal  administration,  and  presuming  he  would  not  be  a 
welcome  \dsiter  to  his  Excellency  just  at  that  time.  Otis  re- 
plied, that  himself  being  a  strong  advocate  to  the  President's 
principles,  was  a  sufficient  passport  not  only  to  the  President, 
but  to  the  whole  Essex  Junto.  This  decided  Lee  to  go  to 
Quincy  with  his  friend.  On  arriving,  they  found  Mr.  Cabot, 
with  a  committee  of  the  old  Essex  Junto  who  had  come  out 
to  remonstrate  against  the  appointment  of  Mr.  Gerry^s  mis- 
sion abroad.  Otis,  with  his  friend  Lee,  entered  the  room  in 
the  midst  of  the  President's  reply  to  the  committee.  He  most 
cordially  received  them;  and  after  inviting  them  to  be  seated, 
turned  to  the  committee  and  continued  in  warm  terms  his 
positive  and  fixed  determination  in  favour  of  .Mr.  Gerry,  &c. 
Otis  seeing  the  committee  wince  at  the  strong  expressions 
from  the  President,  and  thinking  himself  an  intruder  in  the 
eyes  of  the  discomfited  committee,  all  of  whom  were  his  po- 
litical friends,  gave  a  wink  to  Lee  that  it  was  high  time  to  be 
off;  and  taking  a  hasty  leave  of  the  President  and  his  speech 
to  the  federal  committee,  returned  to  Boston  highly  elated  ; 
and  from  that  day  Lee  became  a  convert  to  the  Adams  dynasty 
for  the  independent  and  determined  course  which  the  Presi- 
dent pursued  toward  the  Essex  Junto  Committee. 


APPENDIX . 


LETTERS 


NOTE  BY  THE  EDITOR, 


The  following  important  and  highly  interesting  letters 
from  Mr.  Adams  to  his  friend  and  relative  William  Cunning- 
ham, Esq.,  late  of  Fitchburg,  are  inserted  in  an  appendix  to 
this  volume  by  the  editor,  for  the  purpose  of  showing  to  the 
present  and  future  generations,  the  trying  situation  and  pecu- 
liar difficulties  which  at  times  surrounded  Mr.  Adams  during 
his  presidential  term  from  1798  to  1801,  an  early  period  of 
our  now  extended  and  growing  Republic,  when,  as  noWf 
political  aspirants  panted  for  power  and  fame,  seeming  as  if 
willing  at  one  single  throw  to  jeopardize  its  liberties  for  their 
own  individual  aggrandizement. 

Mr.  Adams  by  these  letters,  like  a  master-spirit,  drags 
back  upon  the  political  stage,  ^Ao^-ewho  played  so  conspicuous 
a  part  during  his  administration,  fearlessly  drawing  up  the 
curtain,  exhibiting  to  a  wondering  public  the  actors  unveiled, 
calling  each  by  his  proper  name,  to  be  handed  down  to  pos- 
terity in  vindication  of  his  own  inability  to  perform,  while 
unsupported  and  tampered  with,  in  the  four  act  political 
drama.  In  a  word,  showing  that  if  an  individual  who  has 
distinguished  himself  in  literature,  in  science,  in  the  arts,  in 
the  affairs  of  state,  or  in  arms,  does  not  exhibit  all  the  vir- 
tues of  which  human  nature  in  its  varieties  is  capable,  he  is 
pronounced  defective,  and  condemned  accordingly.  On  the 
other  hand,  where  the  partiality  of  admiration  would  make  a 
character,  and  the  materials  are  inadequate  to  the  structure, 
the  individual  is  raised  beyond  his  level  by  praises  for  frivo- 
lous qualifications,  which,  as  they  relate  to  human  actions, 
are  utterly  insignijicant. 


APPENDIX.  341 

In  these  letters  Mr.  Adams  not  only  denounces  unsparingly 
certain  political  characters  who  figured  during  his  administra- 
tion, but  holds  up  the  political  beacon  in  such  a  position,  that 
all  may  see  and  avoid  ambition's  fatal  precipice,  down  which 
he  was  dragged  by  a  people  stigmatized  as  "  vulgar  Demo- 
crats," and  doomed  by  them  to  a  life  of  retirement. 


29^ 


342  APPENDIX. 


From  Mr.  Adams  to  William  Cunning^ham,  Esq. 

Quincy,  Fehi-uary  24,  1804. 

Dear  Sir, — I  have  received  your  favour  of  the  15th, 
with  its  enclosures.  I  thank  you  for  the  outUne  as  well  as 
the  eulogy.  I  am  sorry  you  had  the  trouble  of  transcribing 
the  former,  which,  I  see,  was  written,  as  the  Italians  speak, 
con  amore.  Speaking  of  the  classification  of  scholars  in  our 
college  before  the  Revolution,  you  consider  rank  and  wealth 
as  anti-republican  principles  of  precedence.  Is  this  correct  ? 
About  five  and  forty  years  ago,  I  was  in  company  with  the 
oldest  colonel,  John  Chandler,  of  Worcester,  when  a  news- 
paper was  brought  in  containing  an  account  of  the  last  elec- 
tions in  Rhode  Island.  All  the  principal  magistrates  were 
of  ancient  families.  The  old  gentleman's  comment  upon  it 
was  this:  "I  have  always  been  of  opinion,  that  in  popular 
governments  the  people  will  always  choose  their  officers  from 
the  most  ancient  and  respectable  families."  This  has  been  the 
case  generally  in  Connecticut  as  well  as  Rhode  Island,  and  in 
every  republican  government,  in  Greece  and  Rome,  and  mo- 
dern Italy,  in  Switzerland  and  Geneva. 

The  more  democratical  the  government,  the  more  uni- 
versal has  been  the  practice.  If  a  family,  loliich  has  been 
high  in  office,  and  splendid  in  wealth,  falls  into  decay  from 
profligacy,  folly,  vice,  or  misfortune,  they  generally  turn 
democrats,  and  couj't  the  loioest  of  the  people  with  an  ardour, 
an  art,  a  skill,  and  consequently,  with  a  success  which  no  vul- 
gar democrat  can  attain.  If  such  families  are  numerous, 
they  commonly  divide.  Some  adhere  to  one  party,  some  to 
another ;  so  that,  whichever  prevails,  the  country  still  finds 
itself  governed  by  them.  Consider  the  conduct  of  the  Win- 
throps  in  this  state,  the  Livingstons  in  New  York,  the  Ma- 
disons  in  Virginia,  &c.  The  whole  power  and  popularity 
of  Virginia,  I  am  told,  is  now  in  the  family  connexions  of  Mr. 
Madison.  You  are  young,  and  have  much  time  to  observe 
and  to  reflect.  In  theory,  all  governments  profess  to  regard 
merit  alone,  but  in  practice,  democratical  governments  cer- 
tainly regard  it  as  little  as  any.  You  see  I  have  reason  to  re- 
peat my  intimations  of  confidence.  It  certainly  was  never 
any  "  humiliation"  to  me  to  see  thirteen  of  my  classmates  pre- 
ceding me.     I  never  thought  much  upon  that  su!)ject. 


APPENDIX.  343 

Have  you  seen  Mr. 's  manifesto,  proposing  Mi'.  Sul- 
livan for  governor,  and  Mr.  Heath  for  lieutenant-governor  ? 
— with  what  inimitable  power  of  face  it  is  written  !  These 
people  talk  with  as  much  gravity  and  solemnity  as  if  they 
thought  they  spoke  truth.     Do  you  know  the  character  of 

Mr.  ?     I  have  had  some  experience  of  his  intrigues. 

Talents  he  has ;  but  candour  and  sincerity  belong  to  other 
people.  Cool,  dispassionate,  and  deliberate  insidiousness  never 
arrived  at  greater  perfection. 


From  Mr.  Adams  to  William  Cunningliam,  Esq. 

Quincy,  Mmxh  15,  1804. 

Dear  Sir, — Your  favour  of  the  9th  is  received.  I  beg 
you  would  not  say  a  word  about  me  in  relation  to  the  subject 
which  you  say  now  engages  the  public  attention.  I  am  no 
match  for  these  times,  nor  for  the  actors  who  noiv  tread  the 
stage.  You  say,  the  awful  spirit  of  democracy  is  in  great 
progress.  I  believe  it,  and  I  know  something  of  the  nature 
of  it.  The  federalists  appear  to  me  to  be  very  inattentive 
to  public  events  as  well  as  characters.  Mr.  Sullivan's  wri- 
tings in  the  newspapers  during  the  whole  of  the  last  year, 
under  feigned  signatures,  his  biographical  sketch  of  Mr.  Sam- 
uel Adams,  and  especially  his  pamphlet  on  the  constitutional 
freedom  of  the  press,  have  never  been  regarded,  nor,  that  I 
know  of,  seen  or  read.  The  pamphlet  ought  to  be  read. 
There  are  good  things  in  it,  as  well  as  notable  traits  of  the 
character  of  the  author.  In  all  these  writings  his  ambitious 
views  are  written  with  sunbeams.  It  will  be  a  great  thing 
if  Brother  John  Langdon*  should  be  governor  of  New  Hamp- 
shire, and  Sullivan,\  the  second  Governor  Sullivan  in  New 
England.  I  don't  wonder  he  was  not  willing  that  the  nohlc 
family  of  Sullivan  should  be  shut  up  in  a  hole.  His  ambi- 
tion, if  it  was  of  a  right  character  ought  not  be  censured. 
There  is  an  honourable,  laudable,  and  virtuous  ambition,  but 
it  is  always  attended  with  candour,  sincerity,  anrl  veracity. 
With  an  abundance  of  laborious  application,  with  an  ardent 
imagination,  and  a  tenacious,  though  inaccurate  memory,  with 
a  volubility  of  eloquence,  and  a  great  deal  of  art,  which,  how- 

*  An  uncle  of  the  editor.  t  Connexion  of  tlie  editor. 


344  APPENDIX. 

ever,  never  could  conceal  his  art:  there  are  faults  in  him, 
which,  unless  the  people  are  more  degenerated  than  I  believe 
they  are,  will  forever  prevent  him  from  being  a  successful  rival 
to  Mr.  Strong.  If  he  lives,  I  believe  he  will  tease  the  na- 
tional or  state  government  into  some  appointment  of  him  to 
something  or  other  ;  for  his  modesty  is  but  a  very  little  re- 
straint upon  his  solicitations. 


From  Mr.  Adams  to  William  Cunningham,  Esq. 

Quincy,  September  27,  1808. 

Dear  Sir, — The  papers,  to  number  six,  which  you  men- 
tion in  your  kind  letter  of  the  19th,  I  have  never  seen  nor 
heard.     In  what  paper  or  pamphlet  were  they  published  ? 

The  federalists,  I  think,  might  suffer  iny  old  lamp  to  go 
out  without  administering  their  nauseous  oil,  merely  to  excite 
a  momentary  liash  before  it  expires. 

Do  you  think  the  federalists  believe  themselves  when  they 
say  that  I  am  on  the  side  of  the  executive,  through  the  whole 
of  his  administration?  Do  they  believe  that  I  approve  of 
the  repeal  of  the  Judiciary  Law,  which  I  recommended  to 
Congress — which  I  believe  to  be  one  of  the  best  of  laws— 
which  was  made  by  the  advice  and  repeated  solicitations  of 
the  judges,  for  several  years — which  I  took  infinite  pains  to 
organize  with  a  selection  of  the  ablest  men  and  fairest  charac- 
ters in  the  nation — a  repeal  which  I  always  believe  to  be  a 
violation  of  the  Constitution  ?  Do  they  believe  that  I  ap- 
prove of  the  neglect  and  mismanagement  of  the  JYavy — the 
omission  to  build  more  ships — the  neglect  to  fortify  our 
most  important  cities  and  exposed  places  ?  Do  they  believe 
that  I  approve  of  the  repeal  of  the  taxes,  which  would  have 
enabled  us  not  only  to  make  the  necessary  preparations  against 
the  formidable  dangers  that  surrounded  us,  but  gradually  to 
diminish  the  national  debt  ?  Do  they  believe  that  I  approve 
of  the  removal  of  so  many  of  the  best  men,  or  the  appoint- 
ment of  so  many  of  the  ivorsf  ?  Do  they  believe  that  I  ap- 
prove of  twenty  other  things,  too  many  to  be  enumerated  ? 
Oh  no  !  they  believe  no  such  things.  But  they  are  conscious 
they  have  injured  me  and  mine,  and  are  only  forging  false 
and  awkward  excuses  for  it.     It  is  true,  I  have  not  joined  in 


APPENDIX.  345 

the  clamours  against  the  purchase  of  Louisiana,  because  I 
know,  that  if  the  union  of  the  Northern,  Southern,  and 
Western  States  was  to  continue,  the  free  navigation  of  the 
Mississippi  was  essential  to  its  preservation.  I  have  not 
joined  in  the  clamours  against  gun-boats,  though  I  despise 
them,  because  I  thought  gun-boats  better  than  nothing,  and 
because  I  thought  the  government  ought  not  to  be  opposed  in 
any  measures  of  defence,  merely  because  they  would  not 
adopt  such  as  /  thought  the  best.  I  have  not  clamoured 
against  the  embargo,  because  I  thought  it  a  necessary  tempo- 
rary measure,  well  knowing  that  it  could  not  be  of  long  du- 
ration. I  agree  with  you,  that  it  ought  to  have  been  limited 
to  some  period.  Any  long  continuance  of  it  is  not  comforta- 
ble to  my  feelings  or  judgment.  I  had  much  rather  hear  a 
cry  in  Congress,  like  that  which  has  so  often  sounded  in  the 
British  Parliament,  "  Who  shall  dare  to  set  limits  to  the  com- 
merce and  naval  power  of  this  country?"  In  refusing  to 
acknowledge  a  right  in  Great  Britain  to  impress  seamen  from 
our  ships — in  opposing  and  resisting  the  decrees  and  orders  of 
France  and  England — in  resisting  the  outrages  and  hostilities 
committed  upon  us,  the  administration  have  my  hearty  wishes 
for  their  success. 

Mingled  fear  and  rage  are  now  the  predominant  passions  of 
our  nation,  and  such  is  the  noise  and  fury  that  the  still  small 
voice  of  reason  cannot  be  heard.  If  I  were  only  forty  years 
old,  I  might  have  enthusiasm  enough  to  hope  that  I  could  ride 
in  the  whirlioind.  But  at  seventy-three  it  would  be  delirium. 
As  I  am  not  consulted  by  any  party  or  any  individual,  I  take 
no  share,  and  very  little  interest  in  the  approaching  election. 
Hamilton's  ambition,  intrigues,  and  caucuses  have  ruined 
the  cause  of  federalism  by  encumbering  and  entangling  it 
with  men  and  measures  that  ought  never  to  have  been  brought 
forward.  I  have  no  objection  to  Pinckney,  but  a  full  persua- 
sion that  he  can  never  rise  to  the  chair,  and,  a  more  complete 
conviction  still,  that  he  ought  never  to  have  been  nominated 
for  it. 

As  you  have  mentioned  my  son  (John  Quincy  Adams),  I 
shall  take  the  liberty  to  say,  that  his  conduct,  as  far  as  I 
know  it,  has  been  able,  upright,  candid,  impartial,  and  inde- 
pendent. His  letter  to  Mr.  Otis  I  applaud  and  admire.  His 
resignation  I  approve.  He  would  have  been  more  politic  if 
he  had  declined  his  invitation  to  the  caucus,  though  the  ques- 


346  APPENDIX. 

tion  was  only  between  Mr.  Madison  and  Mi.  Monroe,  and 
knowing  both,  I  should  certainly,  as  he  did,  prefer  the  former 
to  the  latter. 

The  policy  of  a  limitation  to  the  Embargo,  is,  in  a  national 
view,  and  on  a  large  scale,  a  nice  question.  I  should,  proba- 
bly, have  been  for  it;  but  there  is  so  much  to  be  said  on  the 
other  side,  that  I  cannot  censure  my  son  for  agreeing  to  it, 
without  limitation,  believing,  as  he  did,  and  had  reason  to 
believe,  that  it  would  soon  be  repealed.  The  federalists, 
by  their  intolerance,  have  gone  far  towards  justifying,  or  at 
least  excusing  Jefferson  for  his  ;  and  for  the  future,  it  seems 
to  be  established  as  a  principle,  that  our  government  is  forever 
to  be,  not  a  national  but  a  party  government.  How  long 
such  a  maxim  can  be  maintained  consistently  with  any  civil 
government  at  all,  time  will  determine.  While  it  lasts,  all 
we  can  hope  is,  that  in  the  game  at  leap  frog,  once  in  eight 
or  twelve  years  the  party  of  the  outs  will  leap  over  the  head 
and  shoulders  of  the  ins.  For,  I  own  to  you,  I  have  so  little 
confidence  in  the  wisdom,  prudence,  or  virtue,  of  either  party, 
that  I  should  be  nearly  as  willing  that  one  should  be  absolute 
and  unchecked  as  the  other. 


From  Mr.  Adams  to  William  Cunningham,  Esq. 

Quincy,  Oct.  15,  1808. 

Dear  Sir, — The  information  in  your  last  letter,  to  look 
in  the  Palladium  for  certain  speculations,  is  very  agreeable. 
As  I  have  never  subscribed  for  that  paper,  I  have  never  read 
them.     Indeed  I  seldom  see  it. 

Your  friendship  for  John  Q.  Adams,  encourages  me  to  say, 
that  Washington  was  indeed  under  obligations  to  him,  for 
turning  the  tide  of  sentiment  against  Genet,  and  he  was  sensi- 
ble of  it,  and  grateful  for  it.  The  enthusiasm  of  Genet,  and 
France,  and  the  French  Revolution,  was  at  that  time,  almost 
universal  throughout  the  United  States;  but,  in  Pennsylvania, 
and  especially  in  Philadelphia,  the  rage  was  irresistible. 
Mifflin,  M'Kean,  and  all  the  principal  popular  men  in  that 
state,  were  openly  for  war  against  England  in  alliance  with 
France.  Marat,  Robespierre,  Brissot,  and  the  Mountain, 
were  the  constant  themes  of  panegyric,  and  the  daily  toasts 


APPENDIX.  347 

at  table.  Governor  Mifflin  invited  me  to  dine  with  him ; 
Genet  and  his  suite  were  there,  with  many  others  of  the  prin- 
cipal men  of  Philadelphia.  The  governor  gave  for  a  toast, 
"  The  ruling  powers  in  France — may  the  United  States  of 
America  in  alliance  with  them,  declare  war  against  England." 
MitEin  perceived  that  I  did  not  drink  his  toast  ;  and  as  I 
sat  next  to  him,  he  whispered  to  me  in  a  friendly  way,  "  I 
know  I  shall  be  too  high  for  you,  and  therefore  no  offence 
will  be  taken  if  you  withdraw  from  the  company."  I  accord- 
ingly took  French  leave.  Jonathan  Dickenson  Sargeant,  and 
Dr.  Hutchinson,  two  old  revolutionary  Americans,  extremely 
popular,  put  themselves  at  the  head  of  the  mob.  Washing- 
ton's  house  was  surrounded  by  an  innumerable  multitude,  from 
day  to  day,  huzzaing,  demanding  war  against  England,  cursing 
Washington,  and  crying  success  to  the  French  patriots  and 
virtuous  republicans.  Frederick  A.  Muhlenberg,  the  Speaker 
of  the  House  of  Representatives,  toasted  publicly,  "  The 
Mountain — may  it  be  a  pyramid  that  shall  reach  the  skies." 
J.  Q.  Adams's  writings  first  turned  this  tide,  and  the  yellow 
fever  completed  the  salvation  of  Washington.  Sargeant  and 
Hutchinson  died  of  it.  I  was  assured  soon  after  by  some  of 
the  most  sensible,  substantial,  and  intelligent  of  the  Quakers, 
that  nothing  but  the  yellow  fever  saved  Washington  from 
being  dragged  out  of  his  house,  or  being  compelled  to  declare 
war  against  England.  Not  all  Washington's  ministers,  Ha- 
milton and  Pickering  included,  could  have  written  those  papers 
which  were  so  fatal  to  Genet.  Washington  saw  it,  and  felt 
his  obligations.  He  took  great  pains  to  find  out  the  author. 
The  first  notice  I  had  of  his  design  to  appoint  my  son  (J.  Q. 
Adams)  to  a  mission  abroad,  was  from  his  secretary  of  state, 
Randolph,  who  told  me  he  had  been  ordered  to  inquire  of  the 
members  of  congress,  and  others,  concerning  the  life  and 
character  of  J.  Q.  Adams,  and  he  was  that  day  to  report  in 
favour  of  his  appointment.  His  correspondence  with  govern- 
ment, and  with  his  private  friends,  was  so  universally  ad- 
mired, and  especially  by  Pickering  and  Washington,  that  the 
latter  not  only  felt  his  present  obligations,  but  remembered 
the  past. 

Mr.  Pickering's  conscience,  if  it  was  faithful  to  its  trust, 
must  have  suggested  to  him  very  sufficient  reasons  for  his  re- 
moval. If  his  memory  is  not  decayed,  he  may  easily  now 
recollect  them.     Caesar's  wife  must  not  be  suspected,  was  all 


348  APPENDIX. 

the  reason  he  gave  for  repudiating  her.  Reasons  of  state  are 
not  always  to  be  submitted  to  neiospaper  discussion.  It  is 
sufficient  for  me  to  say,  that  I  had  reasons  enough,  not  only 
to  satisfy  me,  but  to  make  it  my  indispensable  duty.  Reasons 
which,  upon  the  coolest  deliberation,  I  still  approve.  I  was 
not  so  ignorant  of  Mr.  Pickering,  his  family  relations,  his 
political,  military,  and  local  connexions,  as  not  to  be  well  aware 
of  the  consequences  to  myself.  I  said  at  the  time  to  a  few  con- 
fidential friends,  that  I  signed  my  own  dismission  when  I  signed 
his,  and  that  he  would  rise  again,  but  I  should  fall  forever. 
The  reason  you  heard  in  Philadelphia  was  quite  sufficient,  if 
there  had  been  no  other ;  but  there  were  many  others,  and 
much  stronger  reasons.  His  removal  was  one  of  the  most 
deliberate,  virtuous,  and  disinterested  actions  of  my  life.  If 
any  future  historian  should  have  access  to  the  letter-books  of 
the  secretaries  of  state,  and  compare  Mr.  Pickering's  negotia- 
tions with  England,  with  those  of  his  successor,  Mr.  Marshall, 
he  will  see  reasons  enough  for  the  exchange  of  ministers.  In 
consequence  of  Mr.  Pickering's  removal,  I  was  enabled  to 
negotiate  and  complete  a  peace  with  France,  and  an  amicable 
settlement  with  England.  This  is  reason  enough.  Mr. 
Pickering  would  have  made  a  good  collector  of  customs ;  but 
he  was  not  so  well  qualified  for  a  secretary  of  state.  He  was 
so  devoted  an  idolater  of  Hamilton,  that  he  could  not  judge 
impartially  of  the  sentiments  and  opinions  of  the  President  of 
the  United  States.  Look  into  Hamilton's  pamphlet.  Ob- 
serve the  pretended  information  of  things  which  could  have 
only  passed  between  me  and  my  cabinet.  False  and  abusive 
as  they  were,  where  could  he  pretend  to  have  derived  them  ? 
But  I  am  not  yet  to  reveal  the  whole  mystery. 


From  Mr.  Adams  to  William  Cunning^ham,  Esq. 

Quincy,  JYovember  7,  1808. 

Dear  Sir, — The  letter  of  General  Washington  would  have 
remained  in  obscurity  forever  as  far  as  I  know,  as  it  has  done 
for  twelve  years  past,  had  not  a  mean'vengeance  been  hurled 
on  the  subject  of  it,  for  no  other  offence  than  his  sterling  in- 
tegrity. 

You  are  the  first  person,  except  one,  who  ever  asked  me  a 
question  concerning  the  reasons  for  releasing  a  certain  gentle- 


APPENDIX.  349 

man  from  the  burthen  of  public  office.  That  one  was 
Barnabas  Bid  well,  in  the  violence  of  the  tempest  occasioned 
by  the  Presidential  election  in  1800.  Believing  his  curiosity 
to  be  invidious,  I  gave  him  a  civil  but  short  answer,  that  he 
was  a  man  of  too  much  information  not  to  perceive  the  im- 
propriety of  my  complying  with  his  request.  ***** 
What  is  it  you  require  of  me  ?  Nothing  less  than  a  volume 
which  I  have  neither  eyes,  nor  hand,  nor  time,  nor  inclination 
to  write  ;  because  it  must  contain  the  portraits  of  all  my  five 
ministers:  of  a  Dayton,  a  Hillhouse,  a  Goodhue,  in  the  senate; 
of  an  Otis,  a  Sitgreaves,  a  Bayard,  and  a  Harper,  and  several 
others  in  the  house,  with  a  Hamilton  behind  the  scene ;  of  a 
McDonald,  a  William  Moore  Smith,  agent  for  the  British 
creditors,  a  John  Ward  Fenno,  and  a  Porcupine  Cobbett,  and 
many  others  out  of  doors.  I  have  not  mentioned  a  Liston, 
nor  a  Bond;  because  whatever  their  secret  influence  might  be, 
they  were  at  least  discreet.  The  subterranean  intrigues,  as 
well  as  the  overt  acts,  must  be  developed  and  described. 

The  gentleman  has  wreaked  his  revenge  on  my  son,  in 
letters  which  show  the  character  of  the  man — bitter  and  mahg- 
nant,  ignorant  and  Jesuitical.  His  revenge  has  been  sweet, 
and  he  has  rolled  it  as  a  sweet  morsel  under  his  tongue. 

Suppose  I  should  tell  you,  that  the  studies  of  his  early 
youth,  and  of  his  riper  years,  had  not  been  competent  to  the 
profound  investigation  which  his  office  required.  We  had 
discussions  of  great  importance  with  France,  England,  and 
Spain,  especially  the  two  former,  involving  questions  respect- 
ing neutral  rights,  respecting  British  and  Tory  claims  of 
anti-revolutionary  debts — I  could  get  nothing  done  as  I  would 
have  it.  My  new  minister,  Marshall,  did  all  to  my  entire 
satisfaction.  Suppose  I  should  say  he  was  very  superficially 
read  in  the  law  of  nations.  Suppose  I  should  say  he  was 
very  far  from  any  familiar  and  extensive  acquaintance  with 
the  laws  of  England;  and,  indeed,  of  his  own  land.  Who 
would  believe  me?  The  gentleman  himself  would  believe 
me,  because  he  is  conscious  of  it,  but  he  would  not  be  likely 
to  confess  it  in  public.  Perhaps  half  a  dozen,  or  a  dozen 
men  in  the  union  know  it ;  but  they  would  be  very  unwilling 
to  testify  to  it.  Would  it  be  decent,  would  it  be  possible,  for 
a  President  to  publish  such  reasons,  and  enter  into  endless 
disputes  in  the  newspapers  to  support  them  ? 

His  intrigues  with  senators  in  opposition  to  me,  and  to 
30 


350  APPENDIX. 

measures  I  had  adoptetl,  and  nominations  I  had  made,  led 
the  Senate  into  violations  of  the  constitution,  particularly  in 
the  nominations  of  Mr.  Murray,  Mr.  Gerry,  and  Col.  Smith. 
His  encharnament  against  Mr.  Gerry,  whose  negotiations 
were  more  useful  and  successful,  than  those  of  either  of  his 
colleagues,  was  so  furious,  that  he  urged  upon  me  a  report 
containing  a  philipic  against  Gerry  as  violent  and  outrageous 
as  it  was  false  and  groundless.  I  blotted  it  out,  but  he  was 
so  angry  at  it,  that  he  scarcely  treated  me  with  decency.  I 
finally,  however,  admitted  some  expressions  to  pass  which  I 
am  now  very  sorry  for. 

In  every  step  of  the  progress  of  the  negotiations  with 
France,  he  opposed,  obstructed,  and  embarrassed  me  to  the 
utmost  of  his  power,  and  in  some  instances,  with  the  secret 
aid  of  Hamilton,  as  I  suppose,  had  the  art  to  get  all  the  other 
four  of  my  ministers  to  join  him. 

Before  I  left  Philadelphia,  I  had  called  together  all  the  five 
heads  of  departments,  to  consult  upon  instructions  to  Mr. 
Ellsworth,  Mr.  Davie,  and  Mr.  Murray,  in  their  negotiations 
with  France.  We  had  met  several  days  and  discussed  every 
point  in  controversy.  We  had  reasoned,  and  examined,  and 
convinced  one  another,  until  we  had  agreed  unanimously  upon 
every  article,  and  reduced  the  whole  to  writing.  I  gave  it  to 
the  secretary  of  state,  to  reduce  it  into  form,  correct  the 
language  where  it  wanted  any  alteration,  make  a  fair  copy, 
and  send  it  as  soon  as  possible  to  me  at  Quincy  for  revision 
and  correction,  that  I  might  sign  the  instructions  to  he  de- 
livered to  the  envoys. 

Arrived  at  Quincy,  I  expected  them  by  every  post.  Week 
after  week  passed  away,  and  no  instructions  arrived.  I  was 
uneasy,  because  our  envoys  ought  to  be  upon  their  passage. 
After  a  long  time,  instead  of  instructions,  came  a  letter  to 
me  signed  by  all  five  of  the  heads  of  departments,  advising 
and  most  earnestly  intreating  me  to  suspend  the  embarkation 
of  the  ministers.  This  trifling,  this  negligence  of  duty,  this 
downright  disobedience  of  my  orders,  most  seriously  alarmed 
me.  /  was  responsible  alone,  to  my  country  for  measures 
which  I  knew  to  be  indispensable  to  avoid  a  war  abroad  with 
France,  and  a  civil  war  at  home,  while  we  were  involved  and 
embroiled  with  England  in  very  difficult  controversies,  and  I 
could  get  nothing  done.  I  very  coolly,  however,  preserved 
my  temper,  and  set  off  immediately  for  Trenton  to  meet  my 


APPENDIX.  351 

gentlemen,  face  to  face.  At  Trenton  I  found  the  gentlemen 
had  wrought  themselves  up  to  a  perfect  enthusiasm  and  de- 
lusion. They  appeared  to  be  fully  convinced  that  the  first 
ship  would  bring  intelligence  of  the  restoration  of  Louis 
XVIII.  Suioarrow,  at  the  head  of  a  Russian  army,  on  one 
side,  and  Prince  Charles,  at  the  head  of  an  Austrian  army,  on 
the  other,  were  to  conduct  Louis  XVIII.  to  Paris  and 
Versailles,  in  splendour  and  triumph.  I  preserved  my  temper 
very  happily — called  my  ministers  together,  heard  all  their 
reasons  with  the  utmost  coolness  and  candour,  gave  my  reasons 
and  opinions  in  answer  to  theirs,  and  decided  that  the  instruc- 
tions should  he  finished  and  the  embassadors  embarked  as 
soon  as  possible — which  was  done ;  and  they  brought  back 
peace  abroad  and  at  home.  I  found  Hamilton  at  Trenton. 
He  came  to  visit  me.  I  said  nothing  to  him  upon  politics. 
He  began  to  give  his  advice  unasked.  I  heard  him  with  per- 
fect good  humour,  though,  never  in  my  life,  did  I  hear  a  man 
talk  more  like  a  fool.  "  The  English  nation  had  the  most 
perfect  confidence  in  Mr.  Pitt,  and  Mr.  Pitt  was  determined 
to  restore  the  house  of  Bourbon  ;  the  two  Imperial  Courts 
were  also  determined  to  restore  the  Bourbons ;  their  armies 
were  triumphant,  Louis  XVIII.  would  be  in  glory  at  Versailles 
before  my  ministers  could  arrive  there;  offence  would  be 
taken  at  my  sending  a  mission  to  the  Directory,"  and  twenty 
other  wild  extravagancies,  in  the  same  style  of  dogviatical 
corifidence.  I  answered  every  one  of  his  topics  with  candour 
and  temper,  in  too  long  a  detail  to  be  repeated  here.  Time 
has  shown  that  /  was  right,  and  he  wrong  in  every  particular. 
They  had  even  wrought  upon  Mr.  Ellsworth  to  believe  that 
the  Bourbons  would  be  restored  before  winter.  He  and  Mr. 
Davie,  at  dinner  alone  with  me,  conversing  upon  the  subject, 
Ellswoi'th  let  fall  an  expression  to  that  purpose,  when  I 
turned  to  him  and  said,  "  Mr.  Ellsworth,  do  you  seriously  be- 
lieve that  the  Bourbons  will  be  restored  so  soon  ?  He  an- 
swered, "  Why,  it  looks  a  great  deal  so."  Upon  that,  I  said 
to  them  both,  "  Gentlemen,  you  may  depend  upon  it,  the 
Bourbons  will  not  be  restored  these  seven  years,  if  they  ever 
are.  I  request  you,  seven  years  hence,  to  recollect  what  I  now 
say  to  you,^^  and  I  supported  my  opinion  by  a  long  argument 
drawn  from  the  nature  and  history  of  all  coalition,  from  the 
"waste  of  northern  armies  by  sickness  and  desertion  in  France, 
from  that  forest  of  fortifications  with  which  France  is  every- 


352  APPENDIX. 

where  defended,  from  the  property  now  possessed  by  revo- 
hitionary  men,  and  especially  from  the  enthusiasm  and  revo- 
lutionary fury  that  still  possessed  the  people  of  France.  Mr. 
Ellsworth,  however,  behaved  throughout  with  perfect  pro- 
priety, and  Mr.  Davie  was  of  my  opinion  in  all  points. 

You  shall  now  give  me  your  opinion,  whether  I  was  in 
the  wrong  in  giving  Mr.  Pinchiey  his  conge.  He  is,  for 
anything  I  know,  a  good  son,  hushand,  father,  grandfather, 
brother,  uncle,  and  cousin;  but  he  is  a  man  in  a  ■mask,  some- 
times of  silk,  sometimes  of  iron,  and  sometimes  of  brass  ; 
and  he  can  charge  them  very  suddenly,  and  with  some  dex- 
terity, as  I  could  show  you  in  many  instances,  though  I  have 
said  little  or  nothing  about  him,  till  now,  for  nine  or  ten  years. 


From  Mr.  Adams  to  William  Cunningham,  Esq. 

Quincy,  JYovember  25,  1808. 

Dear  Sir, — I  have  your  favours  of  the  12th  and  16th  of 
the  month.  The  letter  of  President  Washington,  concerning 
John  Quincy  Adams,  is  at  your  discretion  to  make  what  use 
of  it  you  please.  All  the  communications  concerning  the 
other  gentlemen,  made,  or  to  be  made,  I  confide  to  your  sacred 
confidence. 

As,  against  all  the  vile  slanders,  which  have  been  published, 
I  have  never  said  or  written  a  word  in  my  own  vindication,  I 
am  not  about  to  begin  by  a  justification  of  myself  for  one  of 
the  most  virtuous  actions  of  my  life.  If  my  actions  have  not 
been  sufficient  to  support  my  fame,  let  it  perish.  No  higher 
ambition  remains  with  me  than  to  build  a  tomb  upon  the  sum- 
mit of  the  hill  before  my  door,  covered  with  a  six-foot  cube 
of  Quincy  granite,  with  an  inscription  like  this : 

Siste  Viator ! 
With  much  delight  these  pleasing  hills  you  view, 
Where  Adams  from  an  envious  world  withdrew, 
Where,  sick  of  glory,  faction,  power,  and  pride, 
Sure  judge  how  empty  all,  who  all  had  tried, 
Bencatli  his  shades  the  weary  chief  repos'd. 
And  life's  great  scene  in  quiet  virtue  clos'd. 

To  return  to  the  famous  gentleman.  He  is  extremely  sus- 
ceptible of  violent  and  inveterate  prejudices ;  and  yet,  such 


APPENDIX.  oOo 

are  the  contradictions  to  be  found  in  human  characters,  he  is 
capable  of  very  sudden  and  violent  transitions  from  one  ex- 
treme to  an  opposite  extreme.  Under  the  simple  appearance 
of  a  bald  head  and  straight  hair,  and  under  professions  of  pro- 
found republicanism,  he  conceals  an  ardent  ambition,  envious 
of  every  superior,  and  impatient  of  obscurity.  I  always 
think  of  a  coal-pit,  covered  over  with  red  earth,  glowing 
within,  but  unable  to  conceal  its  internal  heat  for  the  inter- 
stices which  let  out  the  smoke,  and  now  and  then  a  flash  of 
flame.  He  has  been  several  years  in  senate,  but  so  totally 
obscure  and  insignihcent,  as  to  keep  him  in  agony.  Almost 
always  in  a  minority  of  two,  three,  four  or  live,  in  thirty- 
four,  rarely  saying  anything  that  has  been  worth  reporting, 
he  broke  out  at  last  in  a  rage,  and  threw  a  fire-brand  into  our 
Massachusetts  legislature,  against  his  colleague.  The  stub- 
ble was  dry,  and  the  flame  easily  took  hold.  He  has  a  heredi- 
tary right  to  this  distinction :  I  mean  a  strong  desire  of  cele- 
brity, with  feeble  means  of  obtaining  it.  If  ever  you  should 
see  the  Salem  newspapers,  published  forty  or  fifty  years  ago, 
you  will  find  them  abounding  with  the  writings  of  the  good 
deacon,  his  father,  in  vindication  of  the  rights  and  preroga- 
tives of  the  first  church  in  Salem.  He  became  so  emboldened 
by  the  noise  he  made,  that  he  wrote  and  published  several 
letters  to  the  king,  subscribed  with  his  name.  One  part  of 
the  public  was  amused,  another  diverted,  and  a  third  fatigued 
with  his  ostentatious  vanity  for  some  years. 

Some  thirty-five  or  thirty-six  years  ago,  I  was  engaged  in 
a  cause  at  Salem  court,  in  which  the  deacon  was  a  witness. 
While  he  was  under  examination,  though  I  treated  him  with 
the  utmost  respect  and  civility,  he  broke  out  without  the 
smallest  provocation  into  a  rude  personal  attack  upon  me.  I 
was  then,  as  a  son  of  liberty,  obnoxious  to  the  judges,  to  the 
government,  to  the  British  ministry,  and  to  the  king.  Though 
I  was  astonished  at  the  deacon's  manners,  I  took  no  notice  of 
them,  till  I  came  to  examine  his  testimony  in  my  argument  to 
the  jury.  I  then  said  I  could  not  account  for  his  unprovoked 
animosity  to  me,  an  entire  stranger  to  him,  unless  he  meant  to 
recommend  himself  to  somebody  to  whom  I  was  obnoxious, 
and  I  should  not  be  surprised,  if  in  his  7iext  letter  to  the  king, 
he  should  do  me  the  honour  to  denounce  me  to  his  majesty. 
This  little  sally  raised  a  general  laugh  at  the  deacon's  expense, 
30* 


354  APPENDIX. 

and,  as  I  suppose  the  son  was  present,  he  has  never  forgiven 
me. 

The  concatenation  of  little  and  great  events  in  this  world  is 
often  very  whimsical  and  very  ridiculous.  Have  you  never 
seen  the  soil's  speech  to  the  Indians  in  1794,  or  thereabouts  ? 
If  you  have  not,  I  may  send  you  a  copy  of  it.  Great  light 
may  be  thrown  upon  his  character  by  this  document.  No 
man  I  ever  knew  had  so  deep  a  contempt  for  Washington.  I 
have  had  numerous  proofs  of  it  from  his  own  lips ;  yet  he  ap- 
pears to  the  world  a  devout  adorer  of  him.  No  man  was  a 
more  animated  advocate  for  the  French  ;  yet  now^  he  is  as 
zealous  for  the  English.  But  enough  of  this  unpleasant  sub- 
ject. I  thank  you  for  the  two  numbers  of  Chatham.,  which 
discover  a  good  deal  of  reading  and  reflection. 


From  Mr.  Adams  to  William  Cunningham,  Esq. 

Quincy,  December  13,  1808. 

Dear  Sir, — Your  favour  of  the  3d  and  10th  were  received. 
The  2d  and  3d  volumes  of  the  Defence  are  at  your  service, 
provided  I  had  any  means  of  conveyance  for  them.  But  the 
first  volume  is  not  in  my  power,  having  none  that  I  can  spare. 
An  edition  of  the  first  was  printed  in  Boston,  perhaps  some 
copies  of  it  remain  there :  but  I  know  nothing  of  it — I 
laughed  when  I  read  your  expectation  that  what  you  had 
written  on  John  Quincy  Adams,  would  be  printed.  I  found 
that  you  was  not  acquainted  with  the  world  as  it  exists  in 
Boston.  The  four  federal  papers  are  under  the  imprimatur 
of  an  oligarchy  of  purse-proud  speculators  as  despotic  as  the 
thirty  tyrants  of  Athens.  Trials  enough  have  been  made, 
as  I  have  been  informed,  to  insert  many  things  on  the  same 
subject,  and  refused.  You  will  destroy  all  your  credit  if  you 
persevere  in  such  attempt.  Banks  and  other  vile  pranks,  have 
thrown  the  majority  into  the  hand  of  those,  who  were  shapen 
in  toryism,  and  in  British  idolatry,  did  their  mothers  conceive 
them. — Beware  then  how  you  offend  this  inimitable  race  of 
refugees.  Whatever  friendship  you  may  have  retained  for 
John  Quincy  Adams,  or  his  father,  I  advise  you  to  conceal 
it  close  within  your  own  breast.  If  it  takes  air  it  will  ruin 
your  prospects. 


APPENDIX.  355 

I  have  been  too  much  occupied  with  other  things  to  think 
of  the  wise  man  of  Salem.  Time  enough — be  patient, — Your 
designation  of  Mr.  John  Quincy  Adams,  to  the  office  Mr. 
Madison  now  holds,  will  be  as  erroneous,  as  the  other  to  that 
of  Vice  President.  Mr.  Giles,  Mr.  Monroe,  Mr.  Pope,  Mr. 
Mitchell,  Mr.  twenty  others  will  be  more  likely.  No  !  Mr. 
Adams  must  be  left  where  he  is.  He  is  now  at  his  ease  and 
is  happy,  and  useful — more  useful  perhaps  than  he  could  be  in 
any  other  public  station  in  these  times  of  anarchy,  violence, 
and  fury.  No  !  The  old  ivhigs  and  their  posterity  must  all 
go  into  obscurity,  and  all  the  public  offices  must  be  monopo- 
hzed  by  the  blood  of  the  old  refugees — Mr.  Gore,  the  son  of 
one  refugee,mwsi  be  governor.  Mr.  Pickman,  a  son  of  an- 
other refugee,  must  be  a  member  of  congress  from  the  old 
tory  county  of  Salem.  Mr.  Edward  Hutchinson  Rohhins,  a 
nephew  of  the  sovereign  pontiff  of  toryism,m\\si  be  a  counsellor 
and  member  of  congress.  Mr.  Lloyd,  the  son  of  another  tory 
as  orthodox  as  any  of  the  refugees,  must  be  a  senator,  &c. 
&c.  &c.  The  old  whigs,  dead  or  living,  will  soon  be  in  suf- 
ficient obscurity,  and  the  revolution  in  sufficient  disgrace. 
The  whigs  had  been  reduced  to  the  necessity  of  choosing 
Mr.  Sullivan.  He  is  now  departed  and  probably  will  be  the 
last  of  the  ivhigs.  The  lories  I  suppose  are  sanguine  that 
they  shall  have  Mr.  Gore  in  the  spring.  There  seems  to  be 
among  them,  however,  some  suspicions  that  they  are  not  se- 
cure in  this  hope — I  conclude  so,  because  I  hear,  that  among 
them  other  persons  are  contemplated — Mr.  Gray  of  Salem 
has  been  mentioned,  and  Mr.  Parker,  the  Judge  of  the  Su- 
preme Court.  This  gentleman  is  said  to  be  in  high  esteem 
and  admiration  in  the  District  of  Maine,  where  the  election 
has  been  sometimes  decided.  In  Worcester,  Hampshire,  and 
Berkshire,  I  expect  to  hear  that  Mr.  Sedgwick  will  be  nomi- 
nated, unless  they  should  return  to  my  old  friend.  Governor 
Strong.  The  republicans  will  no  doubt  adhere  to  Mr. 
Lincoln.  Both  parties,  however,  will  be  directed  by  their 
caucuses,  which  are  established  by  custom  as  part  of  the  con- 
stitution, as  much  as  party  principles  are,  or  party  intolerance. 
/  may  mention  to  you  in  confidence,  that  considerable  pains 
have  been  taken  to  pnrsuade  your  friend  John  Quincy  Adams 
to  consent  to  be  run  by  the  republicans.  But  he  is  utterly 
averse  to  it,  and  so  am  I,  for  many  reasons,  among  which  are, 
1st.  The  office,  though  a  precious  stone,  is  but  a  carbuncle 


356  APPENDIX. 

shining  in  the  dark.  2d.  It  is  a  state  of  perfect  slavery. 
The  drudgery  of  it  is  extremely  oppressive.  3d.  The  com- 
pensation is  not  a  living  for  a  common  gentleman.  4th. 
He  must  resign  his  professorship.  5th.  He  must  renounce  his 
practice  at  the  bar.  6th.  He  must  stand  in  competition  with 
Mr.  Lincoln,  which  would  divide  the  republican  interest  and 
certainly  prevent  the  election  of  either.  7th.  It  would  pro- 
duce   AN     ETERNAL    SEPARATION    BETWEEN    HIM    AND      THE 

FEDERALISTS,  at  least  that  part  of  them  who  now  constitute 
the  absolute  oligarchy.  This  I  own,  however,  I  should  not 
much  regret ;  for  this  nation  has  more  to  fear  from  them  than 
any  other  source.  8th.  Finally,  and  above  all,  there  is  as 
little  prospect  of  doing  any  good  as  acquiring  any  honour  or 
receiving  any  comfort.  For  these  reasons,  I  am  decidedly 
against  the  project,  and  so  is  he.  Private  station,  in  my 
opinion,  has  no  equal  for  him.  Be  so  good  as  to  tell  me  who 
are  in  nomination  in  your  neighbourhood. 


From  Mr.  Adams  to  William  Cuimingham,  Esq. 

Quincy,  January  3,  1809. 

Dear  Sir, — I  have  your  favours  of  December  17th  and 
21st.  I  hope  you  will  not  insinuate  a  comparison  between 
John  Quincy  Adams  and  Coriolanus.  Whatever  injustice  or 
ingratitude  may  be  done  him,  he  has  none  of  the  Roman's  re- 
venge, much  less  his  treachery.  Of  Mrs.  Warren's  History 
I  have  nothing  to  say.  The  Count  De  Vergennes  was  an 
accomplished  gentleman  and  scholar,  and  a  statesman  of  great 
experience  in  various  diplomatic  and  other  ministerial  stations. 
In  treating  with  other  nations,  he  considered  the  interest  of 
his  own  country,  and  left  others  to  take  care  of  theirs.  His 
refinements  were  not  invisible.  His  negotiations  were  very 
like  those  of  the  British  cabinet  with  us  at  this  day.  All  I 
have  to  say  is,  that  all  European  cabinets  and  ministers  are 
very  much  alike :  and  our  only  security  against  them  is  in  our 
own  fortitude,  and  the  sense  and  integrity  of  our  own  minis- 
ters. Have  you  seen  any  wondrous  skill  in  our  foreign  am- 
bassadors for  some  years  past  ? 

I  have  sent  to  the  Indian  Queen  the  2d  and  3d  volumes  of  a 
work  which  the  English  editor  of  the  2d  edition  calls  a  "  His- 


APPENDIX.  357 

tory  of  Republics."  It  may  be  called  The  American  Boudoir. 
What  is  a  boudoir  1  It  is  a  pouting-room.  And  what  is  a 
pouting-rooml  In  many  gentlemen's  houses  in  France,  there 
is  an  apartment,  of  an  octagonal  form,  twelve  or  fifteen  feet 
across,  or  thirty-six  or  forty-five  feet  round  ;  and  all  the  eight 
sides,  as  well  as  the  ceiling  overhead,  are  all  of  the  most  pol- 
ished glass  mirrors  :  so  that,  when  a  man  stands  in  the  centre 
of  the  room  he  sees  himself  in  every  direction  multiplied  into 
a  row  of  selves,  as  far  as  the  eye  can  reach.  The  humour  of 
it  is,  that  when  the  lady  of  the  house  is  out  of  temper,  when 
she  is  angry,  or  when  she  weeps  without  a  cause,  she  may  be 
locked  up  in  this  chamber  to  pout,  and  to  see  in  every  di- 
rection how  beautiful  she  is.  There  are  settees  and  chairs 
round  the  sides,  and  commonly  a  hath  in  the  centre,  which 
may  be  made  hot  or  cold.  So  that  persons  may  see  them- 
selves in  every  posture.  Such  a  boudoir  is  the  "  Defence."  Our 
states  may  see  themselves  in  it,  in  every  possible  light,  atti- 
tude, and  movement.  They  may  see  all  their  beauties,  and 
all  their  deformities.  Happy  they  who  are  made  cautious 
by  others'  dangers ! 

I  return  the  editor's  letter,  which,  with  a  thousand  other 
things,  concur  to  show  that  certain  presses  are  under  the  con- 
trol of  an  aristocracy  of  bankers,  led  by  the  nose  by  an  oli- 
garchy of  Shylocks,  all  sycophants  to  Britain.  A  happy 
new  year. 


From  Mr.  Adams  to  William  Cunningham,  Esq. 

Quincy,  February  11,  3809. 

Dear  Sir, — I  have  your  favour  of  the  14th  ult.  The  Mir- 
ror was  never  read,  and  if  it  even  should  be,  it  will  be  wilfully 
misunderstood.  Seventeen  wheels  within  one  wheel  ;  seven- 
teen empires  within  one  empire ;  seventeen  sovereignties  within 
one  sovereignty;  seventeen  imperia  in  one  imperio,  will  tell 
in  time.  We  have  had  a  Shay's  disturbance;  a  Gallatin's 
disturbance;  and  why  may  we  not  have  a  Pickering's  disturb- 
ance ?  Such,  I  think,  is  the  spirit  of  the  reasoning  of  the 
present  times.  Whether  the  RepubHcans  have  offered  the 
chair  to  Mr.  Bowdoin  or  not,  I  know  not.  They  talk  of 
this,  that,  and  the  other  gentleman,  but  all  will  depend  upon 


358  APPENDIX. 

the  caucus  in  the  legislature,  and  that,  I  presume,  will  deter- 
mine on  Mr.  Lincoln.  The  Federalists  too,  talk  of  many 
candidates ;  as.  Governor  Strong,  Judge  Parker,  and  many 
others;  but  their  caucus  is  pledged  to  Mr .  Gore,  and  they 
cannot  abandon  him.  The  question  will  be  between  Lincoln 
and  Gore. 

Your  rejected  paragraph  concerning  Great  Britain  was 
high  treason  against  the  present  domineering  party  ;  but  it  is 
sound  sense  and  true  policy.  It  is  not  wonderful  that  some 
persons  among  us  are  so  eager  to  rush  into  the  arms  of  Great 
Britain;  but  it  is  unaccountable  that  there  should  be  so  many. 
Common  understanding  one  would  think  sufficient,  when  en- 
lightened with  an  ordinary  knowledge  of  mankind  and  the 
general  history  of  England  and  America,  to  convince  any  man 
that  Great  Britain  is  the  natural  enemy  of  the  United 
States.  She  has  looked  at  us  from  our  first  settlement  to 
this  moment,  with  eyes  oi  jealousy,  envy,  hatred,  and  con- 
tempt. At  this  time  she  knows  not  how  to  do  without  us ; 
she  makes  a  great  profit  of  us.  Yet  she  sees  that  we  make  a 
profit  too,  and  that  we  grow  faster  than  she  does.  Our 
population,  wealth,  power,  and  importance  with  all  nations, 
increases  incomparably  more  rapid  than  hers.  This  prospect 
she  cannot  bear ;  she  sees,  too,  that  this  is  the  only  rising 
country  of  the  world,  and  that  the  American  people  are  the 
most  active  portioyx  of  the  human  race — especially  the  A''ew 
England  States.  For  us  then  to  quarrel  with  all  other 
nations  for  the  sake  of  counting  the  protection  of  Ch-eat 
Britain,  is  as  if  the  lamb  should  fly  from  its  friendly  flock 
and  faithful  shepherd,  and  seek  the  friendship  and  protection 
of  the  wolf  All  the  nations  of  Europe,  to  my  knowledge, 
are  friendly  to  us.  If  the  French  are  now  an  exception,  it  is 
owing  to  the  war  with  England,  and  the  singular  character 
of  their  present  ruler. 

Buonaparte  I  think,  at  least  I  hope,  will  not  find  so  easy  a 
conquest  of  the  Spaniard.  The  English  will  make  sure  of 
the  Spanish  navy,  and  secure  their  own  retreat  on  board  their 
ships.  I  hope,  however,  they  will  come  in  contact  with  the 
French;  if  they  should,  though  they  maybe  overpowered 
by  numbers,  they  will  give  the  French  something  to  remem- 
ber. Bona  will  not  have  to  say  veni,  vidi,  vici.  Britons  are 
at  least  as  brave  and  more  patient  than  the  French. 

Regard  nothing  that  you  see  in  the  papers  concerning  me  ; 


APPENDIX.  359 

it  is  impossible  that  newspapers  can  say  the  truth — they  would 
be  out  of  their  element.  I  regard  them  no  more  than  the 
gossamer  that  idles  in  the  wanton  summer  air. 


From  Mr.  Adams  to  William  Cunningham,  Esq. 

Quincy,  Feb.  22,1809. 

Dear  Sir, — Inclosed  you  will  find  a  philippic  of  our 
angry,  peevish,  fretful  Pro-phet  Jonah.  His  anger  is  his 
talent.  When  he  gives  a  loose  to  that  passion,  as  he  always 
does  in  everything,  he  produces  something  smart,  pert,  and  ma- 
lignant which  pleases  the  malignity  of  the  vulgar.  But  phi- 
lippics are  not  the  highest  style  of  politics.  I  cannot  think 
Demosthenes  and  Cicero  in  the  highest  grade  of  statesmen, 
though  they  certainly  were  of  orators. 

You  will  see  how  ardently  he  was  attached  to  the  French, 
even  to  the  highest  strain  of  Jacobinism,  and  king-killing. 
Compare  this  with  his  present  ardent  attachment  to  the 
English,  and  see  how  the  same  temper  can  swing  the  ex- 
tremest  vibrations  of  the  pendulum. 

From  Jonah  let  me  return  to  Harlequin.  Have  you  read 
Matthew  Lyon's  letter  to  his  friend  in  Vermont  ?  The  mix- 
ture of  monk  and  monkey  in  this  fellow-creature  of  ours 
always  diverts  me,  like  a  medicine  for  the  spleen,  or  a  cordial 
for  low  spirits.  I  shall  not  examine  his  system.  I  suspect 
he  is  one  of  the  little  merchants  he  mentions,  and  not  one  of 
the  big,  by  any  means  ;  and,  that  his  little  jyaquotilles  are 
somewhat  deranged  and  in  danger.  The  sum  of  what  he 
says  in  one  place  is,  that  the  vulgar  among  the  federalists 
adored  John  Adams,  and  the  vulgar  among  the  republicans 
adore  Tom  Jefferson.  "  When  John  Adams  said  that  the 
finger  of  Heaven  pointed  to  war,  you  and  I  laughed  at  him." 
This  may  be  true ;  but  it  was  the  grinning  of  idiots  at  each 
other,  the  laughter  of  fools,  the  "  crackling  of  thorns  under  a 
pot."  He  is  so  great  a  worshipper  and  idolater  of  Tom  Paine, 
that  he  and  his  correspondent  might  believe  that  there  is  no 
Heaven,  or,  that  Heaven  has  no  finger.  If  he  beheved  in  a 
God,  and  a  Providence,  and  had  eyes  in  his  head,  or  brains  in 
his  skull,  he  might  have  seen,  and  would  have  seriously  con- 


360  APPENDIX. 

sidered  that  the  course  of  events  had  rendered  a  war,  or  indel- 
ible disgrace  and  national  degradation,  unavoidable. 

A  glorious  and  triumphant  war  it  was.  Instead  of  hearing 
of  vessels  taken  in  our  rivers,  and  burnt  in  our  harbours,  as 
we  had  done  for  a  long  time,  not  a  hostile  sail  dared  to  spread 
itself  on  any  part  of  our  vast  sea-coast.  Instead  of  our  mer- 
chant-ships being  taken  by  scores,  and  our  property  captured 
by  millions  in  the  West  Indies,  we  cleared  the  whole  seas, 
and  not  a  privateer,  or  picaroon,  or  even  a  frigate,  dared  show 
its  head.  The  proud  pavilion  of  France  was,  in  many  gla- 
ring instances,  humiliated  under  the  eagle  and  stripes  of  the 
United  States.  But  the  greatest  triumph  of  all  was,  that  the 
haughty  Directory,  who  had  demanded  tribute,  refused  to 
receive  our  ambassadors,  and  formally  and  publicly,  by 
an  act  of  government,  declared  that  they  would  not  re- 
ceive any  more  ministers  from  the  United  States  till  I  had 
made  excuses  and  apologies  for  some  of  my  speeches,  were 
obliged  to  humble  themselves,  retread  all  their  declarations, 
and  transmit  to  me  the  most  positive  assurances,  in  several  va- 
rious ways,  both  official  and  unofficial,  that  they  would  receive 
my  ministers,  and  make  peace  on  my  own  terms. 

Let  the  jackasses,  Lyon  and  his  correspondents,  and  his  in- 
timate friends  Duane,  Cullender,  and  Tom  Paine,  haw  or  laugh 
at  all  this,  as  they  did  at  the  finger  of  God.  If  ever  a  histo- 
rian should  arise  fit  for  the  investigation,  this  transaction  must 
Je  transmitted  to  posterity  as  the  most  glorious  period  in 
American  history,  and  as  the  most  disinterested,  prudent,  and 
successful  conduct  in  my  whole  life.  For  I  was  obliged  to 
give  peace  and  unexampled  prosperity  to  my  country  for  eight 
years,  (and  if  it  is  not  for  a  longer  duration,  it  is  not  my  fault,) 
against  the  advice,  entreaties,  and  intrigues  of  all  my  minis- 
ters, and  all  the  leading  federalists  in  both  houses  of  Con- 
gress. 

The  two  factions  have  conspired  hitherto  to  smother  all  my 
glory ;  yet,  they  cannot  avoid  letting  out,  now  and  then,  a 
glimpse,  and  this  letter  of  Lyon's  is  one  instance  of  it.  The 
caitiff  says  I  repented.  This  is  false — I  had  nothing  to  repent 
of — I  departed  from  no  principle,  system,  or  profession — the 
French  government  repented  and  reformed.  Their  humilia- 
tion and  m,y  triumph  were  complete.  Both  struck  the  British 
ambassador  so  forcibly  that  he  said  to  me,  "  To  what  degree 
of  abasement  will  not  the  French  submit  to  YOU?     I  was 


APPENDIX,  36] 

in  hopes  they  would  have  persevered,  and  gone  to  war  with 
you." 

My  system  was,  from  the  beginning,  to  make  peace  with 
them  the  moment  I  could  do  it  consistently  with  the  honour 
and  interest  of  the  nation.  But  this  disappointed  the  Jlnglo- 
maniac  Federalists  as  well  as  Mr.  Liston,  and  they  have  hated 
me  for  it  ever  since. 


From  Mr.  Adams  to  William  Cunningliam,  Esq. 

Quincy,  March  20,  1809. 

Dear  Sir, — I  have  received  your  fiivours  of  March  11th 
and  14th.  In  answer  to  the  first,  I  wish  to  know  whether 
you  remember  General  Washington's  answer  to  .Udet,  the 
successor  of  Genet.  It  was  written  by  the  gentleman  in  ques- 
tion, and  by  the  spirit  of  it,  represented  the  president  almost 
as  ardent  a  Jacobin  as  hiviself.  He  had  not  yet  been  con- 
verted from  his  Gallicism  and  Jacobinism.  You  remember 
the  thing,  "  Born  and  educated  in  a  free  country,"  &c.,  &c. ; 
"  wonderful  people." 

You  speak  of  the  fortunate  issue  of  my  negotiation  with 
France  to  my  fame!!!  I  cannot  express  my  astonishment. 
No  thanks  for  that  action — the  most  disinterested,  the  most 
determined,  and  the  most  successful  of  my  whole  life.  No 
acknowledgment  of  it  ever  appeared  among  the  republicans ; 
and  the  federalists  have  pursued  me  with  the  most  unrelenting 
hatred,  and  my  children  too,  from  that  time  to  this — covered, 
however,  with  the  thickest  veils  of  their  hypocrisy,  because 
there  was  some  danger  in  being  too  open.  My  fame  ! ! !  It 
has  been  the  systematical  policy  of  both  parties,  from  that 
period  especially,  and  indeed  for  twelve  years  before,  to  con- 
ceal from  the  people  all  the  services  of  my  life.  And  they 
have  succeeded  to  a  degree  that  I  should  scarcely  have  be- 
heved  it  possible  for  a  union  of  both  parties  to  effect. 

I  know  too  well  that  it  was  alleged,  and  Pickering's  cor- 
respondents, Higginson  and  Cabot,  alleged,  in  their  cowardly 
anonymous  way,  and  they  even  corrupted  Ben  Russell, 
against  his  own  judgment,  to  print  their  calumnies  in  the  Cen- 
tinel,  "  That  I  had  nothing  but  informal  intimations."  But 
the  fact  is,  that  I  had  the  most  direct,  formal,  and  official  in- 
31 


362  APPENDIX. 

formation  and  assurances,  in  two  different  ways,  and  through 
two  different  diplomatic  organs. 

The  first  was  a  resolve  of  the  Directory,  signified  by  their 
secretary,  Talleyrand,  and  conveyed  to  M.  Pichon,  Secre- 
tary of  Legation  and  Charge  des  Jlffaires  of  France,  in  the 
absence  of  their  ambassador  at  the  Hague,  by  M.  Pichon  to 
Mr.  Murray,  the  x^merican  Minister  at  the  Hague,  and  by 
him  officially  to  me.  This  was  a  legal  communication,  ac- 
cording to  the  most  scrupulous  usage  and  practice  of  the 
courts  of  the  world — the  most  delicate  in  all  matters  of  eti- 
quette. In  what  other  manner  could  the  cabinet  of  France 
have  communicated  with  me.  They  had  no  minister  in  Ame- 
rica. They  were  at  war  with  England  and  had  no  minister 
there.  They  could  not,  therefore,  convey  anything  to  me 
through  Mr.  King.  Through  Spain,  Portugal,  or  Prussia 
"would  have  been  more  round  about — have  taken  more  time, 
and  been  infinitely  less  certain  of  a  safe  conveyance.  The 
Directory  then  took  the  best  possible  course  in  their  power, 
and  the  assurance  was  as  complete  as  words  could  express. 
The  second  assurance  was  more  positive,  more  explicit,  and 
decisive  still,  and  through  the  most  authentic  channel  that  ex- 
isted. It  was  Mr.  Gerry,  one  of  my  own  ambassadors,  and 
by  way  of  excellence,  my  oion  ambassador ;  for  I  had  ap- 
pointed him  against  the  advice  of  all  my  ministers,  to  the  furi- 
ous provocation  of  Mr.  Pickering,  and  against  the  advice  of 
all  the  senators  whom  he  could  influence.  Mr.  Gerry,  in  an 
official  public  letter,  conveyed  to  me,  at  the  request  of  the 
directory,  and  their  secretary,  Talleyrand,  the  most  positive 
and  express  assurances  that  I  had  demanded.  This  letter  of 
Mr.  Gerry  threw  Pickering  into  so  fimous  a  rage  against 
Gerry,  that  in  a  report  to  me,  which  I  requested  him  to  draw 
for  me  to  communicate  to  Congress,  he  inserted  a  most  viru- 
lent, false,  and  calumnious  philippic  against  Gerry.  I  read 
it  w^ith  amazement.  I  scarcely  thought  that  prejudice  and 
party  rage  could  go  so  far.  I  told  him  it  would  not  do ;  it 
was  very  injurious,  and  totally  unfounded.  I  took  my  pen 
and  obliterated  the  whole  passage,  as  I  thought ;  but,  after 
all,  I  inadvertently  let  some  expressions  pass  which  ought  to 
have  been  erased.  Pickering  reddened  with  rage,  or  grief, 
as  if  he  had  been  bereaved  of  a  darling  child.  He  even  went 
so  far  as  to  beg  that  I  would  spare  it,  and  let  it  go  to  Con- 


APPENDIX.  303 

gress.  But  /  was  inexorable;  and  his  hatred  of  me  has  been 
unrelenting  from  that  time  to  this. 

But  these  were  not  all  the  official  assurances  I  received.  I 
had  personal  conversations  with  Mr.  Gerry,  and  in  detail,  lie 
declared  to  me,  that  he  had  the  most  decisive  assurances  both 
from  the  Directory  and  Talleyrand,  that  they  would  not  only 
receive  iny  minister  upon  my  own  terms,  but  make  peace  with 
me  on  my  own  terms.  And  I  am  convinced,  had  that  consti- 
tution been  continued,  and  the  negotiation  conducted  with  the 
Directory,  I  should  have  had  my  own  terms.  But  Napoleon 
came  in  and  altered  the  case  a  little.  The  convention,  how- 
ever, as  finally  ratified,  is  a  monument  of  the  dignity  my 
country  once  had  and  of  the  respect  paid  to  its  policy  and 
power.  Unofficial  assurances  I  had,  moreover.  I  will  men- 
tion two  instances.  Mr.  Logan,  of  Philadelphia,  however 
scorned  and  run  down  by  the  English  party,  is  a  gentleman 
of  fortune,  education,  good  breeding,  and  not  despicable  abili- 
ties. After  his  return  from  France,  he  made  me  a  visit,  and 
politely  informed  me,  that  he  waited  on  me  at  the  request  of 
Talleyrand,  to  assure  me  in  the  most  solemn  manner,  that  the 
Directory  wished  for  peace  with  the  United  States,  and  desired 
me  to  send  a  minister,  or  authorize  one  already  in  Europe  to 
treat ;  and  that  I  might  depend  upon  his  cordial  and  honourable 
reception  ;  and  that  a  treaty  should  be  made  to  my  satisfaction. 
I  should,  however,  have  paid  no  attention  to  this,  if  I  had  not 
received  other  similar  assurances  through  Mr.  Murray  and  Mr. 
Gerry. 

Another  instance  was  through  General  Washington.  Mr. 
Joel  Barlow  wrote  a  long,  elaborate,  elegant,  and  ingenious 
letter  to  General  Washington,  in  which  he  urged  negotiation 
and  peace,  with  a  variety  of  arguments  ;  and  insisted  upon  it, 
that  every  thing  might  easily  be  arranged  to  mutual  satisfaction. 
Washington  was  so  impressed  by  it,  that  he  sent  it  to  me,  with 
a  letter  of  his  own,  in  which  he  said  to  me,  that  he  had  reason 
to  believe  that  Barlow's  letter  was  written  with  the  knowledge 
and  consent  of  the  French  government.  And  Washington 
added,  that  "  it  appeared  to  him  that  the  people  of  America 
were  very  desirous  of  peace."  What  could  I  understand  by 
this  hint  but  an  expression  of  his  opinion,  that  I  ought  to  en- 
deavour to  make  peace  if  I  could  ?  However,  Barlow's  letter 
would  have  had  no  more  weight  with  me  than  Logan's  mes- 
sage, nor  would  Washington's  opinion    have  been  regarded 


364  APPENDIX. 

more  than  either,  if  they  had  not  been  preceded  or  followed 
by  the  regular  communications  through  Murray  and  Gerry. 
With  this  diplomatic  evidence,  every  court  in  Europe,  and  the 
French  nation  themselves,  as  well  as  our  American  people, 
would  have  cried  "  shame  upon  the  French  government,"  and 
justified  a  subsequent  war. 

This  conduct  should  not  have  brought  upon  me  disgrace. 
But  the  British  faction  was  determined  to  have  a  war  with 
France,  and  Alexander  Hamilton  at  the  head  of  the  army 
and  then  President  of  the  United  States.  Peace  with  France 
was  therefore  treason  against  their  fundamental  maxims  and 
reasons  of  state. 

But  if  I  had  been  too  hasty  in  declaring,  that  I  would  not 
send  a  minister,  but  upon  certain  conditions,  or  too  easy  in 
receiving  the  conditions,  why  should  Xha  federalists  en^e?ivowv 
to  render  me  unpopular  for  this  ?  It  could  answer  no  end  but 
to  turn  me  out ;  and  they  ought  to  have  known,  that  they 
could  carry  no  other  man  in  the  union — or  to  force  me  to  re- 
tract my  nomination  of  ambassadors,  or  suspend  their  voy- 
age and  supersede  the  negotiation  altogether. 

These  were  their  motives,  and  they  exhausted  all  their  wit 
in  studies  and  labours  to  defeat  the  whole  design.  A  war 
with  France,  an  alliance  with  England,  and  Alexander  Ham- 
ilton, ihe.  father  of  their  speculating  systems,  at  the  head  of 
our  army  and  the  state,  were  their  hohhy-horse,  their  vision 
of  sovereign  felicity.  No  wonder  they  hate  the  author  of 
their  defeat. 


From  Mr.  Adams  to  William  Cunningham,  Esq. 

Qiiincy,  June  7,  1809. 

Dear  Sir, — Yours  of  May  6th,  I  have  not  acknowledged, 
and  cannot  particularly  consider  the  abundance  of  matter  in  it 
at  present.  If  you  see  the  Patriot,  you  will  see  that  I  am 
scribbling  twice  a  week — I  am  hammering  out  a  brass  farthing 
into  an  acre  of  leaf  brass.  But  I  was  determined  that  pos- 
terity should  know  the  facts,  relative  to  my  peace  with 
France  in  1800.  I  expect  "angry  surges"  enough.  Let  them 
come — they  cannot  sink  me  lower  than  the  bottom,  and  I  have 
been  safely  landed  there  these  eight  years. 

I  rodomontaded  with  Lyman  and  Wright.     They  called  me 


APPENDIX.  365 

father  of  INew  England. — I  resented  that,  because  if  I  was  a 
father  at  all,  I  'was  father  of  all  the  states.  I  am,  in  earnest, 
a  friend  to  the  whole  union,  comprehending  East,  West, 
North,  and  South,  and  I  will  not  countenance  a  project  of 
division. 

John  Quincy  Adams  exposed  Eaton's  usurped  title  of  "  Ge- 
neral," which  is  directly  against  the  constitution,  and  opposed 
the  grant  of  fifty  thousand  dollars  to  him,  for  which  he  had 
no  just  claim.  That  is  enough  for  Eaton  to  revenge — it  is 
true,  that  Pickering,  at  the  instigation  of  Hamilton,  as  I  sup- 
pose, who  was  jealous  of  Smith  as  a  favourite  of  Washington, 
and  a  better  officer  than  himself,  excited  a  faction  in  the 
senate  against  him  ;  and  to  my  knowledge  propagated  many 
scandalous  falsehoods  concerning  him,  and  got  him  negatived, 
though  Washington  had  recommended  him  to  me.  But  no 
personal  or  family  consideration  would  have  induced  me  to  dis- 
miss Pickering.  My  motives  were  public  altogether  ;  but  I 
have  not  yet  told  you  half  of  them. 

A  most  profound  silence  is  observed  relative  to  mj  scrib- 
bles— I  say  not  a  word  about  them  to  any  one ;  and  nobody 
says  a  word  to  me.  The  newspapers  are  as  still  as  midnight. 
I  suppose  the  sulphurous  combustibles  are  preparing  under 
ground,  and  the  electrical  fire  collecting  in  the  clouds.  The 
storm  of  thunder  and  lightning,  hail  and  rain,  I  expect  will 
burst  upon  me  all  at  once;  and  the  volcanoes  burst  out  at  the 
same  time.  If  I  am  neither  drowned  in  the  rain,  nor  pierced 
with  the  bolts,  nor  Mown  into  the  atmosphere  by  the  erup- 
tions, I  must  be  invulnerable.  Hie  murus  ahenus  esto. 
This  heart  be  my  wall  of  brass. 

I  will  not  die  for  nothing.  My  pen  shall  go  as  long  as  ray 
fingers  can  hold  it. 

I  should  be  glad  to  know  if  you  read  the  Patriot,  and 
what  is  thought  of  it — whether,  and  wherein,  I  have  exposed 
myself. 


From  Mr.  Adams  to  William  Cunning-ham,  Esq. 

Quincy,  July  31,  1809. 

Dear  Sir, — I  received  in  season  your  favour  of  the  30th 
June,  as  well  as  that  of  July  24th,  and  thank*  you  for  both. 
The  first  is  full  of  the  candour  and  frankness  of  true  friend- 
:ii  * 


366  APPENDIX. 

ship,  and  deserves  my  mature  consideration.  I  have  not  been 
able  to  answer  it,  for  I  have  been  very  busy,  and  my  son's 
destination  (J.  Q.  Adams),  and  preparations  for  departure, 
have  claimed  all  my  attention.  It  is  a  heart-rending  stroke 
fo  me ;  I  may  see  him  no  more.  I  hope  his  absence  will  not 
be  lono-.     Aristides  is  banished  because  he  is  too  just — He 

WILL  NOT  LEAVE  AN  HONESTER  OR  ABLER  MAN    BEHIND     HIM. 

I  am  in  a  fair  way  to  give  my  critics  and  enemies  food 
enough  to  glut  their  appetites.  They  spit  their  venom,  and 
hiss  like  serpents.  But  no  facts  are  derived,  no  arguments 
confuted.  I  take  no  notice  of  their  Billingsgate — let  it  boil 
and  broil.  I  have  had  their  secret  hatred  for  ten  years — for 
twenty  years — for  all  my  life  indeed  ;  and  I  had  rather  have 
their  open  hostility  than  their  secret — I  never  hoped  for  mercy 
from  British  bears  and  tori/  tigers.  Their  system  would 
lead  this  country  to  misery,  and  I  will  not  follow  it. 


From  ]Mr.  Adams  to  William  Cunningham,  Esq. 

Quincy,  September  27,  1809. 

Dear  Sir, — Yesterday  I  received  your  favour  of  the  23d, 
and  had  before  in  its  season  received  that  of  the  9th,  in  good 
order,  its  enclosure  unviolated.  My  boyish  letter  to  Dr.  Nathan 
Webb  appeared  with  more  propriety  in  a  Worcester  paper 
than  any  where  else.  It  is  de?nonstrative  evidence,  that 
John  Adams's  Declaration  of  Independence  was  one-and- 
twenty  years  older  than  Thomas  Jefferson's,  To  un- 
derstand my  letter  it  is  necessary  to  have  lived  at  the  time 
when  it  was  written — when  we  were  so  angry  with  Great 
Britain  for  misconducting  American  affairs,  and  for  leaving  us 
exposed  to  the  murders  and  depredations  of  French  and  Indians, 
that  from  my  heart  I  wished  we  were  independent  of  her,  and 
left  to  ourselves,  to  take  care  of  our  enemies,  or  perish  in  the 
struggle. 

I  presume  the  Latin  word  should  be  "  died,"  the  "  dreadful 
things,"  "  the  horrors  of  war,"  I  remember  the  word  "  dire" 
and  direful  and  dide  were  very  fashionable  among  the  boys  in 
college,  out  of  which  I  had  just  before  migrated.  But  enough 
of  this  childish  business.  The  thing  is  an  oddity,  that's  all. 
You  have  made  enough,  and  more  than  enough  of  it,  in  your 
introduction. 


APPENDIX.  367 

Mr.  Shaw's  Atheneeum  is  an  honor  to  Boston,  to  Massachu- 
setts, and  to  North  America,  and  I  hope  no  Tory  Junto  will 
be  able  to  deprive  him  of  the  honor  of  it.  Yet  he  and  his 
Athenseum  are  too  much  under  their  thumbs.  Poor  Democrats, 
Republicans,  mid  still  poorer  Americans,  are  at  the  feet  of 
John  Bull  and  his  Calves.  Matters  cannot  he  much  longer 
minced.     The  truth  must  out. 


From  Mr.  Adams  to  William  Cunningham,  Esq. 

Qulncy,  Oct.  23,  1809. 

Dear  Sir, — I  thank  you  for  your  favour  of  the  17th.  I 
know  the  integrity,  talents,  and  intelligence  of  great  numbers 
of  the  federalists,  and  have  no  doubt  of  the  good  intentions 
of  the  great  body  of  that  party;  but  of  a  great  number  of 
their  leaders,  and  the  most  active  of  them  especially,  I  have 
no  better  opinion  than  I  have  of  some  of  the  leaders  of  the 
republicans.  By  their  writings  they  have  deceived  the  people 
into  an  affection  and  confidence  in  England,  and  an  abhorrence 
of  France;  neither  of  which  is  well  founded.  The  funding 
system,  and  banking  system,  which  are  the  work  of  the 
federalists,  have  introduced  more  corruption  and  injustice, 
for  what  I  know,  than  any  other  cause.* 

My  confidence  in  Mr.  Dana  during  the  whole  time  we 
lived  and  acted  together  in  Europe,  ought  not  to  have  been 
concealed.  I  know  that  if  he  transmits  to  posterity  any  re- 
lation of  the  controversy  between  the  Count  De  Vergennes 
and  me,  it  must  be  founded  on  the  letters  that  passed  between 
us,  which  I  possess  as  well  as  he.  I  can  transmit  it  myself, 
if  I  should  live  ;  but  as  I  care  little  about  it,  and  it  is  not 
likely  I  shall  live  long  enough  to  go  through  the  place  I  have 
in  view,  I  shall  probably  leave  it  among  a  number  of  manu- 
script volumes,  to  be  concealed  forever  from  the  public  eye, 
or  scattered  and  lost,  like  the  papers  of  Mr.  Hancock  and 
Mr.  Samuel  Adams. 

So  many  federal  lies  have  been  published  concerning  the 

*  President  Jackson  was  of  the  same  opinion  in  1836,  which  caused  that 
master  spirit  in  financial  operations,  the  Hon.  Iiovi  Woodbury,  tlien  Secre- 
tary of  the  Treasury,  to  issue  "  The.  Treasury  Circular"  which  slopped 
Banking  monopoly,  and  reston'd  confidence  thron2;hoat  the  country. 

Thi;  Editor. 


368  APPENDIX. 

peace  of  1783,  that  I  was  determined  that  all  the  papers 
relative  to  that  transaction,  should  not  be  left  for  chance  or 
cunning  to  mutilate  or  mangle. 


Extract  of  a  letter  from  Timothy  Pickering  (late  Secretary  of  State  under 
John  Adams)  to  his  friend  Governor  Sullivan,  of  Boston,  as  regards 
charges  and  insinuations  made  by  Mr.  Adams  in  his  letters  to  William 
Cunningham,  Esq.,  dated  at  Quincy,  November  7th  and  25th,  18U8,  to- 
gether witli  other  interesting  remarks  of  Mr.  Pickering,  on  the  adminis- 
tration of  Mr.  Adams,  &c. 

"  I  am  now,  sir,  far  advanced  in  life.  I  have  children  and 
grandchildren,  who,  when  I  am  gone,  may  hear  these  slanders 
repeated,  and  not  have  the  means  of  repelling  them.  I  have, 
too,  some  invaluable  friends  in  most  of  the  states,  and  many 
in  that  wdiich  gave  me  birth ;  men  who  are  the  ornaments  of 
society  and  of  their  country.  All  these,  if  not  my  country 
itself,  interested  as  it  is  in  the  public  concerns,  on  which  I 
first  addressed  you  (the  embargo),  have  claims  which  I  ought 
not  to  leave  unsatisfied.  Thus  called  upon  to  vindicate  my 
character,  I  am  constrained  to  give  a  concise  narrative  of  my 

public  life." 

******* 

"My  'hald  head  and  straight  hair''  are  what  nature  has 
given  me ;  and  I  have  been  content  with  her  arrangement  : 
they  are  not  a  fit  subject  for  reproach.  Mr.  Adams's  friend 
Cunningham  reminds  him,  that  it  was  rather  unfortunate  for 
him  to  attempt  to  degrade  Hamilton  by  calling  him  '  the  little 
man  f  seeing,  though  with  less  flesh,  he  surpassed  in  stature 
both  him  and  his  son.  Of  all  men  living,  those  who  best 
know  me  will  say,  that  I  am  one  of  the  last  to  whom  a  dis- 
position in  any  manner  to  disguise  his  sentiments,  should  he 

imputed.'^ 

*****  *  * 

As  regards  the  statement  made  by  Mr.  Adams  in  his  letter 
to  William  Cunningham,  dated  Quincy,  November  25,  1808, 
in  relation  to  a  scene  in  a  court-room,  in  Salem  (Mass.),  Mr. 
Pickering  observes  :  "  Having  seen,  throughout  the  '  corres- 
pondence,' a  series  of  misrepresentations  of  comparatively  re- 
cent events,  it  cannot  surprise  one  that  Mr.  Adams  should 
misstate  an  occurrence  fifty  or  sixty  years  old.  He  says,  that 
he  was  engaged  in  a  cause  in  which  my  father  was  a  witness : 


APPENDIX.  869 

that 'while  under  examination,  though  treated  with  the  ut- 
most respect  and  civihty,  he  broke  out,  without  the  smallest 
provocation,  into  a  rude  personal  attack  upon  him,'  Mr. 
Adams.  I  know  my  father's  character  too  well  to  give  any 
credit  to  the  latter  part  of  this  tale.  He  was  a  farmer;  yet, 
bred  in  the  town,  his  manners  were  not  coarse  and  rude.  It 
is  true  that  he  thought  all  men  were  born  free  and  equal ; 
and  though  indisposed  to  any  act  of  humiliation  to  a  proud 
barrister,  he  would  treat  his  poor  neighbour  with  kindness 
and  civihty.  The  story  admits  of  an  easy  solution.  It  was, 
I  presume,  a  cross-examination;  and  that  my  father's  testi- 
mony bore  hard  upon  the  cause  of  Mr.  Adams's  client.  Then, 
as  it  not  unfrequently  happens  (and  I  have  often  thought  with 
too  much  indulgence  from  the  court),  the  lawyer  brow-beat 
the  witness,  with  the  hope  to  confound  him,  in  order,  amidst 
his  confusion,  to  produce  some  change  in  his  language  that 
might  lessen  or  destroy  the  weight  of  his  testimony.  Such, 
probably,  was  Mr.  Adams's  conduct  toward  my  father,  who 
had  discernment  enough  to  perceive  the  insult,  and  spirit 
enough  not  to  let  it  pass  unnoticed.  In  commenting  upon  the 
testimony,  in  his  argument  to  the  jury,  Mr.  Adams  says  he 
raised  a  general  laugh  at  my  father's  expense.  He  supposes 
that  I  was  present,  and  says,  '  I  have  never  forgiven  him.' 
Now,  whether  this  miserable  tale  be  true  in  whole,  or  in  part, 
or  wholly  destitute  of  truth,  it  is,  as  to  the  conclusion,  alto- 
gether immaterial ;  for  I  never  heard  of  it  before,  nor  do  I 
remember  a  single  instance  in  which  my  father  was  examined 
as  a  witness  in  any  court.  There  was,  consequently,  no  ob- 
ject on  account  of  which,  in  regard  to  Mr.  Adams,  I  could 
impart  or  withhold  forgiveness.  My  father,  at  the  age  of 
seventy-five,  died  almost  six-and-forty  years  ago." 

Mr.  Pickering,  in  his  reply  to  Mr.  Adams's  letter  to  Mr. 
Cunningham,  dated  Quincy,  Nov,  7,  180S,  wherein  he  is 
charged  with  the  worst  of  capacity,  says,  "  Mr.  Adams  was 
a  lawyer,  a  statesman,  a  diplomatist,  of  great  experience  ;  and 
from  his  abundant  resources  ready  at  his  call,  it  would  not  be 
unnatural,  or  unreasonable,  to  expect,  that,  having  endured 
his  lame  secretary  so  long,  he  might  be  willing  to  lend  him 
some  aid — to  suggest,  at  least,  some  leading  ideas  on  the  sub- 
jects in  question  ;  but  of  these  he  was  certainly  very  sparing, 
if  he  offered  any  at  all.  As  soon  as  a  session  of  congress 
ondpd,  he  hurried  away  to  Quincy,  to  indulge  himself  in  repose. 


370 


APPENDIX, 


almost  free  from  the  cares  of  government,  and  enjoying  his 
office,  with  its  emoluments,  nearly  as  a  sinecure.  At  the  close 
of  the  very  important  session  in  July  179S,  he  posted  oif  with- 
out informing  any  head  of  department  that  he  was  going  to 
leave  the  seat  of  government !  His  son-in-law,  Col.  Smith, 
nominated  for  adjutant  general,  had  recently  been  negatived 
by  the  senate  ;  and  I  supposed  he  departed  in  a  pet.  Much 
in  this  manner  he  left  the  city  of  Washington,  early  on  the 
morning  of  the  Ath  of  March,  1801,  the  day  of  the  inauguration 
of  his  successful  rival,  Thomas  Jefferson,  vexed  and  mortified 
that  it  was  not  himself  elected  to  the  presidency  a  second  time. 
Washingtonsidiyed'm  Philadelphia,  and  with  dignified  courtesy, 
attended  the  inauguration  of  Mr.  Adams ;  and  afterwards 
made  him  a  visit  at  his  lodgings,  before  he  departed  for  Mount 
Vernon. 

"  So  much  on  the  score  of  incapacity,  with  which  I  am 
roundly  charged  by  Mr.  Adams.  With  this,  however,  great 
as  it  may  have  been,  it  was  somewhat  cruel  to  upbraid  me, 
after  what  had  passed  between  President  Washington  and  me, 
when  he  tendered  me  the  office  of  secretary  of  state,  as  recited 
in  my  letter  to  Governor  Sullivan,  which  Mr.  Adams  had  read, 
and  which  as  already  mentioned,  caused  the  outpouring  of  his 
wrath  ;  and  after  I  had  held  the  office  a  year  and  a  half  under 
Washington,  and  three  years  and  two  months  under  Adams 
himself. 

"  I  am  as  ready  as  any  man  to  acknowledge — I  have,  not 
long  since,  before  a  very  numerous  assembly,  acknowledged 
Mr.  Adams's  merit  in  contributing  largely  to  the  vindication 
of  the  rights  of  the  colonies,  and  in  effecting  the  independence 
of  the  United  States ;  it  was  an  act  of  justice  which  I  feel  no 
disposition  to  retract.  But  'great  men  are  not  always  wise;' 
and  some,  after  many  good  deeds,  commit  inexcusable  faults; 
and,  whether  these  injuriously  affect  one's  country,  or  individ- 
ual citizens,  they  ought  to  be  exposed. 

"  Mr.  Adams's  virulent  reproaches  of  federalists,  of  Hamil- 
ton, and  of  me  in  particular,  seem  to  have  been  written  when 
he  was  tortured  with  the  keen  feelings  of  disappointed  ambition; 
an  ambition  which  could  bear  no  opposition,  or  even  lukewarm- 
ness,  in  regard  to  the  means  of  gratifying  it.  He  has  himself 
described  this  passion  in  language  that  would  not  have  occurred 
to  any  man  who  had  not  felt  it  in  its  utmost  violence.  '  The 
desire  of  the  esteem  of  others,'  says  he,  '  is  as  real  a  want  of 


APPENDIX.  871 

nature,  as  hunger — and  the  neglect  and  contempt  of  the  world, 
as  severe  a  -pain  as  the  gout  or  the  stone.  A  mere  detail  of 
events  may  engage  curiosity  ;  but  it  is  the  characters  of  the 
actors  which  especially  interest  the  reader  ;  and  the  exhibition 
of  their  actions,  whether  these  be  good  or  had,  which  furnishes 
useful  lessons  of  instruction.' 

"  Of  all  the  persons  vihfied  and  slandered  by  Mr.  Adams/' 
says  Mr.  Pickering,  "  Mr.  Jetferson  is  the  only  one  to  whom 
he  appears  to  have  been  solicitous  to  make  reparation.  But 
was  he  the  only  one  entitled  to  do  it  ?  Do  his  eulogists  think 
nothing  due  to  the  memories  of  Hamilton  and  Ames,  and 
other  departed  federalists,  and  to  their  surviving  compatriots, 
who  have  been  calumniated  by  the  Adams  family  ?  Are  their 
names  to  be  blotted  from  history,  or  remembered  only  to  be 
associated  with  infamy  ?     Truth  is  the  soul  of  history. 

"  Once  I  was  hung  in  effigy  in  the  Northern  Liberties  of 
Philadelphia,  on  a  gallows  fifty  feet  high  ;  and  a  printed  no- 
tice of  the  time  was  sent  to  me,  then  in  congress  at  Wash- 
ington. This  was  during  the  existence  of  President  JetFerson's 
glorious,  indefinite  embargo — of  which  I  had  taken  the  liberty 
to  say,  that  I  did  7iot  like  it.  On  receiving  the  notice,  the 
first  thought  that  occurred  to  me  was,  that  the  effigy  of  one 
of  the  greatest  and  best  men  the  United  States  ever  knew, 
John  Jay,  had  been  exhibited,  a  public  spectacle,  in  the  same 
manner,  and  I  believe  in  the  same  place.  And  so  associated, 
I  felt  myself  honoured  by  the  elevation. 

"And  once  for  all;"  continues  Mr.  Pickering,  "I  affirm 
that  in  ray  various  interviews  with  Mr.  Adams,  there  was 
never  a  single  instance  of  passion  on  my  part  ;  and,  what  is 
a  little  remarkable,  but  one  on  his ;  and  this  on  an  occasion 
which  would  not  have  produced  in  any  other  man  the  smallest 
emotion. 

"  It  was  this.  In  1794,  John  Quincy  Adams  was  ap- 
pointed minister  resident  of  the  United  States  at  the  Hague. 
Just  before  General  Washington's  last  presidency  expired,  he 
raised  John  Quincy  Adams  to  the  higher  grade  of  Minister 
Plenipotentiary  to  Portugal.  But  his  father  soon  succeedmg 
to  the  office  of  president,  he  changed  the  son's  destination 
from  Portugal  to  Prussia.  In  making  out  a  new  commission, 
I  called  him  Late  Minister  resident  of  the  United  States  at  the 
Hague ;  doubting  whether  it  would  be  correct  to  call  him 
late  Minister  Plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  at  the  Court 


372  APPENDIX. 

of  Lisbon,  seeing  that  not  having  gone  thither,  of  course  he 
had  not  been  received  in  that  character.  I  concluded,  how- 
ever, to  submit  the  draught  to  his  father,  to  be  approved  or 
altered,  as  he  pleased.  He  read  on  till  he  came  to  "  Late 
Minister  resident  of  the  United  States,  at  the  Hague,"  when 
he  burst  into  a  passion,  and  with  a  loud  and  rapid  voice  ex- 
claimed, "  Not  late  Minister  resident  at  the  Hague,  but  Late 
Minister  Plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  to  the  Court  of 
Lisbon,  to  which  office  he  was  appointed  by  General  Wash- 
ington— not  by  me — and  so  he  shall  be  called."  Then  low- 
ering his  tone,  but  speaking  with  earnestness,  he  added,  "  I 
am  sorry  that  my  son  ever  went  abroad  as  a  minister;  I  wish 
he  had  staid  at  home  :  W  there  was  not  a  pen  in  the  United 
States  of  which  the  Jacobins  were  so  much  afraid  as  of  my 
son's!"  Where  and  what  is  now  this  wonderful  son?* 
Among  the  men  whom  his  father  called  Jacobins — himself,  of 
course,  a  Jacobin.  And  where,  I  may  also  ask,  is  the  father  ? 
When  the  son  tacked,  the  father  wore  skip,  and  followed  in  his 
wake,  Jefferson  leading  the  van  ;  Jefferson,  whom,  not  long 
before,  the  father  pronounced  "  the  deepest  dissembler,  ancl 
most  artful  hypocrite  he  ever  knew." 

"  As  it  has  been  his  steady  aim,"  continues  Mr.  Pickering, 
"in  Mr.  Adams's  letter  to  Cunningham,  to  vilify  me,  so,  in 
order  to  counteract  his  design,  Mr.  Adams  is  here  exhibited 
against  himself.  Not  that  I  consider  approbation  or  praise 
from  a  man  so  notoriously  governed  by  his  passions,  by  his 
ambition,  vanity,  and  family  interest,  of  any  intrinsic  value, 
but  his  eulogies  and  censures,  when  brought  together,  like  two 
different  substances  in  chemical  operations,  may  neutralize 
each  other." 


[Private.]  Quincy,  Oct.  15,  1798. 

Dear  Sir, — I  received  your  answer  to  the  address  from 
Virginia,  concinnate  and  consummati.  My  secretary  gave  a 
hint  of  it  to  Mrs.  Adams  and  she  insisted  upon  his  bringing  it 
to  her  bedside  and  reading  it  to  her.  She  desires  me  to  tell 
you,  that  weak  and  low  as  she  is,  she  has  spirit  enough  left  to 
be  delighted  with  it.  She  says  it  is  the  best  answer  to  an 
address  that  ever  was  written,  and  w^orth  all  that  ever  were 

*  "  Ephraim   is    joined    to    idols   let  him  alone." 


APPENDIX.  373 

written.  You  may  well  suppose  that  I,  who  am  so  severely 
reflected  on  by  these  compliments,  am  disposed  enough  to 
think  them  extravagant.  I,  however,  think  the  answer  ex- 
cellent, and  wish  you  had  to  answer  all  the  saucy  addresses  I 
have  received.  I  don't  intend  to  answer  any  more  of  the  dis- 
respectful ones. — I  am,  with  great  esteem, 

Mr.  Pickering.  John  Adams. 

Mr.  Pickering,  in  defending  his  friend.  Col.  Hamilton,  against 
the  many  insinuations  thrown  out  by  Mr.  Adams,  prejudicial 
to  his  political  and  military  character,  observes — 

"  A  scrutiny  of  Mr.  Adams's  several  communications  to  con- 
gress produced  in  the  mind  of  Hamilton,  the  following  result. 
He  (Col.  Hamilton)  says  :  '  I  then  adopted  an  opinion,  which 
all  my  subsequent  experience  has  confirmed,  that  he  is  of  an 
imagination  sublimated  and  eccentric  ;  propitious  neither  to  the 
regular  display  of  sound  judgment,  nor  to  steady  perseverance 
in  a  systematic  plan  of  conduct ;  and  I  began  to  perceive, 
what  has  been  since  too  manifest,  that  to  this  defect  are  added 
the  unfortunate  foibles  of  a  vanity  without  bounds,  and  a 
jealousy  capable  of  discolouring  every  object.'  " 

"  It  was  in  the  year  1777,"  observes  Mr.  Pickering  "  that  I 
first  saw  Hamilton,  and  perceived  his  importance  in  the 
military  family  of  General  Washington.  The  subsequent  acts 
of  his  public  life,  and  the  eminent  and  disinterested  services 
he  rendered  to  the  United  States,  inspired  me  with  the  highest 
ideas  of  his  talents  and  worth.  As  an  aid-de-camp  to  the 
commander-in-chief,  he  saw  the  principal  operations  of  the 
main  army  during  four  years;  but  had  no  command  of  troops, 
except  of  a  detachment  at  the  siege  of  Yorktown,  with  which 
he  stormed  and  took  a  redoubt.  A  man  of  genius,  however, 
will  promptly  grasp  any  subject,  while  a  common  mind  is 
learning  the  rudiments  which,  by  slow  degrees,  are  to  con- 
duct him  to  the  knowledge  of  it.  When,  therefore,  a  small 
army,  in  1798,  was  to  be  raised,  in  addition  to  our  peace 
establishment,  I  had  no  hesitation  as  to  the  person  best  quali- 
fied to  command  it.  Of  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  who 
had  seen  service,  I  knew  not  one  to  place  in  competition  with 
him.  It  was  while  I  was  in  this  state  of  mind,  that  the  fol- 
lowing dialogue  took  place  between  Mr.  Adams  and  me : 
"  Mr.  A. — Whom  shall  we  appoint  commander-in-chief? 
32 


374  APPENDIX. 

"  Colonel  Hamilton. 

"  Mr.  Adams  made  no  reply.  On  another  day,  he  repeated 
the  same  question,  and  I  gave  him  the  same  answer.  He  did 
not  reply.  On  another  day  he,  for  the  third  time,  asked  me, 
'  Whom  shall  we  appoint  commander-in-chief?'  and  the 
third  time  I  answered  '  Colonel  Hamilton.'  '  O  no  !'  re- 
plied Mr.  Adams,  '  it  is  not  his  turn  by  a  great  deal ;  I  would 
sooner  appoint  Gates,  or  Lincoln,  or  Morgan.'  Instantly  I 
rejoined  to  this  effect :  '  General  Morgan  is  here  a  member 
of  congress,  now  very  sick,  apparently  with  one  foot  in  the 
grave  ;  certainly  a  very  brave  and  meritorious  officer  in  our 
revolutionary  war ;  and  perhaps  his  present  sickness  may  be 
the  consequence  of  the  hardships  and  sufferings  to  which  he 
was  then  subjected  ;  but,  if  he  were  in  full  health,  the  com- 
mand of  a  brigade  would  be  deemed  commensurate  with  his 
talents.  As  for  Gates,  he  is  now  an  old  woman,  and  Lincoln  is 
always  asleep.'     Mr.  Adams  made  no  reply. 

"  Washington  being  on  this  occasion  appointed  commander- 
in-chief,  the  secretary  of  war  (Mr.  M'Henry)  was  directed  to 
carry  his  commission  to  Mount  Vernon.  Knowing  Mr. 
Adams's  aversion  to  Hamilton,  and  apprehensive  that  he  would 
either  not  be  called  into  service,  or  if  nominated  to  any  office, 
that  it  would  be  in  a  rank  so  much  below  his  merit  that  he 
would  not  and  ought  not  to  accept  it,  I  took  the  liberty  of 
writing  to  General  Washington  the  following  letter :" — 

Philadelphia,  July  6,  1798. 

[11  o'clock  at  night.] 

Sir, — My  attachment  to  my  country,  and  my  desire  to  pro- 
mote its  best  interests,  I  trust  have  never  been  equivocal ;  and 
at  this  time  I  feel  extreme  anxiety  that  our  army  should  be 
organized  in  the  most  efficient  manner.  The  enemy  whom  we 
are  preparing  to  encounter — veterans  in  arms,  led  by  able  and 
active  officers,  and  accustomed  to  victory — must  be  met  by  the 
best  blood,  talents,  energy,  and  experience  that  our  country 
can  produce.  Great  military  abilities  are  the  portion  of  but 
few  men  in  any  nation,  even  the  most  populous  and  warlike. 
How  very  few,  then,  may  we  expect  to  find  in  the  United 
States !  In  them  the  arrangements  should  be  so  made  that 
not  one  might  be  lost. 

There  is  one  man  who  will  gladly  be  your  second,  but  who 
will  not,  I  presume,  because  I  think  he  ought  not  to  be  the 


APPENDIX.  '  375 

second  to  any  other  military  commander  in  the  United  States. 
You  too  well  know  Col.  Hamilton's  distinguished  ability, 
energy,  and  fidelity  to  apply  my  remark  to  any  other  man. 
But  to  insure  his  appointment,  I  apprehend  the  weight  of 
your  opinion  may  be  necessary.  From  the  conversation  that 
I  and  others  have  had  with  the  President,  there  appears  to  be 
a  disinclination  to  place  Col.  Hamilton  in  what  we  think  is  his 
proper  station,  and  that  alone  in  which  we  suppose  he  will 
serve — the  second  to  you,  and  the  chief  in  your  absence.  In 
any  war,  and  especially  in  such  a  war  as  now  impends,  a 
commander-in-chief  ought  to  know,  and  have  a  confidence  in 
the  officers  most  essential  to  insure  success  to  his  measures. 
In  a  late  conversation  with  the  President,  I  took  the  liberty 
to  observe,  that  the  army  in  question  not  being  yet  raised,  the 
only  material  object  to  be  contemplated  in  the  early  appoint- 
ment of  the  commander-in-chief  would  be,  that  he  might  be 
consulted  ;  because  he  ought  to  be  satisfied  in  the  choice  of 
the  principal  officers  who  should  serve  under  him. 

If  any  considerations  should  prevent  your  taking  the  com- 
mand of  the  army,  I  deceive  myself  extremely  if  you  will  not 
think  that  it  should  be  conferred  on  Col.  Hamilton — and  in  this 
case  it  may  be  equally  necessary,  as  in  the  former,  that  you 
should  intimate  your  opinion  to  the  president.  Even  Col. 
Hamilton's  political  enemies  I  believe,  would  repose  more  con- 
fidence in  him  than  in  any  other  military  character  that  can 
be  placed  in  competition  with  him.  This  letter  is  in  its  nature 
confidential,  and  therefore  can  procure  me  the  displeasure  of 
no  one  ;  but  the  appointment  of  Col.  Hamilton,  in  the  manner 
suggested,  appears  to  me  of  such  vast  importance  to  the  wel- 
fare of  the  country,  that  I  am  willing  to  risk  any  consequences 
of  my  frank  and  honest  endeavours  to  secure  it.  On  this 
ground  I  assure  myself  you  will  pardon  the  freedom  of  this 
address. — I  am,  with  perfect  respect  sir,  your  most  obedient 
servant,  Timothy  Pickering. 

P.  S. — Mr.  M'Henry  is  to  set  off  to-morrow,  or  on  Mon- 
day, bearing  your  commission. 

To  General  Washington. 

[Mount  Vernon.] 

When  Mr.  Pickering  wrote  this  letter,  he  says,  "  I  had  no 
sort  of  communication  with  Hamilton  on  this  subject :  it  was  a 
spontaneous  act  on  my  part  to  secure  his  services  to  the 
country." 


376  APPENDIX. 

To  this  letter  I  was  favoured  with  a  long  and  confidential 
answer,  dated  July  11th,  of  which  the  following  is  an  extract : 

"  Of  the  abilities  and  fitness  of  the  gentleman  yon  have 
named  for  a  high  command  in  the  j)rovisional  army,  I  think 
as  you  do,  and  that  his  services  ought  to  be  secured  at  almost 
any  price.  What  the  difficulties  are  that  present  themselves 
to  the  rnind  of  the  president  in  opposition  to  this  measure,  I 
am  entirely  ignorant ;  but  in  confidence,  and  with  the  frank- 
ness you  have  disclosed  your  own  sentiments  on  this  occasion, 
I  will  unfold  mine,  under  the  view  I  have  taken  of  the  pros- 
pect before  us ;  and  shall  do  it  concisely." 

The  Secretary  of  War,  when  charged  with  Washington's 
commission,  was  instructed  by  the  President  to  consult  the 
general  as  to  the  principal  officers  to  be  appointed  to  the 
army ;  and  he  transmitted  from  Mount  Vernon,  by  the  mail, 
the  general's  list,  containing  the  names  of  gentlemen  who  had 
served  in  the  Revolutionary  army,  and  designated  the  stations 
in  which  they  should  be  placed.  At  the  head  of  this  list,  and 
in  the  following  order,  were  the  names  of 

Alexander  Hamilton,  Inspector-General  and  Major-General. 
Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney,  Major-General. 
Henry  Knox,  Major-General. 

And  in  this  order  they  were  nominated  to  the  senate. 

The  Secretary  of  War  made  out  the  commissions  for  Hamil- 
ton first,  Pinckney  second,  and  Knox  third  major-general, 
and  sent  them  to  Quincy,  for  the  President's  signature.  He 
wrote  to  the  secretary  that,  in  his  opinion,  Knox  was  entitled 
to  rank  as  first  major-general,  Pinckney  as  the  second,  and 
Hamilton  as  the  third ;  and  directed,  that  if  General  Wash- 
ington should  concur  in  that  opinion,  he  should  conform  the 
commissions  to  that  order. 

Before  the  Secretary  of  War  could  have  written  to  and  re 
ceived  an  answer  from  General  Washington,  respecting  the 
order  in  which  the  three  major-generals  should  take  rank,  an- 
other letter  was  received  from  the  president,  peremptorily  re 
quiring  him  to  make  out  their  commissions  in  the  order  or 
Knox,  Pinckney,  Hamilton. 

Several  motives,  (continues  Mr.  Pickering,)  to  this  incor- 
rect conduct  of  President  Adams  may  be  assigned.  Prima- 
rily, his  unrelenting  hatred  of  Hamilto7i,  whom,  utterly  re- 
gardless of  the  public  interest  in  his  services,  he  would  have 


APPENDIX.  377 

driven  from  the  army,  by  degrading  him  from  the  rank  to 
which  his  merit  and  actual  appointment  entitled  hira.  Mr. 
Adams  has  been  unwearried  (continues  Mr.  I'ickering)  in  his 
attempts  to  degrade  Hamilton  in  the  eyes  of  his  fellow-citi- 
zens; he  has  been  so  indiscreet  as  to  deny  him,  whai  all  the 
world  beside  allow  him,  very  eminent  talents. 

In  his  thirteenth  letter,  daterl  May  29,  1809,  published  in 
the  Boston  Patriot,  Mr.  Adams,  speaking  of  his  favourite, 
Gerry,  as  one  of  the  ministers  to  negotiate  with  the  French 
republic,  against  whom  he  supposes  prejudices  had  been  enter- 
tained, says,  "  No  man  had  a  greater  share  in  propagating 
and  ditfusing  these  prejudices  against  Mr.  Gerry  than  Hamil- 
ton ;  lohetker  he  had  formerly  conceived  jealousies  against 
him  as  a  rival  candidate  for  the  secretaryship  of  the  treasury  ; 
for  Mr.  Gerry  was  a  financier,  and  had  been  employed  for 
years  on  the  treasury  in  the  old  Congress,  and  a  most  indefa- 
tigable member  too  :"  "that  committee  had  laid  the  founda- 
tion for  the  present  system  of  the  treasury,  and  had  organized 
it  almost  as  v\'ell."  "  I  know  that  the  officers  of  the  treasury, 
in  Hamilton's  time,  dreaded  to  see  him  rise  in  the  house  upon 
any  question  of  finance,  because  they  said  he  was  a  man  of 
so  much  influence  that  they  always  feared  he  would  discover 
some  error,  or  carry  some  point  against  them :  or  whether  he 
(Hamilton)  feared  that  Mr.  Gerry  would  be  President  of  the 
United  States  before  him,  I  know  not ! ! !" 

Mr.  Adams  in  a  letter  to  William  Cunningham,  Esq.,  dated 
Quincy,  September  27, 1809,  (Appendix),  says  "  It  is  demon- 
strative evidence  that  John  Adams's  Declaration  of  In- 
dependence, WAS  one  and  twenty  years  older  than 
Thomas  Jefferson's." 

In  a  letter  from  Mr.  Pickering  to  Mr.  Adams,  on  this  sub- 
ject, he  observes,  the  Declaration  of  Independence  contained 
few  new  ideas.  Mr.  Adams,  in  his  answer,  says,  not  one  ;  but 
he  thinks  the  best  parts  were  struck  out. 

The  following  from  Mr.  Pickering  to  Mr.  Adams  as  regards 
the  Declaration  of  Independence,  will  probably  give  the  reader 
some  new  ideas  on  the  introduction  and  passage  througb  Con- 
gress of  that  sacred  instrument  which  made  us  spring  into 


378  APPENDIX. 

existence  as  a  nation,  to  the  astonishment  of  the  European  world, 
unfettered,  free,  and  independent — which  has  caused  thou- 
sands, and  tens  of  thousands  from  the  old  world  to  make  this 
land  of  freedom  their  adopted  home,  where,  under  their  own 
vine  and  fig-tree,  they  sink  the  subject,  and  hail  as  free,  inde- 
pendent citizens. 


Extracts  from  a  letter,  dated   August  2,  1822,  from  Timothy  Pickering  to 
John  Adams,  formerly  President  of  the  United  States. 

"  As  no  act  of  the  Congress  of  the  Thirteen  United  Ameri- 
can Colonies  was  so  distinguished  as  that  by  which  their 
independence  of  Great  Britain  was  declared,  the  most  particu- 
lar history  of  that  transaction  will  probably  be  sought  for,  not 
merely  as  an  interesting  curiosity,  but  to  do  substantial  justice 
to  the  abilities  and  energy  of  the  leaders  in  that  great  measure." 

"  By  the  public  journals,  it  appears,  that  on  the  7th  of  June, 
1776,  'certain  resolutions  respecting  independency  were  moved 
and  seconded  ;'  and  that  on  the  10th,  the  first  resolution,  'that 
the  United  Colonies  are,  and  of  right  ought  to  be.  Free  and 
Independent  States,'  was  adopted  ;  and  the  next  day,  the 
committee  for  preparing  the  declaration  to  that  effect  was 
chosen,  consisting  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  Mr.  J.  Adams,  Mr.  Frank- 
lin, Mr.  Sherman,  and  Mr.  R.  R.  Livingston.  Mr.  Jefferson, 
being  first  on  the  list,  became  chairman." 

"  It  was  in  the  natural  order  of  proceeding,  for  the  com- 
mittee to  meet  and  discuss  the  subject ;  and,  after  mature 
deliberation,  to  decide  on  the  principles  or  propositions  which 
should  constitute  the  basis  of  the  declaration  ;  and  to  refer  the 
making  of  the  draught  to  the  chairman,  or  to  a  sub-committee." 

"  Some  years  ago,  a  copy  of  the  declaration,  as  reported  to 
Congress,  was  put  into  my  hands,  by  some  one  of  the  Lee 
family.  It  was  in  Mr.  Jefferson's  hand-writing,  and  enclosed 
in  a  short  letter  from  him  to  R.  H.  Lee,  together  with  a  copy 
of  the  declaration  as  amended  in  Congress.  The  amendments 
consisted  chiefly  in  striking  out ;  and  about  one  fourth  part  of 
the  whole  was  struck  out." — "  To  me,  the  alterations  made 
in  Congress,  seemed  important  and  substantial  amendments." 

"  After  all,  the  declaration  does  not  contain  many  new  ideas. 
It  is  rather  a  compilation  of  facts  and  sentiments  stated  and 
expressed,  during  the  preceding  eleven  years,  by  those  who 


APPENDIX.  379 

Avrote  and  vindicated  the  rights  of  the  colonies,  including  the 
proceedings  of  the  Congress  of  1774  ;  that  is,  from  the  year 
of  the  stamp  act  to  the  couimenceraent  of  the  war.  The  great 
merit  of  any  compilation  consists  in  the  lucid  and  forcible  ar- 
rangement of  the  matter.  The  reported  declaration  was 
evidently  enfeebled  by  its  redundancies." — "  I  have  thought  it 
desirable,  that  the  facts  in  this  case  should  be  ascertained. 
You  alone  can  give  a  full  statement  of  them,  to  be  communi- 
cated to  whom  you  think  proper.  To  arrive  at  truth,  and  to 
assure  to  every  one  his  just  portion  of  applause,  are  the  sole 
objects  of  these  remarks." 

"  On  the  6th  of  August,  Mr.  Adams  favoured  me  with  an 
answer  ;  and  was  pleased  to  communicate  to  me  this  short 
history  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  as  it  appears  in 
the  following  extract  from  his  letter  of  that  date  : — 

"  Mr.  Jefferson  came  into  Congress  in  June  1775,  and  brought 
with  him  a  reputation  for  literature,  science,  and  a  happy  talent 
at  composition.  Writings  of  his  were  handed  about,  remark- 
able for  their  peculiar  felicity  of  expression.  Though  a  silent 
member  in  Congress,  he  was  so  prompt,  frank,  explicit,  and 
decisive  upon  committees,  (not  even  Samuel  Adams  was  more 
so,)  that  he  soon  seized  upon  my  heart ;  and  upon  this  occasion, 
I  gave  him  ray  vote,  and  did  all  in  my  power  to  procure  the 
votes  of  others.  1  think  he  had  one  more  vote  than  any  other, 
and  that  placed  him  at  the  head  of  the  committee.  I  had  the 
next  highest  number,  and  that  placed  me  the  second. 

"  The  committee  met,  discussed  the  subject,  and  then  ap- 
pointed Mr.  Jefferson  and  me  to  make  the  draught ;  I  suppose, 
because  we  were  the  two  highest  on  the  list.  The  sub-com- 
mittee met.  Jefferson  proposed  to  me  to  make  the  draught. 
I  said,  '  I  will  not,  you  shall  do  it.'  (Then  follows  an  ami- 
cable altercation  on  this  point ;  but  Mr.  Adams  persisting  in 
his  refusal  to  make  the  draught) — 'Well,'  said  Jefferson, 
'if  you  are  decided,  I  will  do  as  well  as  I  can.'  '  Very  well ; 
when  you  have  drawn  it  up  we  will  have  a  meeting.'  A 
meeting  we  accordingly  had,  and  conned  the  paper  over.  I 
■was  delighted  wnth  its  high  tone,  and  the  flights  of  oratory 
•with  which  it  abounded,  especially  that  concerning  Negro  sla- 
very, which,  though  I  knew  his  Southern  brethren  would  never 
sufffer  to  pass  in  Congress,  I  certainly  never  would  oppose. 
There  were  other  expressions  which  I  w^ould  not  have  in- 


380  *  APPENDIX. 

serted  if  I  had  drawn  it  up  ;  particularly  that  which  called  the 
king  a  tyrant.  I  thought  this  too  personal  ;  for  I  never 
believed  George  to  be  a  tyrant  in  disposition  and  in  nature  : 
I  always  believed  him  to  be  deceived  by  his  courtiers  on  both 
sides  the  Atlantic,  and  in  his  official  capacity  only  cruel. 

"  I  thought  the  expression  too  passionate,  and  too  much 
like  scolding  for  so  grave  and  solemn  a  document ;  but  as 
Franklin  and  Sherman  were  to  inspect  it  afterwards,  I  thought 
it  would  not  become  me  to  strike  it  out.  I  consented  to  re- 
port it ;  and  do  not  now  remember  that  I  made  or  suggested 
a  single  alteration.  We  reported  it  to  the  committee  of  five. 
It  was  read  ;  and  I  do  not  remember  that  Franklin  or  Sher- 
man criticised  anything.  We  were  all  in  haste  :  Congress 
was  impatient ;  and  the  instrument  was  reported,  as  I  believe, 
in  Jefferson's  hand-writing,  as  he  first  drew  it.  Congress  cut 
off  about  a  quarter  part  of  it,  as  I  expected  they  would ;  but 
they  obliterated  some  of  the  best  of  it,  and  left  all  that  was 
exceptionable,  if  anything  in  it  was.  I  have  long  wondered 
that  the  original  draught  has  not  been  published.  I  suppose 
the  reason  is,  the  vehement  philippic  against  Negro  slavery. 
As  you  justly  observe,  there  is  not  an  idea  in  it  but  what  had 
been  hackneyed  in  Congress  for  two  years  before.  The  sub- 
stance of  it  is  contained  in  the  Declaration  of  Rights,  and  the 
violation  of  those  rights,  in  the  journals  of  Congress  in  1774. 
Indeed  the  essence  of  it  is  contained  in  a  pamphlet  voted  and 
printed  by  the  town  of  Boston  before  the  first  congress  met ; 
composed  by  James  Otis,  as  I  suppose,  in  one  of  his  lucid 
intervals,  and  pruned  and  polished  by  Samuel  Adams." 

"  Mr.  Jefferson,"  continues  Mr.  Pickering,  "  was  manifestly 
displeased  with  the  alterations  made  in  Congress,  in  his  draught 
of  the  declaration.  In  his  letter  of  July  8,  1776,  to  Richard 
Henry  Lee,  he  says  '  I  enclose  you  a  copy  of  the  Declaration 
of  Independence  as  agreed  to  by  the  house,  and  also  as  origi- 
nally framed.  You  will  judge  whether  it  is  the  better  or 
worse  for  the  '  critics.' — "  Far  from  being  worse,"  says  Mr. 
Pickering,  I  think  unprejudiced  readers  will  pronounce  the  al- 
terations and  amendments,  made  by  the  '  critics'  in  Congress, 
substantial  improvements ;  and  that  to  those  '  critics'  Mr. 
Jefferson  is  indebted  for  much  of  the  applause  which  has  been 
bestowed  upon  him  as  the  author  of  the  declaration." 

The  reader  can  now  form  his  own  opinion  as  to  the  assertion 


APPENDIX.  381 

made  by  Mr.  Adams  when  he  says,  "  It  is  demonstrative  evi- 
dence, That  John  Adams's  Declaration  of  Independence, 

WAS  ONE  AND  TWENTY  YEARS  OLDER  THAN  ThOMAS  JeF- 

ferson's." 

The  following  are  extracts  of  two  letters  from  William 
Cunningham  to  John  Adams,  which  will  give  the  reader  some 
little  knowledge  of  the  tirade  and  abuse  of  the  leading 
federalists,  in  1804,  toward  the  JefFersonian  democracy.  Mr. 
Cunningham,  it  would  appear,  after  two  years  of  industry  in 
pouring  out  his  vials  of  wrath  upon  President  Jefferson,  and 
the  democratic  party  generally,  calls  on  Mr,  Adams  for  a 
further  supply  in  order  to  annihilate  Mr.  Jefferson  at  the  then 
approaching  Presidential  canvass. 

"  I  wish"  says  Mr.  Cunningham  "  to  discover  every  arca- 
num that  would  be  of  use  to  develope  the  true  character  of 
the  Salt  Mountain  Philosopher.*  This  mountain  has  in- 
creased the  wonders  of  the  world  to  eight ;  and,  if  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son would  sink  a  tomb  in  a  part  of  it  for  himself,  it  might, 
better  than  being  a  Mummy,  preserve  his  body  and  memory 
through  succeeding  ages." 

"  But  to  return.  No  man  living  has  so  thorough  a  knowledge 
of  Mr.  Jefferson's  transactions  as  yourself.  It  is  necessary 
therefore,  to  the  perfection  of  my  plan,  that  I  should  assume 
the  confidence  to  apply  to  you  for  some  particulars.  If,  sir, 
to  promote  my  patriotic  purposes,  you  would  refer  me  to  in- 
teresting incidents  in  Mr.  Jefferson's  career,  I  promise  most 
seriously  that  no  indiscretion  or  unfaithfulness  in  me  shall  ex- 
pose or  abuse  your  goodness." 

"  Accept,  too,  dear  sir,  my  grateful  acknowledgments  for 
describing  the  causes  and  the  course  which  produce  and  guide 
the  leading  democrats.  I  read  with  avidity,  and  treasure  up 
with  care,  the  counsels  of  wisdom  and  experience.  The 
awful  spirit  of  democracy  was  never  so  prevalent,  nor  in  so 
great  progress  in  our  country,  as  at  the  present  day." 

"  Judge  Sullivan  is  as  great  a  trimmer  and  timeserver  as 
perhaps  can  be  found.  He  has  long  angled  in  the  dirt} 
water  of  democracy,  but  has  never  filled  his  net,  though  he 

*  Mr.  JefFerson 


382  APPENDIX. 

has  several  times  broken  it." — "  His  eye  has  been,  and  is 
steadily  fixed  on  the  chair  of  state.  At  first  he  courted  assist- 
ance from  the  clergy ;  but  now,  I  expect,  he  means  to  make  a 
push  upon  pure  Jacobinic  principles.  I  have  never  seen  any 
thing  from  his  hand  that  contained  so  much  designing  meanness 
as  his  '  Sketch  of  the  Life  of  Samuel  Adams.'  His  present 
nomination  unfolds  his  designs,  and  we  see  that  the  baits 
thrown  out  are  swallowed.  He  may  blame  his  friend  for  a 
most  unfortunate  designation  of  an  associate." — "  The  pon- 
derosity of  the  '  Marquis  of  Granby'  would  keep  any  one 
from  rising  who  is  attached  to  him.  The  '■sioeat,''  which 
*  our  General'  says  has  profusely  fallen  from  Jiis  face,  has- 
watered  many  a  plant  of  renown ;  but  the  fruits  of  them  all, 
are  not  worth  a  mess  of  green  peas,  and,  he  is  so  strongly 
tainted  with  the  cow-yard,  that  he  must,  I  think,  be  offensive _ 
in  the  council  chamber." — "  There  may  be  more  severity  than 
good  sense,  or  prudence,  in  these  remarks,  but  I  really  con- 
sider such  clod-pated  politicians  as  fit  subjects  for  the  most 
cutting  strokes." 

It  must  appear  to  the  reader  after  the  perusal  of  the  above 
extracts,  that  the  leaders  of  the  federal  aristocracy  in  the  early 
period  of  our  republic,  were  as  wholesale  in  their  gross  epi- 
thets towards  the  hard-fisted  mechanic  and  yeomen  of  the- 
land,  as  the  leaders  of  the  same  party  are  in  the  present  en- 
lightened age  on  the  eve  of  a  presidential  election ;  and  then 
as  now,  look  upon  the  bone  and  sinew  of  the  nation,  as  mere 
hewers  of  wood  and  drawers  of  water ;  slaves,  as  were  the 
Israelites  of  old,  under  Pharaoh,  compelled  to  make  brick 
without  straw,  or  suffer  the  consequences.  But  the  protecting 
hand  of  an  all-wise  Providence  was  spread  abroad,  and  the 
people  marched  in  triumph  from  bondage  to  the  promised  land. 
That  protecting  hand  continued  to  spread  until  it  waved  over 
the  Land  of  Promise,  the  Western  world,  when  it  was  or- 
dained all  should  be  free  and  equal,  and  tyranny  and  aristo- 
cracy known  only  by  name.  The  people,  the  democracy — were 
made  acquainted  with  thei  rights — their  power — and  knowing 
them,  determined  to  assert  them ;  they  did  so,  and  under  a 


APPENDIX.  383 

free  democratic  government  have  they  nobly  sustained  them- 
selves, and  become  a  mighty  people ;  and  while  the  same  pro- 
tecting hand  is  suspended  peacefully  over  the  land,  so  long 
will  they  continue  to  advance  until  Monarchs,  Tyrants,  and 
Aristocrats  shall  tremble  at  the  name  of  a  Democratic  Repub- 
lic, and  the  people  with  one  united  voice  cry,  Amen. 


Extracts  of  Letters  from  William  Cunningham  to  John  Adams,  dated  in 

1808,  '0. 

"  I  hope,  dear  sir,  that  when  the  great  acts  of  your  life 
shall  be  told  in  marble,  your  countrymen  will  recover  that  just 
estimation  of  your  worth  which  shall  consecrate  in  their  hearts, 
through  every  convulsive  scene,  the  spot  of  your  interment. 
I  have  a  voucher  in  the  majesty  of  virtue,  and  in  opposite 
examples,  for  asserting  that  it  will  be  so." — "  I  will  get  if  I 
can,  the  Salem  Gazette,  containing  the  anathemas  of  Deacon 
P.  In  the  old  block  I  may  see  the  nature  of  the  chip.  Of 
the  speech  of  the  '  straight  haired'  minister  plenipotentiary  to 
the  Indians,  I  have  only  some  indistinct  recollections.  I  would 
be  much  obhged  to  you  for  a  copy  of  it — I  shall  strictly 
analyze  its  bearings  on  the  orator's  character.  His  contempt 
for  Washington,  and  advocacy  of  French  fanaticism  are  facts 
which  unfortunately  are  unknown  to  the  public.  I  wish  my 
suspicions  were  obviated  or  confirmed,  that  his  far  famed  re- 
port to  Congress,  on  our  foreign  relations,  was  not  his  own 
unassisted  performance.  It  is  due  to  the  deservedly  laurelled 
head,  that  the  baldness  concealed  under  a  cardinal's  hat  should 
be  exposed." 

"  I  hope  that  this  evening  will  relieve  my  impatience  to  see 
the  speculations  you  have  written  in  opposition  to  the  opinions 
of  an  officer  whose  duty  it  was  to  faciHtate,  but  whose  con- 
tumacy embarrassed  your  administration.  I  had  seen  Lyon's 
letter,  and  had  waded  through  it.  When  I  turn  to  the 
journals  of  '98,  and  compare  the  treatment  of  him  then,  with 
the  estimation  of  him  now,  I  think  of  a  belle,  who,  in  the 
pride  of  accomplishments,  casts  her  eye  fastidiously  upon  a 
worthless  fellow,  but  who,  when  past  her  prime,  '  oversteps 
the  modesty  of  nature,  in  her  forwardness  to  encourage  his 
advances.    'Tis  a  mortifying  meanness  !  Lyon  has  been  called 


iJS4  APPENDIX. 

a  heast,  but  the  most  I  could  ever  make  of  him  was  a  chatter- 
ing paroquet.     JYoscifer  ex  sociis." 

"  Your  view  of  our  situation  in  .1798  is  fully  substantiated 
by  public  documents.  So  glorious  a  result  of  the  measures 
then  pursued,  ought  to  have  settled  them  forever  in  the  cabinet, 
and  in  the  bosom  of  every  American,  as  the  only  measures, 
designated  by  Heaven,  and  consecrated  by  experience,  for  the 
maintainance  of  our  maritime  right.  The  fortunate  issue,  sir, 
of  these  measures  to  your  own  fame,  is  a  subject  with  which 
I  am  too  full  not  to  fear  to  speak  to  you,  and  confine  myself 
within  allowable  hraits.  The  reduction  of  Directorial  hauteur 
to  a  compliance  with  your  own  conditions,  was  a  conquest 
which  no  other  cabinet  can  boast.  Your  declaration  in  your 
Message  to  Congress,  of  June  21,  '98,  that  you  "  would  not 
send  another  minister  to  France,  without  assurances  that  he 
would  be  received,  respected,  and  honoured  as  the  representa- 
tive of  a  great,  free,  powerful,  and  independent  nation,"  com- 
mitted you,  as  to  the  terms  upon  which  a  new  mission  would  be 
instituted.  I  derive  the  highest  satisfaction  from  the  direct 
information,  that  the  Directory  transmitted  to  you  the  most 
positive  assurances  in  various  ways,  both  official  and  unofficial, 
that  they  would  receive  your  ministers,  and  make  peace  on 
your  own  terms." 

"  I  know  not  when  my  sensibilities  have  ♦been  more  ex- 
quisitely touched,  than  they  were  by  the  perusal  of  your  fa- 
vour of  the  20th  inst.,  and  by  the  concluding  sentence  of 
your  letter  to  Messrs.  Wright  and  Lyman,  which  I  read  at 
the  same  time.  Thoroughly  sensible  as  I  am  of  the  wrong 
which  has  been  done  you,  I  am  yet  persuaded,  that  the  natu- 
ral effect  of  your  own  reflections  upon  it,  is  to  its  aggrava- 
tion, and  to  a  misconception  of  its  object — I  mean  with 
the  federal  party  at  large.  The  vehement  opposition  of  the 
leading  federalists  to  a  third  mission  to  France,  and  the  cold- 
ness with  which  they  requited  your  regard  to  your  high  re- 
sponsibility, were  the  most  unadvised  steps ;  their  effect  was 
to  cast  you,  and  overthrow  the  federal  cause  together.  Party 
spirit  is  uncounselable,  and  mischance  is  generally  the  con- 
sequence of  its  rashness.  So  nearly  equipoised  as  were  the 
parties,  equanimity  was  the  virtue  on  which  the  federalists 
could  alone  rely  to  preserve  their  preponderance.  That  you 
was  the  only  candidate  in  the  nation  which,  with  all  the  pru- 
dence they  could  exercise,  they  could  carry  into  the  presidency. 


APPENDIX.  385 

was  a  fact  well  understood  by  them,  and  their  conduct 
towards  you,  quadrated  at  last  with  that  impression.  At  the 
election  of  1800,  their  endeavours  in  your  favour  were  una- 
bated by  their  disapprobation  of  the  third  diplomatic  attempt 
to  adjust  our  differences  with  France.  From  the  advice,  very 
particularly  urged,  by  Hamilton  upon  the  electors,  to  give  an 
equal  vote  to  General  Pinckney,  it  may  be  suspected  that  in 
case  of  the  success  of  the  federal  ticket,  and  of  a  choice 
eventually  by  the  House  of  Representatives,  he  intended  to 
throw  his  influence  into  that  body  in  favour  of  the  Carolinian. 
But  the  great  body  of  the  people  would  have  spurned  this 
Machiavelian  stratagem.  It  was  you  and  you  only,  whom 
they  designated  for  tne  first  office  in  their  gift." 

"  Excepting  the  devices,  of  a  transient  duration,  which  were 
employed  to  hoodwink  the  public  respecting  the  reasons  you 
had  to  resort  again  to  negotiation  with  France  I,  cannot 
think  that,  even  with  the  rankest  Essex-Junto  men,  there  has 
ever  been  a  disposition  to  your  detraction ;  an  estimation  of 
your  worth  and  talents  bordering  on  devotion,  has  been  a 
common  sentiment.  Should  you  object  to  my  opinion  the 
splenetic  ebullitions  of  the  '  libeller'  Hamilton,  I  should  not 
be  disposed  to  retract  it.  I  have  no  disposition  to  depreciate 
the  talents  of  Hamilton — had  they  been  greater,  the  invec- 
tives in  his  '  letter'  could  not  have  been  sharpened  by  them." 

"  In  the  dialogue  with  Count  Diodati,  you  could  not  have 
avoided  the  consolation  of  the  reflection,  that,  if  in  the  strange 
contrariety  of  human  conduct,  you  should,  like  Aristides,  be 
banished  by  the  ostracism,  confined  like  Miltiades,  forced,  like 
Phocion,  to  the  poisonous  draught,  or  be  slain  like  Scipio, 
truth  would  soon  triumph  over  delusion,  and  perpetuate  in 
sculpture  its  irreversible  decisions.  Among  the  comforts  of 
this  world,  I  hope,  dear  sir,  that  you  will  yet  find  mingled  the 
ecstatic  one  of  knowing,  that  you  live  contemporaneously  with 
your  own  glory,  and  may  you  leave  the  world.  Vita  cedat 
uti  convivasatur." 

"  Confirmed,  by  your  coincidence,  in  the  correctness  of  my 
sentiments  concerning  the  federalists  in  general,  I  feel  my  con- 
fidence strengthened  in  the  soundness  of  my  knowledge  of 
some  of  their  late  leaders.  Alexander  Hamilton  was  their 
head  and  hope.  He  was  the  Messiah  under  whose  reign  a 
political  millennium  was  to  be  enjoyed.  Extravagant  enco- 
miums on  his  talents  had  lifted  my  estimation  of  him  to  a  lofty 
83 


386  APPENDIX. 

height ;  and  I  readily  confess,  that  in  some  interviews  I  had 
with  him  in  New  York,  the  prop  of  his  fame  of  a  capacious 
understanding  was  perspiciously  displayed.  It  is  the  pride  of 
his  friends  that  he  was  ambitious  :  but  that  this  passion  was 
in  him  kept  down  to  virtuous  emulation,  upon  which  alone 
they  can  exult,  is  not  so  evident. — The  testimony  of  General 
Washington,  in  his  favour,  if  not  extorted,  is  yet  not  unex- 
ceptionable. Washington,  like  yourself,  had  come  under  the 
displeasure  of  this  paragon  of  propriety,  and  a  threatening  of 
a  public  exposure  of  his  mistakes,  was  suspended  over  the 
head  of  Washington  like  the  sword  of  Damocles,  with  this 
difference,  that  it  should  fall,  not  on  falsehood,  but  on  indo- 
cility.  This  is  a  fact  unknown  to  the  public.  It  is  unknown, 
except  to  a  very  few  in  the  nation.  You,  sir,  know  what 
authority  I  have  for  the  declaration — General  Washington 
was  overawed  with  a  menace,  which  gave  you  but  the  more 
resolution." 

"  Amidst  the  heaviest  outpouring  which  may  be  supposed 
to  be  congregating  in  the  elements  of  human  vengeance,  I 
know  you  will  stand  like  a  conductor  of  electric  fluid,  which 
the  lightning  can  only  seize,  envelope,  and  rush  down  its  sides, 
but  which  it  leaves  uninjured  to  cool,  and  to  stand  again  with 
its  daring  points  amid  the  storm.  That  you  are  a  friend  to 
an  undivisible  union  of  the  states,  is  most  clearly  evinced  ;  and 
you  may  derive  from  your  concern  for  the  common  welfare, 
as  indisputable  a  right  as  was  possessed  by  Augustus  to  the 
honourable  and  endearing  title  of  the  Father  of  your  Country. 
It  was  then  because  Mr.  John  Quincy  Adams  had  given  the 
upstart  scribbler,  and  pedantic  mystagogue  Eaton,  his  deserts, 
that  he  spat  at  him  the  toady  poison  with  which  he  was  so 
much  distended." 

"  You  say,  /  know  not  the  history  of  Hamilton.  I  cer- 
tainly do  not,  if  your  portrait  shows  his  lineaments.  Of  the 
prostitution  of  power  to  the  brutal  purposes  of  sensual  gratifi- 
tion,  we  know,  to  the  disgrace  of  our  nature,  of  too  many 
instances.  Such  gross  declension  is  more  shocking  among  an 
infant  people  than  among  nations  gray  in  crime ;  as  vice  is 
more  odious  in  a  youth  than  in  a  hardened  sinner.  In  this 
view,  I  think  it  most  lamentable,  that  in  your  opinion  'the 
'panegyrical  orations  of  Ames  and  Otis — and  the  '  Funeral 
made  by  the  bankers  in  Boston'  for  Hamilton,  exceeded  in 


APPENDIX.  387 

atrocity  and  impiety,  Ihe  king's  brothel  of  Belvieu,  and  the 
Adonian  temple  of  Madame  Du  Barry." 

"  The' injidelity  of  the  worst  kind,  propagatedbp  him  in  onr 
army,  when  in  the  family  of  Washington,'  I  am  unacquainted 
with." 

"  You  say, '  I  have  never  read  Hamilton's  pamphlet,'  &c.  It 
was  circulated,  at  first,  among  his  confidential  friends,  one 
of  whom.  Judge  Bowne,  lent  it  to  me  the  day  he  received  it. 
You  have,  indeed,  been  the  target  for  the  poisoned  arrows, 
and  chewed  balls  of  malice,  envy,  and  revenge.  It  is  the  un- 
failing lot  of  all  greatness  to  be  so." 

"  In  answering  your  letter,  I  have  reserved  to  the  last  the 
concupiscence  of  Hamilton.  Knowing  the  impetus  you  felt 
when  speaking  of  Hamilton,  I  have  been  fearful  whether 
you  would  not  get  into  too  hot  a  temper,  and  thus  disease  your 
rebukes  with  the  fever  of  animosity.  I  have  thought  that 
you  would  have  been  safer  to  have  followed  Plato,  and  to 
have  said,  '  Speusippus,  do  you  beat  that  fellow,  for  I  am 
angry.'  But,  sir,  you  set  him  before  me  in  new  and  horrid 
odiousness.  Of  '  his  debaucheries  iii  JYew  York  and  Phila- 
delphia,^ of  '  his  audacious  and  unblushing  atteinpt  upon  ladies 
of  the  highest  rank  and  purest  virtue' — of  '  the  indignation 
ivith  which  he  has  been  spurned'' — and  of  '  the  inquietude  he 
has  given  to  the  first  families'  I  never  before  heard  a  word. 
If  he  was  all  this  he  was  abandoned  beyond  reclamation. 
Candor  and  charity  must  be  dumb  in  his  excuse.  Avouch, 
sir,  all  this  to  be  true,  and  I  shall  consider  myself  bound  by 
all  my  duties  to  my  family,  to  virtue,  to  my  country,  and  to 
heaven,  to  dress  him  in  a  suit  from  the  devil's  wardrobe,  and 
hold  him  up  to  the  execration  of  mankind.  In  his  '  Remarks, 
explanatory  of  his  conduct,  motives  and  views'  in  meeting 
Burr,  written  the  day  before  the  interview — and  in  his  will, 
he  speaks  with  the  most  moving  tenderness  of  his  '  wife  and 
children.'  In  his  last  hour,  according  to  Dr.  Moore,  he  was 
collected,  tranquil,  and  resigned  as  Addison — if  there  had 
ever  been  a ,  I  should  be  confounded." 

"  You  propose  to  give  me  an  account  of  '  his  talents  and 
services  in  another  letter.'  I  wish  to  see  a  connected  chain  of 
these  services,  and  their  magnitude  ;  since  it  has  been  an- 
nounced by  Coleman  that  years  are  to  be  occupied  by  some 
best  gifted  genius  in  penning  his  life." 

"  You   have   fully  and   forcibly  described  the  impulse  by 


388  APPENDIX. 

which  the  heads  of  a  faction  are  hurried  on,  in  your  exami- 
nation of  Needham's  Right  Constitution  of  a  Comraonwealth, 
as  I  find  in  the  third  volume  of  your  Defence  of  the  Consti- 
tutions of  the  United  States,  page  278,  London  edition — 

"  Constitution  f  ■power,'"  you  observe,  "  in  the  same  persons 
and  families,  will  as  certainly  take  place  in  a  simple  democra- 
cy, or  a  democracy  by  representation,  as  in  an  hereditary 
aristocracy  or  monarchy.  The  continuation  will  be  certain,  but 
it  will  be  accomplished  by  corruption,  which  is  worse  than  a 
continuation  by  birth;  and  if  corruption  cannot  effect  the  con- 
tinuation, sedition  and  rebellion  will  be  resorted  to.  For  a  de- 
graded, DISAPPOINTED,  RICH,  AND  ILLUSTRIOUS  FAMILY  V70ULD  AT 
ANY  TIME  ANNIHILATE  HEAVEN  AND  EARTH,  IF  IT  COULD,  RATHER 
THAN  FAIL  OF  CARRYING  ITS  POINT." 

"  In  your  letter  to  the  printers  of  the  Patriot  of  June  10th, 
'09,  in  the  enumeration  of  the  opposition  and  embarrassments 
you  had  to  overcome,  you  inserted  'from  that  large  body 
of  Americans  who  revere  the  English.''  In  the  review  of 
the  works  of  Fisher  Ames,  by  my  friend  John  Q.  Adams,  1 
saw  that  Ames  was  considered  as  one  of  the  principals  of  such 
a  body — and  in  the  answer  of  Mr.  Jefferson  of  the  3d  ult. 
(May)  to  the  address  of  the  repubhcan  citizens  of  the  city 
and  county  of  New  York,  I  noticed  a  very  plain  insinuation 
that  the  opposition  to  the  Embargo  and  its  supplementary 
measures,  was  induced  entirely  by  a  predilection  in  the  opposers 
for  another  country  than  their  own.  Laying  these  and  many 
things  of  the  same  complexion  together,  I  could  not  but  re- 
gard the  sentence  I  quoted  from  your  last  letter  as  coming, 
'point  from  point  to  the  full  arming  of  the  verity,'  that  our 
country,  the  land  of  proud  freemen,  was  become  in  great  ex- 
tent, but  pasturage  for  the  progeny  of  foreign  kine." 

"  A  subject  of  great  delicacy  I  have  thought  I  would  take 
the  liberty  to  mention.  It  is  no  less  than  to  offer  you  some 
advice  respecting  your  treatment  of  Hamilton,  when  you  shall 
again  resume  the  consideration  of  his  conduct.  It  is  a  trans- 
gression of  a  rule,  to  give  counsel  unasked,  but  I  am  stimu- 
lated beyond  subjection  to  rules  by  what  was  suggested  to  me 
by  your  son,  when  I  was  at  Quincy.  He  said  that  when  you 
entered  again  on  that  topic  '  the  little'  (using  some  harsh  epi- 
thet) '  would  have  it,'  meaning,  undoubtedly,  that  he  would 
be  lashed  with  severity.     Eut,  my  dear  sir,  if  you  mean  to 


APPENDIX.  389 

give  weight  to  your  animadversions,  should  they  not  be  stated 
with  calmness  and  candour?  Let  it  be  admitted  that  he  de- 
served to  be  treated  as  a  stigmatic — let  it  be  admitted  that  he 
took  the  example  of  Semiramis  for  proof  that  sensuality  was 
connected  with  talents  for  governing,  but  recollected  from  the 
same  example,  that  it  may  be  the  associate  of  injustice  and 
inhumanity — let  it  be  admitted,  that  the  marble  mausoleum 
erected  to  his  memory  in  New  York,  should  wear  nothing  but 
the  indecent  figures  that  Sesostris  ordered  to  be  sculptured  on 
certain  pyramids — let  it  be  admitted  that  he  was  officious, 
assuming,  ambitious,  and  a  libeller,  yet,  injured  as  you  feel 
yourself,  what  point  can  you  possibly  give  your  pen  beyond  a 
very  candid  and  unruffled  statement  of  such  facts  as  will  con- 
duct the  public  mind  to  a  just  determination  ?  Such  a  de- 
termination cannot  eventally  be  avoided.  This  truth  should 
be  your  consolation ;  it  is  the  consolation  of  integrity,  and  the 
affliction  of  vice,  that  '  the  final  impartiality  of  the  public' 
will  appear  through  every  art  that  can  be  employed  to  blacken 
or  to  brighten," 

"  Pardon,  great  sir,  this  freedom — if  you  judge  me  rude, 
judge  me  friendly.  '  There  is  a  silence  of  such  magnitude, 
energy,  decision,  as  to  be  singly  worth  a  whole  Hfe  of  some 
men.'  I  did  regret  that  you  broke  this  silence  with  regard  to 
the  person  in  view ;  but  as  I  have  no  right  to  judge  until  I 
shall  see  the  finale,  I  shall  suspend  my  conclusion,  and  I  hope 
to  be  satisfied  that  in  breaking  it,  you  imparted  to  your 
countrymen  the  coup  d'oeil,  enabhng  them  distinctly  to  discern, 
even  through  the  mists  of  party,  the  abode  of  truth." 

"  I  agree  with  Burke,  '  that  no  government  ever  yet 
perished  from  any  other  direct  cause  than  its  own  weakness ;' 
and  I  agree  with  you  where  you  say,  in  your  Defence  of  the 
Constitutions  of  the  United  States,  '  It  has  been  the  common 
people,  and  not  the  gentlemen,  who  have  established  simple 
monarchies,  all  over  the  world.  The  common  people,  ao-az/ii'^ 
the  ^en</ewe?i, established  a  simple  monarchy  in  Caesar  at  Rome, 
in  the  Medici  at  Florence,  and  are  now  in  danger  of  doing  the 
same  thing  in  Holland.'  They  have  done  it — and  are  they 
not  in  danger  of  doing  the  same  thing  in  Jljnerica  ?" 

"When  I  consult  the  claims  of  affection,  I  think  on  those 
who  have  sacrificed  their  children  for  their  country.  Are  we 
more  under  the  calves  of  John  Bull  than  when  George  Washing- 
ton was  President,  John  Adams  Vice  President,  and  John  Jay 


390  APPENDIX. 

Chief  Justice?  Are  we,  suffer  me  with  all  plainness  to  ask, 
are  we  nearly  so  much  under  that  catfish  influence  as  when 
you  yourself  was  President  ?  I  build  this  inquiry  on  the  ar- 
guments which  you  repeatedly  and  publicly  employed,  not 
only  to  overthrow  the  prejudice  existing  against  Great  Britain, 
but  to  show  that  she  would  not  receive  our  voluntary  submis- 
sion. Who,  yourself  excepted,  ever  went  so  far  as  this? 
There  are,  in  your  letters,  many  things  of  a  jocose,  of  a 
serious,  and  of  a  very  delicate  nature,  which  I  have  no  wish, 
nor  any  warrantable  cause  to  let  loose  from  confinement." 


From  the  foregoing  extracts  of  letters  from  William  Cun- 
ningham, Esq.,  to  his  friend  and  relative  the  late  President 
John  Adams,  will  be  seen  by  the  reader,  the  deep  rooted 
hatred  of  the  latter  toward  the  late  Colonel  Alexander  Hamil- 
ton, whom  he  always  suspected  (and  it  will  be  observed  not 
without  cause)  as  being  the  instrument  of  a  cabal  of  political 
aspirants  in  preventing  his  re-election  to  the  Presidential 
chair  in  1801.  It  will  be  seen  also,  that  Mr.  Adams  charges 
Col.  Hamilton  with  wire-pulling  "  behind  the  scene,'"  and 
secret  intriguing  influence  among  the  members  of  his  cabinet, 
endeavouring  to  thwart  him  in  carrying  out  highly  important 
measures  connected  with  foreign  powers,  in  order  to  lower  him 
in  the  estimation  of  the  people  on  the  eve  of  an  important 
election,  thereby  sending  him  into  retirement ;  doubtless  hoping 
amid  the  conflicting  political  elements  that  then  agitated  the 
country,  he  would  gain  the  envied  prize  for  which  he  had  so 
long  laboured  in  the  political  vineyard,  and  for  which  he  had 
made  so  many  sacrifices  of  honour  and  fortune. 

Among  the  political  /mights  contending  for  the  crown,  was 
Colonel  Aaron  Burr,  an  antagonist  of  no  small  prowess  ;  who, 
on  first  entering  the  hsts  resolved  on  the  death  or  downfall  of 
his  opponent  Hamilton,  more  for  revenge  of  a  long  standing 
in  a  delicate  affair,  than  for  the  envied  and  much  desired 
crown.  His  antagonist  fell.  New  York  and  the  federal  party 
mourned  for  their  leading  champion — their  Goliah  was  no 


APPENDIX.  391 

more.  Mr.  Adams  on  receiving  the  news  of  the  death  of  his 
enemy,  seized  his  pen  as  it  appears,  to  write  an  epitaph  on 
his  departed  foe,  to  be  blazoned  and  heralded  abroad  through 
the  land  ;  but  his  friend  and  correspondent  Cunningham,  ad- 
vises and  cautions  him  to  pause  and  reflect — to  lay  aside  his 
pen  already  nibbed  and  dipped  in  the  gall  of  malignancy,  &c. 
as  the  reader  wdll  perceive  in  the  above  extracts,  which  have 
been  selected  by  the  editor  as  an  appendix  to  this  volume,  for 
reasons  before  assigned ;  also,  believing  the  present  enlightened 
generation  will  be  interested  in  the  perusal  of  writings  and 
political  sentiments  of  distinguished  politicians  now  no  more, 
who  figured  so  conspicuously  in  the  early  period  of  our 
republic. 

In  conclusion,  the  editor  will  further  observe,  that  in  pre- 
senting this  volume  to  his  fellow  citizens  he  considers  it 
the  only  important  link  wanting  to  complete  the  great  political, 
historical  Presidential  chain ;  and  he  is  influenced  by  no  other 
motive,  than  a  deep  solicitude  for  the  welfare  of  our  rising, 
mighty  republic,  and  an  anxious  wish,  that  its  institutions  and 
liberties  may  be  transmitted  to  an  interminable  futurity.  And, 
lastly,  he  deems  it  an  imperative  obligation  upon  every  citizen 
of  this  great  and  free  nation  to  contribute,  according  to  his 
means,  to  the  preservation  and  glory  of  this  invaluable  in- 
heritance. ^ 


392 


APPENDIX. 


NOTE. 

Since  the  publication  of  the  first  edition  of  this  work,  the  editor 
has  received  from  an  authentic  source,  the  following  list,  being  a 
portion  of  the  names  of  those  who  resided  in  Bucks  and  North- 
ampton Counties,  Pennsylvania,  who  were  proscribed,  fined,  and 
imprisoned  in  1798,  a  period  better  known  as  \\\e  reign  of  terror, 
for  daring,  as  freemen,  to  express  publicly  their  Democratic  Prin- 
ciples under  a  Federal  Administration. 

The  descendants  of  this  proscribed  list  of  patriots  will  rejoice 
in  knowing,  that  through  such  stern,  unflinching  friends  of  their 
common  country,  the  aristocratic  proscription  party  were  igno- 
minious! y  hurled  from  their  high  places,  and  the  banner  of  re- 
publicanism floated  proudly  and  in  triumph  from  the  outer  walls, 
proclaiming  to  the  people  by  signs  not  to  be  misunderstood,  that 
incarceration  for  opinion's  sake,  should  be  heard  of  no  more  in 
the  young  Republic. 


NAMES. 

FINE. 

IMPRISONMENT 

John  George  Schaffer, 

$600 

12  months. 

Daniel  Schnearly, 

400 

8       " 

Christian  Ruth, 

200 

8       " 

Henry  Stahler, 

200 

8       " 

Henry  Shiffert, 

50 

8       " 

Conrad  Maix, 

800 

2  years. 

Valentine  Kuder, 

200 

2       " 

Jacob  Eyerman, 
Michael  Smyer, 

50 
400 

1  year. 
6  months. 

Henry  Schmidt, 
Philip  Ruth,       - 
John  Eberhart, 

200 
200 
100 

6       ' 
6       ' 
6       ' 

John  Huber,       ... 

150 

6       ' 

Christian  Sax, 

200 

6       ' 

John  Klem,  jr.. 

100 

6       ' 

Daniel  Klem,     ... 

150 

6       ' 

Jacob  Klem, 

150 

6       ' 

Adam  Brush,     - 

150 

6       ' 

G.  Mernberger, 

150 

6       ' 

George  Gilman, 
William  Gilman, 

100 
100 

6       ' 
6       • 

Abraham  Schatntz,    - 

100 

4       ' 

H.  Mernberger, 
Peter  Hager, 
Abraham  Tamsel, 

100 

100 

50 

4       ' 
4       ' 
3       ' 

P.  Hunlyberger, 
Peter  Gabel, 

50 
40 

3       ' 

2       ' 

Daniel  Gabel,     - 

40 

2       < 

Jacob  Gabel,     - 

40 

2       ' 

4.   The  Suppressed  History  of  the  Administration  of 

John  Adams,  as  printed  and  suppressed  in  1802,  by  John 
Wood.  Now  republished  with  Notes  and  Appendix  b}'^  John 
H.  Sherburne.  Portrait.  12mo,  cloth  (some  pages  water- 
stained).  Phila.  1846 
*  Scarce. 


